Italy

Italy performs relatively poorly (rank 22) in the category of vertical accountability.

Elections are free, fair and competitive. All parties can operate freely, and media access is generally unbiased. Women must make up at least 40% of parties’ electoral lists. All citizens, including those abroad, have the right to vote. Candidates are subject to spending limits based on constituency size.

Two-thirds of representatives are elected in multimember districts, and one-third in single-member districts. Parties must win 3% of the vote to enter parliament. Implementation of freedom of information laws varies significantly across government departments.

The current Meloni-led government is considered to be the first post-WWII radical right-wing government in Western Europe. Meloni has sought to moderate her party’s positions, but grassroots members retain extreme positions. The coalition faces internal polarization, and compromises with the opposition have been difficult to reach.

In the category of diagonal accountability, Italy scores relatively poorly (rank 24).

The constitution protects the freedom of expression, including speech, writing and media. A recent court ruling removed the threat of imprisonment for defamation through the press. Governing parties have strong influence over Italy’s public broadcaster. Media market concentration remains substantial, though it is diminishing in some areas.

Assembly rights are guaranteed, but prior notice must be given to authorities. The influence of trade unions and employers’ associations on decision-making has weakened over time. They continue to be consulted by governments, but participation tends to be informal and unregulated.

Social welfare organizations have more influence at the regional and local levels than at the national level. Environmental organizations are regularly consulted by the government, although this can take somewhat symbolic form.

Italy performs relatively poorly (rank 22) in the area of horizontal accountability.

The Court of Audit is an independent judicial body. Following recent political tensions, it has lost some review powers. The data protection authority has broad powers, but limited financial resources and politized appointments have hindered its effectiveness.

The judiciary enjoys a robust autonomy protecting it from political interference. Court proceedings are often slow. Overcrowded prison conditions have raised human rights concerns. Implementation of antidiscrimination provisions remains uneven. Corruption remains a pervasive problem within the administration.

Increasingly strict anti-migration laws have raised humanitarian concerns. Critics say an agreement to transfer some migrants to Albania may violate national and EU laws. The legislature has sufficient resources and powers to carry out its monitoring functions, but has lost influence relative to the executive in recent years.

In the category of coordination, Italy falls into the sample’s lower-middle ranks (rank 20).

The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) has gained influence in recent years, increasingly coordinating ministerial policies. On key issues, the PMO engages in comprehensive consultation with ministries throughout the drafting process. Despite taking more power, the PMO has limited technical and analytical capacities.

Interministerial committees facilitate the exchange of information and opinions on draft policy solutions. Informal meetings between ministerial cabinet heads and the political parties in the governing coalition are common.

Coordination and consultation mechanisms with regions and municipalities include several formal multilevel bodies. Minimum service-level standards are sparse, with healthcare being the primary area in which such standards have been clearly designed and somewhat implemented.

Italy falls into the bottom ranks internationally (rank 27) with regard to consensus-building.

The country lacks a strong tradition of regular consultation with nongovernmental scientists. Advice is provided by a small group of partisan experts chosen by the prime minister and ministers, while independent experts are rarely consulted transparently.

The relationship between the government and capital and labor representatives has deteriorated over the years. Trade unions and major manufacturers are only sporadically involved in policymaking. Social welfare and environmental CSOs have more influence at the local and regional levels than at the national level.

The government does not have a comprehensive policy for making information accessible to citizens in a way that facilitates accountability. There is no comprehensive data governance framework, and existing data portals are not designed for interactive feedback or communication with the public.

Italy performs relatively poorly (rank 26) in the category of sensemaking.

The country lacks dedicated units for strategic foresight and anticipatory innovation at the central level. The central government does not engage in strategic planning using multiple scenarios, leaving it unprepared for future challenges.

Regulatory impact assessments (RIAs) are required for all ministry proposals, with the Prime Minister’s Office overseeing the process. Although compliance has improved, the quality of RIAs varies. Independent authorities tend to produce sound RIAs, but those by ministries are often formalistic. Sustainability criteria are not a strong focus.

While ex post evaluations are required by law, such assessments are carried out in a nonsystematic and usually partisan manner. However, the Court of Auditors does produce high-quality evaluations of existing policies.

Italy performs relatively poorly (rank 26) in the area of economic sustainability.

It is a leader in the circular economy within the EU, but this largely applies to the country’s north. Infrastructure quality issues persist, but cybersecurity has become a top priority. Efforts to reach the current emissions-reduction goal are behind schedule. The Meloni government has sought to lower emissions-reduction and renewable energy targets.

Basic income and employment policies have been reformed numerous times in recent years. Active labor market policies remain weak. A well-structured system of unemployment benefits covers most types of workers.

The tax system is strained by high public spending and interest on the significant national debt. Tax evasion is a serious problem. Deficits have fallen, but slow growth has hampered attempts to reduce debt. Italy was the only eurozone country to oppose European Stability Mechanism reform in 2023.

In the area of social sustainability, Italy scores relatively poorly (24) in international comparison.

The education system is primary public, with tuition fees charged only at the tertiary level. Expenditure per pupil at all education levels is below the OECD and EU averages. There is a significant divide between northern and southern regions with regard to student preparation, university attendance and learning outcomes.

Italy’s national health system offers universal coverage. Services are generally of medium to high quality, but vary between regions. Wealthier individuals in the south often rely on private healthcare services. Family networks remain the most important instrument of social protection, with families often helping young people afford housing. The poverty rate is rising.

The gender pay gap is low, but employment rates among women are low, with very significant regional variation. Preschool care is often provided by family members. Family policy beyond generous maternity leave provisions is limited. Migration is a tense political issue, with right-wing parties using xenophobic rhetoric. Immigration laws have been repeatedly tightened.

Italy falls into the sample’s middle ranks (rank 15) with regard to environmental sustainability.

While the country has a complex set of climate-change policies, its current plans have been criticized by the EU Commission and environmental groups. The Meloni government has reduced emissions-reduction targets to below EU-legislated levels.

Emissions reductions in key sectors had fallen by 25% in 2022 as compared 1990, well below the EU average of 32%. The current budget law continues to offer significant subsidies and incentives for fossil fuels.

The current biodiversity protection strategy builds on a partially successful predecessor, but lacks clear accountability and strong policy coordination. Italy has played a supportive role in international climate change forums. The Meloni government has delayed the use of financial resources for global environmental protection.