Poland

Poland falls into the bottom ranks (rank 29) in the category of vertical accountability.

The October 2023 parliamentary elections were free but not fully competitive. The governing Law and Justice (PiS) party used state resources and media to support its campaign. A government-initiated referendum also blurred the line between state and party, raising campaign finance concerns.

The election process was efficient, with minimal irregularities, despite the lack of campaign finance transparency. The political landscape is divided between populists, led by PiS, and anti-populists, represented by the Civic Coalition, the Third Way and the Left. Although PiS won the most votes it could not form a majority government.

Parliaments are elected for a four-year term using proportional representation with a 5% threshold for entry. While citizens have the right to access public information, PiS government authorities refused this right to anti-government media.

Poland falls into the bottom ranks (rank 29) in the area of diagonal accountability.

The PiS-led government strongly undermined media independence. A new media regulator cracked down on critical broadcasters, and the public media became propaganda platforms for the government. Abusive litigation and financial penalties were used as key strategies to weaken critical private media and encourage self-censorship among journalists.

Poles can freely join independent political and civic groups. However, civil dialogue in Poland deteriorated under the PiS, with pro-government organizations receiving favorable treatment. Major demonstrations in 2023 supporting opposition parties occurred with fewer arbitrary violations of citizens’ rights than in previous years.

Major union and employer groups participate in the Social Dialogue Council with the government. However, the PiS government paid little attention to proposals from the broader civil sector, with the exception of the Solidarność union, which was led by pro-government figures.

In the category of vertical accountability, Poland falls into the sample’s bottom ranks (rank 29).

The Supreme Audit Office oversees a broad range of government entities. The Personal Data Protection Office has been headed by a PiS ally whose term was not renewed by the Senate, as the office did not fulfill key functions under his leadership.

The country has undergone a rule-of-law crisis for numerous years. PiS legal reforms strongly undermined the independence of the judiciary. The EU imposed sanctions, demanding compliance with judicial independence rules. In late 2023, the new justice minister blocked many newly appointed judges from adjudicating, signaling compliance with EU rulings.

Civil rights faced setbacks under the PiS government, with LGBTQ+ activists and community members facing significant discrimination. Sexual and reproductive rights have been curtailed. The PiS politicized the judiciary and administration and shifted considerable spending outside the official budget. Anticorruption policy was deemed to be chaotic and poorly coordinated.

Poland falls into the sample’s bottom ranks (rank 28) in the area of coordination.

The Chancellery evaluates policy proposals using a team of experts and advisers. Under the PiS government, it centralized control over policy proposals from line ministries, ensuring that they aligned with government priorities. These priorities were often coordinated by PiS party head Jarosław Kaczyński, leader of the PiS party, rather than by the prime minister.

Under the PiS government, informal meetings with Kaczyński at the PiS headquarters frequently shaped important political decisions, bypassing formal coordination processes within the ministerial structure. Interministerial committees are common. The incoming government’s first such team was tasked with restoring the rule of law and constitutional order.

Poland’s decentralized territorial structure, which includes voivodeships, counties, and municipalities, has historically been considered highly effective. However, the PiS government gradually centralized control, including over municipalities’ revenues, sparking tensions between central and subnational authorities.

Poland falls into the bottom ranks (rank 28) in the category of consensus-building.

The PiS government’s reliance on independent expert opinions was inconsistent. The government frequently prioritized ideological criteria over merit-based decisions, particularly in appointing key officials and formulating policies. Major infrastructure projects were criticized by experts for being economically inefficient, but these concerns were ignored.

Consultation processes under the PiS government lacked transparency and were infrequent, limiting the involvement of capital and labor organizations. Cooperation with major organizations was based on political alignment, thus giving disproportionate voice to the pro-government Solidarność union, for example.

Social welfare organizations and other civil society groups also experienced irregular consultation at various levels, with minimal influence. Environmental groups have had greater impact at local levels. An open data policy has led to a user-friendly data portal providing access to national and regional data with minimal delays in publication.

Poland is the SGI 2024’s worst performer (rank 30) in the category of sensemaking.

The Chancellery’s Government Center for Analysis has played a key role in foresight and strategic planning, providing critical analyses for public policies. Specialized bodies aligned with the PiS government’s ideology were established or reshaped to support policy formation. Strategic foresight and anticipatory innovation were not regarded as key skills for civil servants.

Regulatory impact assessments (RIAs) are mandatory in the Polish legislative process. However, although legal requirements were met under the PiS government, the use of consultative bodies under the PiS government was selective, and no independent body was tasked with assessing RIA quality.

Poland lacks a separate sustainable development strategy, and sustainability checks are not required in RIAs. Ex post evaluations of policies have been rare, with only 20 evaluations conducted in the 2022 – 2023 period.

In the category of economic sustainability, Poland performs relatively poorly in international comparison (rank 25).

Circular economy remains in the early stages. The circularity rate has declined, while waste generation has increased. A legal framework is in place for managing critical infrastructure across various sectors. Renewable energy development has been slow. The country strongly relies on fossil fuels, and the government has been hesitant to downsize the coal industry.

Unemployment rates are low. Labor market support measures primarily center on intervention works and public works, which focus on unemployed manual workers. The minimum wage was recently increased. Social insurance includes pensions, disability and sickness benefits, and accident insurance.

A post-pandemic tax reform lowered income tax rates and increased allowances. Firms are now subject to a minimum tax rate. Emissions-intensive vehicles are not taxed. Debt levels are moderate, but expenses have been shifted to special funds to avoid deficit rules. R&D spending has increased.

Poland performs relatively poorly in international comparison (rank 25) in the area of social sustainability.

Public spending on education has declined in recent years. Increasingly strict state control and low pay have made it difficult to attract new teachers. Childcare has been a key focus, with more than 90% of children 3 and above enrolled as of 2021.

Anti-poverty measures have been another strong focus. The government froze household energy prices, and offered low-interest loans for housing, with limited success. Healthcare quality is improving, but the system is underfunded, with many hospitals facing financial problems and staffing shortages. Private health insurance is becoming more popular.

Gender inequalities are diminishing largely due to socioeconomic changes. Government policy has emphasized traditional family roles, offering generous family financial benefits. Millions of Ukrainians have entered the country during the war, and have been granted work permits and social benefits. The PiS otherwise framed migration as a threat to national identity and security.

Poland is the SGI 2024’s worst performer (rank 30) in the area of environmental sustainability.

The state’s climate strategy aims for a long-term path of low emissions by 2040, but lacks a deadline for climate neutrality. It contains modest goals for 2030, including an increase in the renewables share from 21% to 23%. Observers say the country’s actual emissions are likely to significantly overshoot targets under current trajectories.

The country has opposed key EU climate regulations since 2015. Despite EU obligations, no independent bodies oversee climate policy progress in Poland. The 2030 National Environmental Policy focuses on numerous areas of conversation and sustainability, but air quality and waste management remain particular areas of concern.

Poland currently exceeds EU averages with regard to quantities of protected land and marine territory. However, balancing conservation efforts with industrial and agricultural needs remains challenging. The PiS government did not prioritize international environmental commitments in its foreign policy.