Quality of Democracy
#1Key Findings
With its unmatched set of strengths, Sweden is the SGI 2022’s top overall scorer (rank 1) with regard to democracy quality. Its score on this measure is unchanged relative to its 2014 level.
Electoral processes are very well regulated. Political parties receive public and private funding, with recent legislation having increased the transparency of this financing. Media independence is well protected, and the sector is competitive, with online media taking on increasing importance. Access to government information is broad, with much of it posted online.
Civil rights are firmly respected. Constitutional prohibitions on curbing citizens’ mobility blocked the ability to impose lockdowns or curfews during the pandemic. Organized crime is becoming an increasing problem in metropolitan regions, leading to infringement of individual freedoms by private actors. Rising levels of antisemitism are seen as a concern.
The rule of law is quite strong, and corruption is very rare, through reports of office abuse at the local level occasionally emerge. Court appointments are strictly meritocratic, and the legal system is characterized by a high degree of transparency.
Electoral processes are very well regulated. Political parties receive public and private funding, with recent legislation having increased the transparency of this financing. Media independence is well protected, and the sector is competitive, with online media taking on increasing importance. Access to government information is broad, with much of it posted online.
Civil rights are firmly respected. Constitutional prohibitions on curbing citizens’ mobility blocked the ability to impose lockdowns or curfews during the pandemic. Organized crime is becoming an increasing problem in metropolitan regions, leading to infringement of individual freedoms by private actors. Rising levels of antisemitism are seen as a concern.
The rule of law is quite strong, and corruption is very rare, through reports of office abuse at the local level occasionally emerge. Court appointments are strictly meritocratic, and the legal system is characterized by a high degree of transparency.
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How fair are procedures for registering candidates and parties?
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Legal regulations provide for a fair registration procedure for all elections; candidates and parties are not discriminated against.
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A few restrictions on election procedures discriminate against a small number of candidates and parties.
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Some unreasonable restrictions on election procedures exist that discriminate against many candidates and parties.
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Discriminating registration procedures for elections are widespread and prevent a large number of potential candidates or parties from participating.
Candidates are selected and ranked within the party organizations with essentially no public rules guiding the process. Political representation in Sweden is overwhelmingly collective representation (Karlsson and Gilljam, 2014). Since 1998, voters have had the ability to indicate preferences not just for a particular party but also for specific candidates. Despite this, voters tend to vote for parties rather than for individual candidates. This culture of representation gives parties a central role in candidate selection. Against that backdrop it is perhaps not very surprising that indicating preferences for specific candidates has, with a few exceptions, not had a major impact on outcomes (Oscarsson and Holmberg 2014). Finally, voters increasingly identify with a coalition of parties rather than one individual political party (Einhorn and Logue, 2003).
Citations:
Einhorn, Eric S, and John Logue. 2003. “Modern Welfare States: Scandinavian Politics and Policy in the Global Age.” 2nd ed. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Karlsson, David, and Michael Gilljam. 2014. “Svenska Politiker. Om de Folkvalda i Riksdag, Landsting och Kommun.” Stockholm: Santérus.
Oscarsson, Henrik, and Sören Holmberg. 2014. “Svenska Väljare.” Stockholm: Wolters Kluwer.
Citations:
Einhorn, Eric S, and John Logue. 2003. “Modern Welfare States: Scandinavian Politics and Policy in the Global Age.” 2nd ed. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Karlsson, David, and Michael Gilljam. 2014. “Svenska Politiker. Om de Folkvalda i Riksdag, Landsting och Kommun.” Stockholm: Santérus.
Oscarsson, Henrik, and Sören Holmberg. 2014. “Svenska Väljare.” Stockholm: Wolters Kluwer.
To what extent do candidates and parties have fair access to the media and other means of communication?
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All candidates and parties have equal opportunities of access to the media and other means of communication. All major media outlets provide a fair and balanced coverage of the range of different political positions.
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Candidates and parties have largely equal opportunities of access to the media and other means of communication. The major media outlets provide a fair and balanced coverage of different political positions.
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Candidates and parties often do not have equal opportunities of access to the media and other means of communication. While the major media outlets represent a partisan political bias, the media system as a whole provides fair coverage of different political positions.
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Candidates and parties lack equal opportunities of access to the media and other means of communications. The major media outlets are biased in favor of certain political groups or views and discriminate against others.
All candidates and all parties have equal opportunities of access to the national media and other means of communication. The equality among political candidates in terms of their access to media is to a large extent safeguarded by the public service rules of the public Swedish Television (SVT) and Sverige Radio (SR), the public radio outlet.
The print media in Sweden is overwhelmingly center-right in its political allegiance and is therefore more likely to cover center-right candidates than candidates from the parties on the political left. However, journalists have a significantly stronger preference for the Green and the Left parties than does the electorate as a whole (Asp, 2012).
In Sweden, as elsewhere in Europe, social media and other new forms of information sharing are increasing. These media are becoming more important for political campaigns. Though the information provided by social and other electronic media is vast and varied, selectivity facilitates a narrower consumption of information than in traditional print media. A recent report found a disconnect in the types of political questions debated in traditional news media vis-à-vis social media. While the economy, the labor market and health were the major issues in the former, migration, equality, law and order, and taxes were more prevalent in the latter (Kantar Sifo 2022).
Citations:
Asp, Kent. 2012. “Journalistkårens Partisympatier.” in Kent Asp (ed.) “Svenska Journalister 1989-2011.” Gothenburg: JMG. 101-107
Kantar Sifo. 2022. “Mediemätaren.” https://www.kantarsifo.se/tags/mediemataren
The print media in Sweden is overwhelmingly center-right in its political allegiance and is therefore more likely to cover center-right candidates than candidates from the parties on the political left. However, journalists have a significantly stronger preference for the Green and the Left parties than does the electorate as a whole (Asp, 2012).
In Sweden, as elsewhere in Europe, social media and other new forms of information sharing are increasing. These media are becoming more important for political campaigns. Though the information provided by social and other electronic media is vast and varied, selectivity facilitates a narrower consumption of information than in traditional print media. A recent report found a disconnect in the types of political questions debated in traditional news media vis-à-vis social media. While the economy, the labor market and health were the major issues in the former, migration, equality, law and order, and taxes were more prevalent in the latter (Kantar Sifo 2022).
Citations:
Asp, Kent. 2012. “Journalistkårens Partisympatier.” in Kent Asp (ed.) “Svenska Journalister 1989-2011.” Gothenburg: JMG. 101-107
Kantar Sifo. 2022. “Mediemätaren.” https://www.kantarsifo.se/tags/mediemataren
To what extent do all citizens have the opportunity to exercise their right of participation in national elections?
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All adult citizens can participate in national elections. All eligible voters are registered if they wish to be. There are no discriminations observable in the exercise of the right to vote. There are no disincentives to voting.
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The procedures for the registration of voters and voting are for the most part effective, impartial and nondiscriminatory. Citizens can appeal to courts if they feel being discriminated. Disincentives to voting generally do not constitute genuine obstacles.
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While the procedures for the registration of voters and voting are de jure non-discriminatory, isolated cases of discrimination occur in practice. For some citizens, disincentives to voting constitute significant obstacles.
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The procedures for the registration of voters or voting have systemic discriminatory effects. De facto, a substantial number of adult citizens are excluded from national elections.
The Swedish electoral system meets the highest requirements in terms of eligibility, transparency and the basic right to participate. There are no legal obstacles to anyone who wants to run in an election. Political parties conduct candidate selection without any interference from the state, and the media closely monitor the parties during the selection process. Electoral turnout has always been high and increased even further in the 2000s. In the 2018 elections, turnout was 87.2% (Valmyndigheten, 2021).
Citations:
Valmyndigheten. 2021. “Valresultat.” https://www.val.se/valresultat.html
Citations:
Valmyndigheten. 2021. “Valresultat.” https://www.val.se/valresultat.html
To what extent is private and public party financing and electoral campaign financing transparent, effectively monitored and in case of infringement of rules subject to proportionate and dissuasive sanction?
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The state enforces that donations to political parties are made public and provides for independent monitoring to that respect. Effective measures to prevent evasion are effectively in place and infringements subject to effective, proportionate and dissuasive sanctions.
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The state enforces that donations to political parties are made public and provides for independent monitoring. Although infringements are subject to proportionate sanctions, some, although few, loopholes and options for circumvention still exist.
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The state provides that donations to political parties shall be published. Party financing is subject to some degree of independent monitoring but monitoring either proves regularly ineffective or proportionate sanctions in case of infringement do not follow.
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The rules for party and campaign financing do not effectively enforce the obligation to make the donations public. Party and campaign financing is neither monitored independently nor, in case of infringements, subject to proportionate sanctions.
Political parties in Sweden receive public as well as private support. Despite extensive debate, political parties still do not make their financial records available to the public and there is no regulation requiring them to do so.
In the spring 2018, the government passed legislation that substantially increased the transparency of party financing in Sweden. Relating to the 2018 election, public demands again surfaced to further sharpen the rules to clearly document the financial sources of electoral campaigns and further increase monetary penalties for violations. The Party Financing Board (Partibidragsnämnden) announced that for the financial year 2020-2021, political parties received a total of just under SEK 168 million. The women’s arms of the political parties received a total of SEK 15 million during the same period (Sveriges Riksdag, 2021).
Citations:
Sveriges Riksdag. (The Parliament of Sweden). 2021. “Verksamhetsredogörelse för Partibidragsnämnden 2020.” https://data.riksdagen.se/fil/A3F2D5FB-BEB6-4C20-B8D2-8D1E9B37D296
In the spring 2018, the government passed legislation that substantially increased the transparency of party financing in Sweden. Relating to the 2018 election, public demands again surfaced to further sharpen the rules to clearly document the financial sources of electoral campaigns and further increase monetary penalties for violations. The Party Financing Board (Partibidragsnämnden) announced that for the financial year 2020-2021, political parties received a total of just under SEK 168 million. The women’s arms of the political parties received a total of SEK 15 million during the same period (Sveriges Riksdag, 2021).
Citations:
Sveriges Riksdag. (The Parliament of Sweden). 2021. “Verksamhetsredogörelse för Partibidragsnämnden 2020.” https://data.riksdagen.se/fil/A3F2D5FB-BEB6-4C20-B8D2-8D1E9B37D296
Do citizens have the opportunity to take binding political decisions when they want to do so?
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Citizens have the effective opportunity to actively propose and take binding decisions on issues of importance to them through popular initiatives and referendums. The set of eligible issues is extensive, and includes national, regional, and local issues.
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Citizens have the effective opportunity to take binding decisions on issues of importance to them through either popular initiatives or referendums. The set of eligible issues covers at least two levels of government.
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Citizens have the effective opportunity to vote on issues of importance to them through a legally binding measure. The set of eligible issues is limited to one level of government.
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Citizens have no effective opportunity to vote on issues of importance to them through a legally binding measure.
Referendums exist as an institution in Sweden, but in practice almost never occur at the national level, and happen quite rarely at the regional/municipal level (for a list of all the referendums in Sweden, see https://www.val.se/val-och-folkomrostningar/folkomrostningar.html).
There are two kinds of referendums at the national level, advisory and constitutional. At the subnational level, all referendums are advisory. All six referendums at the national level have been advisory (Valmyndigheten, 2021). The last referendum took place in 2003, when citizens decided to opt out of the euro area (Sveriges Riksdag, 2021). The outcomes of referendums are never binding in Sweden. However, it is customary that all parties commit themselves to honoring the results.
Citations:
Sveriges Riksdag. (Parliament of Sweden). 2021). “Folkomröstning.” https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Sa-funkar-riksdagen/Demokrati/Folkomrostning/
Valmyndigheten. 2021. “Folkomröstningar.” https://www.val.se/val-och-folkomrostningar/folkomrostningar.html
There are two kinds of referendums at the national level, advisory and constitutional. At the subnational level, all referendums are advisory. All six referendums at the national level have been advisory (Valmyndigheten, 2021). The last referendum took place in 2003, when citizens decided to opt out of the euro area (Sveriges Riksdag, 2021). The outcomes of referendums are never binding in Sweden. However, it is customary that all parties commit themselves to honoring the results.
Citations:
Sveriges Riksdag. (Parliament of Sweden). 2021). “Folkomröstning.” https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/Sa-funkar-riksdagen/Demokrati/Folkomrostning/
Valmyndigheten. 2021. “Folkomröstningar.” https://www.val.se/val-och-folkomrostningar/folkomrostningar.html
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To what extent are the media independent from government?
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Public and private media are independent from government influence; their independence is institutionally protected and fully respected by the incumbent government.
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The incumbent government largely respects the independence of media. However, there are occasional attempts to exert influence.
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The incumbent government seeks to ensure its political objectives indirectly by influencing the personnel policies, organizational framework or financial resources of public media, and/or the licensing regime/market access for private media.
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Major media outlets are frequently influenced by the incumbent government promoting its partisan political objectives. To ensure pro-government media reporting, governmental actors exert direct political pressure and violate existing rules of media regulation or change them to benefit their interests.
Media freedom in Sweden is valued and well-protected. The Swedish constitution’s Freedom of the Press Act and the Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression guarantee freedom of the press. The Swedish Freedom of the Press Act, first enacted in 1766 (and thus the world’s oldest) is underpinned by five principles: the freedom to express one’s thoughts in print, the freedom to disseminate printed matter accompanied by free access to this material, free access to official information, and the right of anonymity. A document is categorized as official if received or created by a public authority. Such documents are freely available unless they are classified as secret (Larsson and Bäck 2008).
Contact information for public servants working for municipalities or regions is readily available online, enabling citizens to communicate with them to offer questions, suggestions or complaints. Several municipalities have implemented electronic participation procedures such as citizen dialogues, electronic notice boards or citizen chats (Norén Bretzer 2010).
During the last few years, the media have expressed frustration with government departments for not being forthcoming in providing public documents to the media or individual citizens (Andersson et al., 2018). Government departments increasingly use information as a strategic means of communication. Nevertheless, the Swedish government and administration still meet high standards of transparency and access to information. This is reflected in, for example, the Reporters Without Borders’ 2021 World Press Freedom Index, in which Sweden is ranked third, after Norway and Finland.
Citations:
Andersson, Ulrika, Anders Carlander, Elina Lindgren and Maria Oskarson (eds.) 2018. “Sprickor i Fasaden.” Gothenburg: The SOM Institute.
Larsson, Torbjörn and Henry Bäck. 2008. “Governing and Governance in Sweden.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
Norén Bretzer, Ylva. 2010. “Sveriges Politiska System.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
Reporters Without Borders. 2021. “World Press Freedom Index, 2021.” https://rsf.org/en/ranking.
Contact information for public servants working for municipalities or regions is readily available online, enabling citizens to communicate with them to offer questions, suggestions or complaints. Several municipalities have implemented electronic participation procedures such as citizen dialogues, electronic notice boards or citizen chats (Norén Bretzer 2010).
During the last few years, the media have expressed frustration with government departments for not being forthcoming in providing public documents to the media or individual citizens (Andersson et al., 2018). Government departments increasingly use information as a strategic means of communication. Nevertheless, the Swedish government and administration still meet high standards of transparency and access to information. This is reflected in, for example, the Reporters Without Borders’ 2021 World Press Freedom Index, in which Sweden is ranked third, after Norway and Finland.
Citations:
Andersson, Ulrika, Anders Carlander, Elina Lindgren and Maria Oskarson (eds.) 2018. “Sprickor i Fasaden.” Gothenburg: The SOM Institute.
Larsson, Torbjörn and Henry Bäck. 2008. “Governing and Governance in Sweden.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
Norén Bretzer, Ylva. 2010. “Sveriges Politiska System.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
Reporters Without Borders. 2021. “World Press Freedom Index, 2021.” https://rsf.org/en/ranking.
To what extent are the media characterized by an ownership structure that ensures a pluralism of opinions?
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Diversified ownership structures characterize both the electronic and print media market, providing a well-balanced pluralism of opinions. Effective anti-monopoly policies and impartial, open public media guarantee a pluralism of opinions.
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Diversified ownership structures prevail in the electronic and print media market. Public media compensate for deficiencies or biases in private media reporting by representing a wider range of opinions.
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Oligopolistic ownership structures characterize either the electronic or the print media market. Important opinions are represented but there are no or only weak institutional guarantees against the predominance of certain opinions.
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Oligopolistic ownership structures characterize both the electronic and the print media market. Few companies dominate the media, most programs are biased, and there is evidence that certain opinions are not published or are marginalized.
The media in Sweden operate independently of the government. This is not to say that the government is wholly inactive in the media sector, however. Government institutions offer financial support to newspapers (typically smaller newspapers) and also to magazines. The media market in Sweden has expanded considerably over the past couple of decades. Today, the public SR and SVT radio and television broadcasters face significant competition from privately owned and managed radio and television channels. The public television and radio stations have been tax-funded since 2019, when the license fee funding scheme was phased out.
New social media (Facebook, blogs, Twitter, Instagram, etc.) are developing at an amazing speed in Sweden, as elsewhere, and are playing an increasingly important role in politics. Sweden remains at the top in the overall Inclusive Internet Index, which was commissioned by Facebook and developed by The Economist Intelligence Unit (https://theinclusiveinternet.eiu.com). The index is a construct of availability, affordability, relevance, and readiness of internet services and infrastructures.
Citations:
The Economist Intelligence Unit. 2021. “The Inclusive Internet Index.” https://theinclusiveinternet.eiu.com
New social media (Facebook, blogs, Twitter, Instagram, etc.) are developing at an amazing speed in Sweden, as elsewhere, and are playing an increasingly important role in politics. Sweden remains at the top in the overall Inclusive Internet Index, which was commissioned by Facebook and developed by The Economist Intelligence Unit (https://theinclusiveinternet.eiu.com). The index is a construct of availability, affordability, relevance, and readiness of internet services and infrastructures.
Citations:
The Economist Intelligence Unit. 2021. “The Inclusive Internet Index.” https://theinclusiveinternet.eiu.com
To what extent can citizens obtain official information?
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Legal regulations guarantee free and easy access to official information, contain few, reasonable restrictions, and there are effective mechanisms of appeal and oversight enabling citizens to access information.
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Access to official information is regulated by law. Most restrictions are justified, but access is sometimes complicated by bureaucratic procedures. Existing appeal and oversight mechanisms permit citizens to enforce their right of access.
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Access to official information is partially regulated by law, but complicated by bureaucratic procedures and some poorly justified restrictions. Existing appeal and oversight mechanisms are often ineffective.
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Access to official information is not regulated by law; there are many restrictions of access, bureaucratic procedures and no or ineffective mechanisms of enforcement.
Sweden has been a forerunner when it comes to all issues related to transparency in government and public access to government information and documents. Both the political elite and the public cherish the fundamental principle that all government documents are public, unless they are classified or relate to individual integrity. If anything, the emergence of e-government has further promoted the objective of accessibility and transparency. Sweden is also pursuing greater transparency within the European Commission.
Governmental information, from reports to minutes from meetings and statutes to budget, is available online. The constitution ensures citizen access to all official documents, except in situations when they are classified as secret (Larsson and Bäck 2008).
There have been instances when governmental departments have been slow to provide documents to the public and the media. Media representatives in particular have criticized the government on this matter. Nevertheless, the Swedish government and administration still meet high requirements regarding transparency and publicity (Andersson et al., 2018).
Citations:
Andersson, Ulrika, Anders Carlander, Elina. Lindgren and Maria Oskarson (eds.) 2018. “Sprickor i Fasaden.” Gothenburg: The SOM Institute.
Larsson, Torbjörn and Henry Bäck. 2008. “Governing and governance in Sweden.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
Governmental information, from reports to minutes from meetings and statutes to budget, is available online. The constitution ensures citizen access to all official documents, except in situations when they are classified as secret (Larsson and Bäck 2008).
There have been instances when governmental departments have been slow to provide documents to the public and the media. Media representatives in particular have criticized the government on this matter. Nevertheless, the Swedish government and administration still meet high requirements regarding transparency and publicity (Andersson et al., 2018).
Citations:
Andersson, Ulrika, Anders Carlander, Elina. Lindgren and Maria Oskarson (eds.) 2018. “Sprickor i Fasaden.” Gothenburg: The SOM Institute.
Larsson, Torbjörn and Henry Bäck. 2008. “Governing and governance in Sweden.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
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To what extent does the state respect and protect civil rights and how effectively are citizens protected by courts against infringements of their rights?
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All state institutions respect and effectively protect civil rights. Citizens are effectively protected by courts against infringements of their rights. Infringements present an extreme exception.
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The state respects and protects rights, with few infringements. Courts provide protection.
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Despite formal protection, frequent infringements of civil rights occur and court protection often proves ineffective.
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State institutions respect civil rights only formally, and civil rights are frequently violated. Court protection is not effective.
Civil rights and legality are core values in Swedish governance. The constitution has a chapter devoted to human rights, and legal certainty is an essential guideline for the public administration. However, there are causes for concern. For example, instances of extortion have increased dramatically since 2017. This is partly due to organized crime, with the construction industry, restaurants and small retail establishments being hit the hardest (Brottsförebyggande rådet, 2021).
The pandemic crisis has highlighted the debate on civil rights, individual freedoms and collective security. One of the factors underpinning the Swedish response to the pandemic was the protection of civil liberties enshrined in the constitution, which disallows curbing the mobility of Swedish citizens and residents inside the country or imposing a state of emergency during peacetime. This thus excluded curfews and lockdowns, and generally required the government to rely on voluntary measures (see Petridou, 2020; Petridou and Zahariadis, 2020; Sparf and Petridou, 2021; Zahariadis et al., 2021). Whereas in most other European countries, presenting proof of vaccination is de rigueur, in Sweden this has been a measure applied only in large gatherings. The logic of the government regarding measures has been one of proportionality, as outlined by a relevant memo issued by the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs (Socialdepartementet) in December, 2021. The same memo specifically states that civil liberties and political rights will always be upheld, including the right to assemble and demonstrate, the rights of religion and mobility, and so on (Regeringskansliet, 2021).
Lastly, it is worth noting that organized crime has taken a hold in some metropolitan regions of Sweden. Without a doubt, infringement of individual freedom caused by private actors such as organized crime is a real and growing problem. The national police have prioritized tackling organized crime and, in 2019, the government, under heavy criticism from the center-right opposition, rolled out a program addressing the issue of organized crime. In December 2021, the minister of justice proposed further measures to combat organized crime, since the problem is proving persistent, and the situation has worsened in Sweden’s 61 so-called vulnerable areas.
The issue of organized crime and the attendant questions of civil rights infringement are sure to factor strongly into the elections debate during 2022.
Citations:
Brottsförebyggande rådet. 2021. “Hot och Påverkan mot Samhället.” https://bra.se/statistik/statistik-utifran-brottstyper/hot-och-paverkan-mot-samhallet.html
Petridou, Evangelia. 2020. “Politics and Administration in Times of Crisis: Explaining the Swedish Response to the COVID-19 Crisis.” European Policy Analysis, 6(2), 147-158.
Petridou, Evangelia & Nikolaos Zahariadis. 2021. “Staying at Home or Going out? Leadership Response to the COVID-19 Crisis in Greece and Sweden.” Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, 29(3), 293-302.
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden). (021. “Regeringens Åtgärdsplan för Införande av Smittskyddsåtgärder.” https://www.regeringen.se/4ae7b3/contentassets/fefde45c162544819deb7a1c52a24364/regeringens-atgardsplan-for-inforande-av-smittskyddsatgarder-2.pdf
Sparf, Jörgen, and Evangelia Petridou. 2021. “Sweden: Country Report.” University of Stavanger, Report no.98.
Zahariadis, Nikolaos, Evangelia Petridou, Theofanis Exadaktylos, & Jörgen Sparf. 2021. “Policy Styles and Political Trust in Europe’s National Responses to the COVID-19 Crisis.” Policy Studies, 1-22.
The pandemic crisis has highlighted the debate on civil rights, individual freedoms and collective security. One of the factors underpinning the Swedish response to the pandemic was the protection of civil liberties enshrined in the constitution, which disallows curbing the mobility of Swedish citizens and residents inside the country or imposing a state of emergency during peacetime. This thus excluded curfews and lockdowns, and generally required the government to rely on voluntary measures (see Petridou, 2020; Petridou and Zahariadis, 2020; Sparf and Petridou, 2021; Zahariadis et al., 2021). Whereas in most other European countries, presenting proof of vaccination is de rigueur, in Sweden this has been a measure applied only in large gatherings. The logic of the government regarding measures has been one of proportionality, as outlined by a relevant memo issued by the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs (Socialdepartementet) in December, 2021. The same memo specifically states that civil liberties and political rights will always be upheld, including the right to assemble and demonstrate, the rights of religion and mobility, and so on (Regeringskansliet, 2021).
Lastly, it is worth noting that organized crime has taken a hold in some metropolitan regions of Sweden. Without a doubt, infringement of individual freedom caused by private actors such as organized crime is a real and growing problem. The national police have prioritized tackling organized crime and, in 2019, the government, under heavy criticism from the center-right opposition, rolled out a program addressing the issue of organized crime. In December 2021, the minister of justice proposed further measures to combat organized crime, since the problem is proving persistent, and the situation has worsened in Sweden’s 61 so-called vulnerable areas.
The issue of organized crime and the attendant questions of civil rights infringement are sure to factor strongly into the elections debate during 2022.
Citations:
Brottsförebyggande rådet. 2021. “Hot och Påverkan mot Samhället.” https://bra.se/statistik/statistik-utifran-brottstyper/hot-och-paverkan-mot-samhallet.html
Petridou, Evangelia. 2020. “Politics and Administration in Times of Crisis: Explaining the Swedish Response to the COVID-19 Crisis.” European Policy Analysis, 6(2), 147-158.
Petridou, Evangelia & Nikolaos Zahariadis. 2021. “Staying at Home or Going out? Leadership Response to the COVID-19 Crisis in Greece and Sweden.” Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, 29(3), 293-302.
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden). (021. “Regeringens Åtgärdsplan för Införande av Smittskyddsåtgärder.” https://www.regeringen.se/4ae7b3/contentassets/fefde45c162544819deb7a1c52a24364/regeringens-atgardsplan-for-inforande-av-smittskyddsatgarder-2.pdf
Sparf, Jörgen, and Evangelia Petridou. 2021. “Sweden: Country Report.” University of Stavanger, Report no.98.
Zahariadis, Nikolaos, Evangelia Petridou, Theofanis Exadaktylos, & Jörgen Sparf. 2021. “Policy Styles and Political Trust in Europe’s National Responses to the COVID-19 Crisis.” Policy Studies, 1-22.
To what extent does the state concede and protect political liberties?
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All state institutions concede and effectively protect political liberties.
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All state institutions for the most part concede and protect political liberties. There are only few infringements.
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State institutions concede political liberties but infringements occur regularly in practice.
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Political liberties are unsatisfactory codified and frequently violated.
Political liberties and human rights are written into the constitution. Sweden is a highly institutionalized advanced democracy. As such, it upholds all political liberties.
How effectively does the state protect against different forms of discrimination?
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State institutions effectively protect against and actively prevent discrimination. Cases of discrimination are extremely rare.
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State anti-discrimination protections are moderately successful. Few cases of discrimination are observed.
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State anti-discrimination efforts show limited success. Many cases of discrimination can be observed.
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The state does not offer effective protection against discrimination. Discrimination is widespread in the public sector and in society.
Sweden still ranks as one of the most egalitarian societies in the world. The Discrimination Act of 2008 identifies seven disallowed grounds for discrimination: sex, transgender identity or expression, ethnicity, religion or other belief, disability, sexual orientation, and age. Established on 1 January 2009, the Equality Ombudsman is a government agency that works to promote a society free from discrimination.
That said, it is clear that there are still differences between salaries for men and women performing the same work as well as between immigrants and Swedes in the labor market. These are spheres of society where public regulation is only effective when complaints are filed with public authorities.
During the review period, de facto segregation in several suburbs of large metropolitan areas in Sweden further increased. This societal fracturing remains an unsolved political challenge in contemporary Sweden. Given the increased immigration flows since 2015, there is an increased risk that these challenges will be exacerbated. In the period under review there were increased levels of antisemitism in Sweden, as well as in the rest of Europe. The government sees this as a rising concern (Regeringskansliet, 2021).
Citations:
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden). 2021. “Measures to Combat Antisemitism and Increase Security.” https://www.government.se/government-policy/democracy-and-human-rights/measures-to-combat-antisemitism-and-increase-security/
That said, it is clear that there are still differences between salaries for men and women performing the same work as well as between immigrants and Swedes in the labor market. These are spheres of society where public regulation is only effective when complaints are filed with public authorities.
During the review period, de facto segregation in several suburbs of large metropolitan areas in Sweden further increased. This societal fracturing remains an unsolved political challenge in contemporary Sweden. Given the increased immigration flows since 2015, there is an increased risk that these challenges will be exacerbated. In the period under review there were increased levels of antisemitism in Sweden, as well as in the rest of Europe. The government sees this as a rising concern (Regeringskansliet, 2021).
Citations:
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden). 2021. “Measures to Combat Antisemitism and Increase Security.” https://www.government.se/government-policy/democracy-and-human-rights/measures-to-combat-antisemitism-and-increase-security/
Graph View
To what extent do government and administration act on the basis of and in accordance with legal provisions to provide legal certainty?
10
9
9
Government and administration act predictably, on the basis of and in accordance with legal provisions. Legal regulations are consistent and transparent, ensuring legal certainty.
8
7
6
7
6
Government and administration rarely make unpredictable decisions. Legal regulations are consistent, but leave a large scope of discretion to the government or administration.
5
4
3
4
3
Government and administration sometimes make unpredictable decisions that go beyond given legal bases or do not conform to existing legal regulations. Some legal regulations are inconsistent and contradictory.
2
1
1
Government and administration often make unpredictable decisions that lack a legal basis or ignore existing legal regulations. Legal regulations are inconsistent, full of loopholes and contradict each other.
The Swedish legal framework is robust, and the rule of law is a fundamental norm. The country is governed by a Weberian-style public administration and the prevalent values of legal security, due process, transparency and impartiality.
Administrative reforms privileging performance and effectiveness have the potential to threaten legal certainty. For example, Greve, Lægreid and Rykkja (2016) observed that the third generation of administrative reforms in the Nordic countries foreground state-centered solutions in the context of a complicated set of governmental mechanisms and institutional complexity.
Generally, there is a tension between New Public Management as a philosophy of public sector reform, and efforts to reemphasize trust (“tillit”) as a normative foundation of the public administration. A recent commission of inquiry (Regeringskansliet, 2018) reported that the interface between administrative personnel and citizens requires a stronger focus on citizen needs, increased attention to a holistic approach, better leadership, increased competence levels, and more openness.
The clients of the administration and the courts also expect and appreciate these values. The legal system is characterized by a high degree of transparency. The ombuds institution (a Swedish invention) remains an important channel for administrative complaints. The Ombudsman of Justice keeps a close watch on the application of the rule of law in Sweden.
Citations:
Greve, Carsten, Per Lægreid, and Lise H. Rykkja. (eds.) 2016. “Nordic Administrative Reforms: Public Sector Organizations, Public Sector Organizations.” London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden). 2018. “Tillitsutredningen. Med tillit Växer Handlingsutrymmet – Tillitsbaserad Styrning och Ledning av Välfärdssektorn.” SOU, 2018:47. https://www.regeringen.se/rattsliga-dokument/statens-offentliga-utredningar/2018/06/sou-201847/
Administrative reforms privileging performance and effectiveness have the potential to threaten legal certainty. For example, Greve, Lægreid and Rykkja (2016) observed that the third generation of administrative reforms in the Nordic countries foreground state-centered solutions in the context of a complicated set of governmental mechanisms and institutional complexity.
Generally, there is a tension between New Public Management as a philosophy of public sector reform, and efforts to reemphasize trust (“tillit”) as a normative foundation of the public administration. A recent commission of inquiry (Regeringskansliet, 2018) reported that the interface between administrative personnel and citizens requires a stronger focus on citizen needs, increased attention to a holistic approach, better leadership, increased competence levels, and more openness.
The clients of the administration and the courts also expect and appreciate these values. The legal system is characterized by a high degree of transparency. The ombuds institution (a Swedish invention) remains an important channel for administrative complaints. The Ombudsman of Justice keeps a close watch on the application of the rule of law in Sweden.
Citations:
Greve, Carsten, Per Lægreid, and Lise H. Rykkja. (eds.) 2016. “Nordic Administrative Reforms: Public Sector Organizations, Public Sector Organizations.” London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden). 2018. “Tillitsutredningen. Med tillit Växer Handlingsutrymmet – Tillitsbaserad Styrning och Ledning av Välfärdssektorn.” SOU, 2018:47. https://www.regeringen.se/rattsliga-dokument/statens-offentliga-utredningar/2018/06/sou-201847/
To what extent do independent courts control whether government and administration act in conformity with the law?
10
9
9
Independent courts effectively review executive action and ensure that the government and administration act in conformity with the law.
8
7
6
7
6
Independent courts usually manage to control whether the government and administration act in conformity with the law.
5
4
3
4
3
Courts are independent, but often fail to ensure legal compliance.
2
1
1
Courts are biased for or against the incumbent government and lack effective control.
Generally, the Swedish judiciary system is more fragmented than systems in the Anglo-Saxon tradition, and there is no constitutional court (Larsson and Bäck 2008). Sweden has a system of judicial preview in which the Council on Legislation (“Lagrådet”) is consulted on all legislation that potentially relates to constitutional matters. The institution’s review (or preview) goes beyond that assignment, and includes an overall assessment of the quality of the proposed legislation. The council has a purely advisory (nonbinding) role, however, which means that the parliament may ignore its findings.
Notably, until 2011, the judiciary and the government administration were regulated by the same chapter in the Swedish constitution. Judicial review is mainly carried out by the government and public agencies, with the Swedish courts traditionally serving as tools of political executive power rather than as a means of balancing power (Ahlbäck Öberg and Wockelberg 2016). In the Swedish system, agreements are typically reached by political parties and other actors, rendering judicial intervention less important than in the United States, for example, where the courts are quite commonly used as adjudicators.
Citations:
Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin and Helena Wockelberg. 2016. “The Public Sector and the Courts” In Jon Pierre (ed.) “The Oxford Handbook of Swedish Politics.” Oxford University Press. 130-146.
Larsson, Torbjörn and Henry Bäck. 2008. “Governing and Governance in Sweden.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
Notably, until 2011, the judiciary and the government administration were regulated by the same chapter in the Swedish constitution. Judicial review is mainly carried out by the government and public agencies, with the Swedish courts traditionally serving as tools of political executive power rather than as a means of balancing power (Ahlbäck Öberg and Wockelberg 2016). In the Swedish system, agreements are typically reached by political parties and other actors, rendering judicial intervention less important than in the United States, for example, where the courts are quite commonly used as adjudicators.
Citations:
Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin and Helena Wockelberg. 2016. “The Public Sector and the Courts” In Jon Pierre (ed.) “The Oxford Handbook of Swedish Politics.” Oxford University Press. 130-146.
Larsson, Torbjörn and Henry Bäck. 2008. “Governing and Governance in Sweden.” Malmö: Studentlitteratur.
To what extent does the process of appointing (supreme or constitutional court) justices guarantee the independence of the judiciary?
10
9
9
Justices are appointed in a cooperative appointment process with special majority requirements.
8
7
6
7
6
Justices are exclusively appointed by different bodies with special majority requirements or in a cooperative selection process without special majority requirements.
5
4
3
4
3
Justices are exclusively appointed by different bodies without special majority requirements.
2
1
1
All judges are appointed exclusively by a single body irrespective of other institutions.
The cabinet appoints Supreme Court (“regeringsrätten”) justices. The appointments are strictly meritocratic and are not guided by political allegiances. Although the cabinet almost always makes unanimous decisions, there are no special majority requirements in place for these decisions.
There is only modest media coverage of the appointments, mainly because the Swedish Supreme Court is not a politically active body like the Supreme Court in countries such as Germany and the United States.
There is only modest media coverage of the appointments, mainly because the Swedish Supreme Court is not a politically active body like the Supreme Court in countries such as Germany and the United States.
To what extent are public officeholders prevented from abusing their position for private interests?
10
9
9
Legal, political and public integrity mechanisms effectively prevent public officeholders from abusing their positions.
8
7
6
7
6
Most integrity mechanisms function effectively and provide disincentives for public officeholders willing to abuse their positions.
5
4
3
4
3
Some integrity mechanisms function, but do not effectively prevent public officeholders from abusing their positions.
2
1
1
Public officeholders can exploit their offices for private gain as they see fit without fear of legal consequences or adverse publicity.
Sweden has one of the lowest levels of corruption in the world. In 2020, the country ranked third in the world with a score of 85/100 (Transparency International, 2021) with regard to the citizens’ perceptions of corruption (with high scores indicating less corruption). Thus, levels of public trust in democratic institutions and public administration are comparatively high, though there are signs that political trust may be on the decline even in Sweden (see Zahariadis et al., 2021). Indeed, this is a corollary of transparency, freedom of information and access to information as part of an open government enshrined in the constitution (see Greve, Lægreid, and Rykkja (2016) for a discussion of the Nordic administrative tradition).
Corruption at the state level remains extremely rare in Sweden. Regulatory systems safeguarding transparency and accountability, coupled with an overall administrative culture that strongly forbids corrupt behavior, prevent corruption. At the local government level, however, there have been reports of corruption and court decisions on related charges (Bergh et al., 2016). Additionally, the public sector has been slow to produce material requested by the Coronavirus Commission assessing the country’s response to the pandemic. Though Sweden is at the top of the rankings, the score (85/100) has remained the same rather than improving (Transparency International Sweden, 2021). The issue here is that the world expects more out of Sweden, which has traditionally been a leading country in preventing corruption in the public sector.
Citations:
Bergh, Andreas, Gissur Ó. Erlingsson, Richard Öhrvall, Mats Sjölin. 2016. “A Clean House? Studies of Corruption in Sweden.” Lund: Nordic Academic Press.
Greve, Carsten, Per Lægreid, and Lise H. Rykkja. (eds.) 2016. “Nordic Administrative Reforms: Public Sector Organizations, Public Sector Organizations.” London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Transparency International. 2021. “Corruption Perceptions Index.” https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2020
Transparency International Sweden. 2021. “CPI2021: Arbetet mot Korruption Stagnerar när det Behövs som Mest.” https://www.transparency.se/nyheter/cpi2021
Zahariadis, Nikolaos, Evangelia Petridou, Theofanis Exadaktylos, and Jörgen Sparf. 2021. “Policy Styles and Political Trust in Europe’s National Responses to the Covid-19 Crisis.” Policy Studies: 1-22.
Corruption at the state level remains extremely rare in Sweden. Regulatory systems safeguarding transparency and accountability, coupled with an overall administrative culture that strongly forbids corrupt behavior, prevent corruption. At the local government level, however, there have been reports of corruption and court decisions on related charges (Bergh et al., 2016). Additionally, the public sector has been slow to produce material requested by the Coronavirus Commission assessing the country’s response to the pandemic. Though Sweden is at the top of the rankings, the score (85/100) has remained the same rather than improving (Transparency International Sweden, 2021). The issue here is that the world expects more out of Sweden, which has traditionally been a leading country in preventing corruption in the public sector.
Citations:
Bergh, Andreas, Gissur Ó. Erlingsson, Richard Öhrvall, Mats Sjölin. 2016. “A Clean House? Studies of Corruption in Sweden.” Lund: Nordic Academic Press.
Greve, Carsten, Per Lægreid, and Lise H. Rykkja. (eds.) 2016. “Nordic Administrative Reforms: Public Sector Organizations, Public Sector Organizations.” London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Transparency International. 2021. “Corruption Perceptions Index.” https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2020
Transparency International Sweden. 2021. “CPI2021: Arbetet mot Korruption Stagnerar när det Behövs som Mest.” https://www.transparency.se/nyheter/cpi2021
Zahariadis, Nikolaos, Evangelia Petridou, Theofanis Exadaktylos, and Jörgen Sparf. 2021. “Policy Styles and Political Trust in Europe’s National Responses to the Covid-19 Crisis.” Policy Studies: 1-22.