Executive Accountability
#7Key Findings
With significant legislative and civil society resources, Canada scores well (rank 7) with regard to executive accountability. Its score in this area has improved by 0.8 points relative to 2014.
Surveys show citizens’ policy knowledge to be average in international comparison, with young people displaying a particular political literacy gap. Public broadcasters’ policy coverage is extensive, with news representing a high proportion of content, while private sector broadcasters are more superficial.
Parliamentary oversight powers are generally strong. A federal privacy commissioner can audit suspected government breaches of the Privacy Act, and is also responsible for data privacy complaints. A large number of ombuds offices and commissioners address various specific subject areas.
Political parties vary strongly with regard to internal decision-making procedures. Proposals by economic associations tend to be sophisticated, taking broad societal concerns into account. Other interest groups also offer well-researched proposals or principles on which reforms can be based.
Surveys show citizens’ policy knowledge to be average in international comparison, with young people displaying a particular political literacy gap. Public broadcasters’ policy coverage is extensive, with news representing a high proportion of content, while private sector broadcasters are more superficial.
Parliamentary oversight powers are generally strong. A federal privacy commissioner can audit suspected government breaches of the Privacy Act, and is also responsible for data privacy complaints. A large number of ombuds offices and commissioners address various specific subject areas.
Political parties vary strongly with regard to internal decision-making procedures. Proposals by economic associations tend to be sophisticated, taking broad societal concerns into account. Other interest groups also offer well-researched proposals or principles on which reforms can be based.
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To what extent are citizens informed of public policies?
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Most citizens are well-informed of a broad range of public policies.
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Many citizens are well-informed of individual public policies.
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Few citizens are well-informed of public policies; most citizens have only a rudimental knowledge of public policies.
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Most citizens are not aware of public policies.
Most Canadian citizens have only a moderate level of knowledge of public policy issues but many are well-informed on a select few issues such as the environment. Roughly three-quarters of Canadians say they follow the news (Howe, 2010: 44). From a comparative perspective with other advanced-industrialized democracies, Canadians are in the middle of the pack on measures of political attentiveness (Howe, 2010:44). A significant issue is the poor political knowledge of younger Canadians (18-34), including knowledge of policy issues, in comparison to Canadians 35 years of age or more, which has been linked to lower voter turnout in this young age group (Stockemer and Rocher, 2017).
Citations:
Paul Howe, Citizens Adrift: The Democratic Disengagement of Young Canadians. Vancouver: UBC, 2010.
Stockemer, Daniel and Francois Rocher. Age, political knowledge and electoral turnout: a case study of Canada
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics Vol. 55 (1), 2017.
Citations:
Paul Howe, Citizens Adrift: The Democratic Disengagement of Young Canadians. Vancouver: UBC, 2010.
Stockemer, Daniel and Francois Rocher. Age, political knowledge and electoral turnout: a case study of Canada
Commonwealth & Comparative Politics Vol. 55 (1), 2017.
Does the government publish data and information in a way that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable?
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The government publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government most of the time publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government publishes data in a limited and not timely or user-friendly way.
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The government publishes (almost) no relevant data.
The government of Canada has two offices, the Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) and the Office of the Auditor General (OAG), whose mandate is to provide independent analysis on government finances and policies. The PBO is charged with providing impartial information on the state of government finances and its estimates of trends in the Canadian economy. On request, the PBO estimates the cost of any proposal under parliamentary consideration. During the 2019 federal election, the PBO carried out a requested evaluation of the cost of programs contained in the political parties’ campaign platforms. The OAG provides independent information and expert advice on government programs and activities, and the management of its Crown corporations. Both offices serve parliament, but – since reports usually become public information – they provide ample and objective evidence on the finances and performance of government policies and institutions. The reports are made available online and are often followed with media attention. The quality of information contained in the reports, however, depends heavily on the data obtained by the offices. Government departments and agencies release information in the form of studies and data on their websites, which allows citizens to hold them accountable. Most of this information is available in both official languages in user friendly formats, including for blind people.
In addition, Canada has a large number of non-governmental think tanks, and policy and research institutes that provide additional information, and critique, on a range of policy areas, including social policy, political strategy, economics, technology, industry, business and national defense.
In addition, Canada has a large number of non-governmental think tanks, and policy and research institutes that provide additional information, and critique, on a range of policy areas, including social policy, political strategy, economics, technology, industry, business and national defense.
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Do members of parliament have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activity effectively?
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring all government activity effectively.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring a government’s major activities.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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The resources provided to the members of parliament are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
All members of parliament from the House of Commons have a “Member’s Office Budget” that offers a basic amount to hire staff, commission research, or support events. MPs typically have a staff of 4-5 people. Typically, members of parliament split their staff between the House of Commons and constituency offices. Members of parliament can receive supplementary funding based on some features of their ridings, for example, a higher than average population (so-called elector supplement) or a large territory (so-called geographic supplement). Members of parliament and senators also have access to the research staff of the Library of Parliament.
Citations:
House of Commons Canada, “Members’ Allowances and Services,” Ottawa, 2021.https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/MAS/mas-e.pdf
Citations:
House of Commons Canada, “Members’ Allowances and Services,” Ottawa, 2021.https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/MAS/mas-e.pdf
Are parliamentary committees able to ask for government documents?
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Parliamentary committees may ask for most or all government documents; they are normally delivered in full and within an appropriate time frame.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are slightly limited; some important documents are not delivered or are delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are considerably limited; most important documents are not delivered or delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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Parliamentary committees may not request government documents.
Parliamentary committees have the right to receive government documents in the course of their deliberations. Parliamentary committee members frequently ask ministers and officials who give testimony to provide further information in writing. These requests are typically not tied to a formal motion, and the information received may be given to the members without forming part of the parliamentary record. Sometimes, the information is requested through a formal motion adopted by the committee. However, documents sometimes arrive incomplete and redacted because of confidentiality considerations.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon ministers for hearings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon ministers. Ministers regularly follow invitations and are obliged to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are slightly limited; ministers occasionally refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are considerably limited; ministers frequently refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon ministers.
Ministers are normally expected to appear before parliamentary committees. Ministers may decline a committee invitation, but they have to appear, or send a representative, when receiving a formal summons approved through a committee motion. A deputy minister may appear instead of a minister for questions linked to departmental operations. The parliamentary secretary may stand in for the minister if the matter at hand is legislative in nature.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon experts for committee meetings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon experts.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are slightly limited.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are considerably limited.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon experts.
Parliamentary committees have the right to summon any expert they choose to provide testimony, and experts are frequent contributors to the work of committees. However, committees cannot compel experts to appear. Parliamentary committees have allowed experts to appear virtually long before the pandemic.
Are the task areas and structures of parliamentary committees suited to monitor ministries effectively?
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The match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are well-suited to the effective monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are largely suited to the monitoring ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are partially suited to the monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are not at all suited to the monitoring of ministries.
As of 2021, there were 24 standing committees of the House of Commons and 18 standing committees of the Senate.
The new (2021) Liberal cabinet has 39 members. As such, there are more ministries than committees with some variation in the number of ministries over time. However, since some cabinet positions (e.g., the leader of the government in the House of Commons) have no corresponding ministries and some ministers (e.g., the minister for international development) are heads of agencies under the umbrella of a larger ministry, the number of ministries is very close to the number of House of Commons standing committees (by far the most important of the two houses). Therefore, parliamentary committees are largely capable of monitoring ministries.
The new (2021) Liberal cabinet has 39 members. As such, there are more ministries than committees with some variation in the number of ministries over time. However, since some cabinet positions (e.g., the leader of the government in the House of Commons) have no corresponding ministries and some ministers (e.g., the minister for international development) are heads of agencies under the umbrella of a larger ministry, the number of ministries is very close to the number of House of Commons standing committees (by far the most important of the two houses). Therefore, parliamentary committees are largely capable of monitoring ministries.
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To what extent do media in your country analyze the rationale and impact of public policies?
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A clear majority of mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies.
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About one-half of the mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies. The rest produces a mix of infotainment and quality information content.
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A clear minority of mass media brands focuses on high-quality information content analyzing public policies. Several mass media brands produce superficial infotainment content only.
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All mass media brands are dominated by superficial infotainment content.
Canada’s main TV and radio stations produce a mix of infotainment and high-quality information programs. They are, for the most part, not enmeshed in partisan politics. Public broadcasters, including the CBC/Radio-Canada and provincial TV channels such as TV Ontario (TVO), provide extensive and often high-quality coverage of politics and news, with a minimum of five to seven hours per week of in-depth information on government decisions. Both CBC and Radio-Canada have their specialized news channels, CBC News Network and Réseau de l’information (RDI), as does the private broadcaster CTV with CTV News Channel. Examples of high-quality public affairs shows include TVO’s The Agenda, CBC’s The House, and RDI’s Mordus de politique. Canadian media coverage is enhanced by international news channels such as CNN and BBC World News. There is little competition among public broadcasters. Private broadcasters, with the exception of the Canadian Parliamentary Access Channel, are generally focused primarily on infotainment, but also provide some analysis of government decisions. Print media such as the Globe and Mail, La Presse, and Le Devoir provide comparatively high-quality and comprehensive analysis of public policy.
The Liberal government revamped the Access to Information Act (ATIA) in 2019 to, among other things, enable the Information Commissioner to order government institutions to disclose requested records. The ATIA underwent a statutory review in 2021. The context of the pandemic further highlighted the value of open and accessible data on public health and other subjects.
The Liberal government revamped the Access to Information Act (ATIA) in 2019 to, among other things, enable the Information Commissioner to order government institutions to disclose requested records. The ATIA underwent a statutory review in 2021. The context of the pandemic further highlighted the value of open and accessible data on public health and other subjects.
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How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes?
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The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are rather open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are largely controlled by the party leadership.
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A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership.
There are currently four major political parties at the federal level in Canada: the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC), the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC), the New Democratic Party (NDP) and the Bloc Québécois (BQ).
In April 2013, the LPC elected Justin Trudeau as their new leader, through an open-voting process that included non-party members. The policy formation process is also relatively open, new ideas are gathered from Liberal members and supporters through local groups, then written up as policy resolutions that are voted on and prioritized first within provincial and territorial associations and then at the LPC’s biannual conventions. All resolutions passed at the convention become official party policy. Following the 2021 federal elections, the LPC formed another minority government.
Decisions in the CPC are mostly made by the elite, and while grassroots views and resolutions passed at party conventions constitute input, they are not binding. In August 2020, the CPC chose Erin O’Toole, as the new party leader. O’Toole temporarily remained leader despite the disappointing performance of the CPC at the 2021 federal elections when the party finished second once more and stayed in opposition. O’Toole had steered the CPC toward the center in the hope of defeating the LPC, and he must now contend with the so-called social conservatives members of the party who want restrictions on abortions and looser gun control. (A month after the observation period Erin O’Toole who was voted out of his leadership position on February 2, 2022 by his party’s caucus in the House of Commons).
Unlike the CPC and most of the LPC, the NDP is integrated with its provincial counterparts. A wide range of views are expressed at NDP policy conferences, but all policy resolutions passed are non-binding on the party leadership. Jagmeet Singh is the first person of an ethnic minority background to lead a major federal party. The NDP is split between members who want the party to retain a left-wing ideological purity and members who think the party should position itself toward the center-left with the objective of forming a government. Jagmeet Singh has aligned the party with the first camp.
The BQ differs from all other parties in that it runs candidates only in Quebec. Although the BQ garnered only 7.6% of the vote in the 2019 federal elections, it won 32 seats because its support is concentrated in Québec. It is an important political force in federal politics While the BQ has some informal ties with the provincial Parti Québécois, which also supports the independence of the province, there are no organizational links. BQ leader Yves-François Blanchet is very popular and he wields a lot of power within the party. The BQ does not accept questioning of the secessionist position but debate has occurred on the strategy for reaching independence.
In April 2013, the LPC elected Justin Trudeau as their new leader, through an open-voting process that included non-party members. The policy formation process is also relatively open, new ideas are gathered from Liberal members and supporters through local groups, then written up as policy resolutions that are voted on and prioritized first within provincial and territorial associations and then at the LPC’s biannual conventions. All resolutions passed at the convention become official party policy. Following the 2021 federal elections, the LPC formed another minority government.
Decisions in the CPC are mostly made by the elite, and while grassroots views and resolutions passed at party conventions constitute input, they are not binding. In August 2020, the CPC chose Erin O’Toole, as the new party leader. O’Toole temporarily remained leader despite the disappointing performance of the CPC at the 2021 federal elections when the party finished second once more and stayed in opposition. O’Toole had steered the CPC toward the center in the hope of defeating the LPC, and he must now contend with the so-called social conservatives members of the party who want restrictions on abortions and looser gun control. (A month after the observation period Erin O’Toole who was voted out of his leadership position on February 2, 2022 by his party’s caucus in the House of Commons).
Unlike the CPC and most of the LPC, the NDP is integrated with its provincial counterparts. A wide range of views are expressed at NDP policy conferences, but all policy resolutions passed are non-binding on the party leadership. Jagmeet Singh is the first person of an ethnic minority background to lead a major federal party. The NDP is split between members who want the party to retain a left-wing ideological purity and members who think the party should position itself toward the center-left with the objective of forming a government. Jagmeet Singh has aligned the party with the first camp.
The BQ differs from all other parties in that it runs candidates only in Quebec. Although the BQ garnered only 7.6% of the vote in the 2019 federal elections, it won 32 seats because its support is concentrated in Québec. It is an important political force in federal politics While the BQ has some informal ties with the provincial Parti Québécois, which also supports the independence of the province, there are no organizational links. BQ leader Yves-François Blanchet is very popular and he wields a lot of power within the party. The BQ does not accept questioning of the secessionist position but debate has occurred on the strategy for reaching independence.
To what extent are economic interest associations (e.g., employers, industry, labor) capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Many business associations, employers’ groups and trade unions develop policy proposals that identify the causes of problems, make use of scholarly research to support their analysis, propose technically feasible measures to attain policy objectives, take account of long-term interests, and anticipate policy effects. Among the most competent associations in this respect are the Business Council of Canada, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, the Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters Association, the Canadian Labor Congress and Unifor, formerly the Canadian Auto Workers. Reflecting Canada’s federal structure, many employers’ associations and trade unions are provincial in nature. In Québec, where something close to a corporatist model has existed since the 1960s, trade unions such as the Confédération des syndicats nationaux have been influential policy voices, especially on issues such as the French language, socioeconomic inequalities, and gender.
To what extent are non-economic interest associations capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Interest groups and social movements are influential in shaping public policy in Canada. In some policy sectors, like the environment and climate change, they put forward concrete policy proposals backed up by costs/benefits analysis. In other areas, they work to put issues onto the political and policy agenda, and they propose principles upon which reforms can be based.
Some of the most influential noneconomic interest associations include Greenpeace Canada and the David Suzuki Foundation, which have been pushing for the federal government to adopt ambitious greenhouse gas emissions reductions targets (in 2021, the federal government committed to Canada reducing its greenhouse gas emissions to 40%-45% below 2005 levels by 2030); the National Council of Women of Canada, a long-standing organization advocating on women’s issues; EGALE, a prominent association advocating for members of the LGTBQ+ community; Black Lives Matter Canada, a deconcentrated platform mobilized to struggle for racial minority rights; and religious-based organizations such as Focus on the Family Canada and Real Women of Canada, which have promoted socially-conservative positions like restrictions on abortion.
In addition to these associations, there are several influential think tanks, for example, the Institute for Research on Public Policy, the Fraser Institute, the CD Howe Institute, and Pembina Institute.
Some of the most influential noneconomic interest associations include Greenpeace Canada and the David Suzuki Foundation, which have been pushing for the federal government to adopt ambitious greenhouse gas emissions reductions targets (in 2021, the federal government committed to Canada reducing its greenhouse gas emissions to 40%-45% below 2005 levels by 2030); the National Council of Women of Canada, a long-standing organization advocating on women’s issues; EGALE, a prominent association advocating for members of the LGTBQ+ community; Black Lives Matter Canada, a deconcentrated platform mobilized to struggle for racial minority rights; and religious-based organizations such as Focus on the Family Canada and Real Women of Canada, which have promoted socially-conservative positions like restrictions on abortion.
In addition to these associations, there are several influential think tanks, for example, the Institute for Research on Public Policy, the Fraser Institute, the CD Howe Institute, and Pembina Institute.
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Does there exist an independent and effective audit office?
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There exists an effective and independent audit office.
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There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an independent and effective audit office.
The auditor general is appointed by parliament on the advice of the prime minister for a 10-year term. Once in place, however, auditor generals have virtually a free hand in deciding who to audit and when. The Office of the Auditor General is accountable to parliament, and the removal of an auditor general requires the approval of both the House of Commons and Senate. Reports of the auditor general are reviewed by the Public Accounts Committee of the House of Commons.
Reports of the auditor general – including the Office of the Commissioner of the Enviornment and Sustainable Development – span a broad range of topics. Recent reports have included audits on IT solutions, shipbuilding programs, the Canada Child Benefit, procurement of personal protective equipment, safe drinking water, and of course rollout of the emergency benefits launched during the pandemic. Government departments in turn respond to the Audits with planned action measures for addressing concerns. The OAG is a highly effective institution in its undertakings.
Citations:
Office of the Auditor General of Canada. https://www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_lp_e_856.html.
Reports of the auditor general – including the Office of the Commissioner of the Enviornment and Sustainable Development – span a broad range of topics. Recent reports have included audits on IT solutions, shipbuilding programs, the Canada Child Benefit, procurement of personal protective equipment, safe drinking water, and of course rollout of the emergency benefits launched during the pandemic. Government departments in turn respond to the Audits with planned action measures for addressing concerns. The OAG is a highly effective institution in its undertakings.
Citations:
Office of the Auditor General of Canada. https://www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_lp_e_856.html.
Does there exist an independent and effective ombuds office?
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There exists an effective and independent ombuds office.
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There exists an effective and independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an effective and independent ombuds office.
The federal government, unlike some provinces, does not have a single ombuds person heading an office dedicated to hearing citizens’ concerns, but it does have several important organizations functioning as equivalents for specific matters such as the Commissioner of Official Languages; the Information Commissioner of Canada; the Privacy Commissioner of Canada; the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner; the Commissioner of Lobbying of Canada; and the Public Sector Integrity Commissioner of Canada. All these Commissioners are officers of Parliament and are responsible directly to Parliament. There are also ombuds offices with special mandates, such as the Office of the Ombudsman for the Department of National Defense and the Canadian Forces, the Federal Ombudsman for Victims of Crime, and the Office of the Canadian Ombudsperson for Responsible Enterprise.
While the federal level does not have one ombudsman office, there is an array of agencies – that are accountable to Parliament – with clearly defined mandates and which are outspoken on issues of concern.
While the federal level does not have one ombudsman office, there is an array of agencies – that are accountable to Parliament – with clearly defined mandates and which are outspoken on issues of concern.
Is there an independent authority in place that effectively holds government offices accountable for handling issues of data protection and privacy?
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is slightly limited.
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A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are strongly limited.
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There is no effective and independent data protection office.
Canada’s data protection authority is the Privacy Commissioner of Canada. The legislation governing federal government use of private data is the Privacy Act. As an officer of parliament, the commissioner can audit suspected government breaches of the Privacy Act. The Privacy Commissioner of Canada is also responsible for complaints linked to the treatment of personal information in the private sector under the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act. Analogous structures exist at the provincial and territorial levels.
Citations:
https://www.priv.gc.ca/en
Citations:
https://www.priv.gc.ca/en