Social Policies
#34Key Findings
Still reeling from massive protests targeting flaws in the social system, Chile receives comparatively low rankings (rank 34) in the area of social policies. Its score in this area has improved by 0.2 points relative to 2014.
Bolstered by new funding, the healthcare system functioned reasonably well through the pandemic, despite critical peaks. Vaccination rates are high. Healthcare contribution rates are unequal, as maternity costs are borne solely by women.
Mass protests in 2019 and afterward centered on injustices in the education, health and pension systems. Far-reaching reform of the ailing pension system is now being discussed. Poor students increasingly receive higher-education subsidies. The pandemic exposed significant educational inequities, as public schools were often unable to implement online teaching successfully.
A steep rise in immigration in recent years has led to social tensions in the north. The number of terrorist attacks with alleged ethnic motivation has increased significantly in the south, leading to declaration of a state of emergency in 2021. Reports on the 2019 social tensions have held the government responsible for human rights violations.
Bolstered by new funding, the healthcare system functioned reasonably well through the pandemic, despite critical peaks. Vaccination rates are high. Healthcare contribution rates are unequal, as maternity costs are borne solely by women.
Mass protests in 2019 and afterward centered on injustices in the education, health and pension systems. Far-reaching reform of the ailing pension system is now being discussed. Poor students increasingly receive higher-education subsidies. The pandemic exposed significant educational inequities, as public schools were often unable to implement online teaching successfully.
A steep rise in immigration in recent years has led to social tensions in the north. The number of terrorist attacks with alleged ethnic motivation has increased significantly in the south, leading to declaration of a state of emergency in 2021. Reports on the 2019 social tensions have held the government responsible for human rights violations.
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To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
10
9
9
Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
8
7
6
7
6
Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
5
4
3
4
3
Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
2
1
1
Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Chile’s school and education attainment levels are very mixed and generally much lower than the OECD average. Pre-primary education coverage is still low but rising. Primary and secondary education coverage is high, reaching nearly 100% of current age cohorts. Tertiary-education coverage is moderate but increasing. However, the quality of universities and private sector technical institutions varies significantly. Former governments were not able to reduce the qualitative and social gap between the private and public-education systems; this failure has led to strong public protests in the past. The demand for a more equitable and qualitatively better education was also implicitly part of the mass protests and demands for social justice that at the end of 2019.
Traditionally, high-quality education in Chile has been accessible only to those able to afford it. There is a huge quality gap deriving in part from a significant financial divergence between the private- and public-education systems, with per month spending per public-system pupil averaging CLP 40,000 (approximately $60), and private-schooling fees averaging about CLP 300,000 (approximately $450). Chile used to have a broad public-education system, but as a result of the poor quality of the public schools, the share of students attending public institutions has declined to approximately 40%. In general, Chile’s education system – with the exception of a few top universities – fails in the task of enabling students to acquire the knowledge and skills required for the country to make a quantum leap in economic development and growth. This hampers labor-productivity growth and undermines efforts to diminish poverty rates.
The coronavirus pandemic highlighted the structural bias. Although 87.5% of the households do have access to the internet, the digital literacy gap among different socioeconomic groups in Chile is significant. Whereas private schools were broadly able to implement online classes and distance learning methods, most public schools found it difficult to do so, because schools and teachers did not have access to the necessary infrastructure and/or knowledge and methods needed to successfully implement distance teaching.
There is a basic ideological disagreement between the government and opposition regarding the respective roles of the free market and the state in the education system. Moreover, a strong teachers lobby has made it more difficult to pass reforms. In addition, there have been conflicts between teachers’ boards and the corporations or enterprises offering private-education services.
The latest significant changes to the education system were introduced in March 2016 by the enactment of Law No. 20,845 (Ley de Inclusión Escolar), which increased subsidies for the most vulnerable students in primary and secondary education. At the same time, public subsidies for providers of education are now granted only to private entities that legally count as nonprofit organizations. Additionally, financial contributions (copagos) by families whose children attend a public school have been lowered. Prior to this latest reform, Law No. 20,882 (Ley de Presupuestos del Sector Público), enacted in December 2015, introduced subsidies for the tuition fees paid by the most vulnerable students attending higher-education institutions (about 25% of the newly matriculated students in 2017).
In January 2018, the Congress adopted a tuition-free policy for university education, professional institutes and technical training centers after some modifications to the original initiative. Thanks to the new law, 60% of students from lower-income families who study in institutions covered by the measure will not have to pay tuition fees. The effects of the latest reforms, especially regarding higher-education access and the public-education quality, will be reliably measurable only in the medium and long term. Nonetheless, they can today be seen as an important step toward more equitable access to (higher) education and as an improvement in the quality of the country’s public-education system.
Furthermore, the Supervisory Board for Higher Education was created in 2018. Its main tasks are to monitor compliance with regulations, ensure that institutions maintain the requirements for official accreditation and to ensure the presence of a transparent information system that prevents misleading advertising.
Citations:
Ministry of Finance (Ministerio de Hacienda), Presupuesto del Ministerio de Educación, November 2021, http://www.dipres.gob.cl/597/w3-multipropertyvalues-14437-34905.html, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Education (Ministerio de Educucación – MinEduc), https://www.mineduc.cl/apoyos-del-mineduc-durante-la-pandemia-del-covid-19/, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Education (Ministerio de Educucación – MinEduc), https://www.mineduc.cl/orientaciones-mineduc-covid-19/, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Education (Ministerio de Educucación – MinEduc), https://www.mineduc.cl/mineduc-conforma-grupo-de-trabajo-para-abordar-desercion-escolar/, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the digital (literacy) gap in schools and COVID-19:
Fundación País Digital, “Brecha en el uso de internet Desigualdad digital en el 2020”, 2020, https://paisdigital.org/brecha-en-el-uso-de-internet-2020, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
SUMMA – Laboratorio de Investigación e Innovación en Educación para América Latina y el Caribe, “Docencia durante la crisis sanitaria: La mirada de los docentes”, 2020, https://www.summaedu.org/docencia-crisis-sanitaria-chile/, last accessed: 12 January 2022.
SUMMA – Laboratorio de Investigación e Innovación en Educación para América Latina y el Caribe, “Informe de Resultados. Docencia durantela crisis sanitaria: La mirada de los docentes”, 2020, http://miradadocentes.cl/Informe-de-Resultados_Docencia_Crisis_Sanitaria.pdf, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Traditionally, high-quality education in Chile has been accessible only to those able to afford it. There is a huge quality gap deriving in part from a significant financial divergence between the private- and public-education systems, with per month spending per public-system pupil averaging CLP 40,000 (approximately $60), and private-schooling fees averaging about CLP 300,000 (approximately $450). Chile used to have a broad public-education system, but as a result of the poor quality of the public schools, the share of students attending public institutions has declined to approximately 40%. In general, Chile’s education system – with the exception of a few top universities – fails in the task of enabling students to acquire the knowledge and skills required for the country to make a quantum leap in economic development and growth. This hampers labor-productivity growth and undermines efforts to diminish poverty rates.
The coronavirus pandemic highlighted the structural bias. Although 87.5% of the households do have access to the internet, the digital literacy gap among different socioeconomic groups in Chile is significant. Whereas private schools were broadly able to implement online classes and distance learning methods, most public schools found it difficult to do so, because schools and teachers did not have access to the necessary infrastructure and/or knowledge and methods needed to successfully implement distance teaching.
There is a basic ideological disagreement between the government and opposition regarding the respective roles of the free market and the state in the education system. Moreover, a strong teachers lobby has made it more difficult to pass reforms. In addition, there have been conflicts between teachers’ boards and the corporations or enterprises offering private-education services.
The latest significant changes to the education system were introduced in March 2016 by the enactment of Law No. 20,845 (Ley de Inclusión Escolar), which increased subsidies for the most vulnerable students in primary and secondary education. At the same time, public subsidies for providers of education are now granted only to private entities that legally count as nonprofit organizations. Additionally, financial contributions (copagos) by families whose children attend a public school have been lowered. Prior to this latest reform, Law No. 20,882 (Ley de Presupuestos del Sector Público), enacted in December 2015, introduced subsidies for the tuition fees paid by the most vulnerable students attending higher-education institutions (about 25% of the newly matriculated students in 2017).
In January 2018, the Congress adopted a tuition-free policy for university education, professional institutes and technical training centers after some modifications to the original initiative. Thanks to the new law, 60% of students from lower-income families who study in institutions covered by the measure will not have to pay tuition fees. The effects of the latest reforms, especially regarding higher-education access and the public-education quality, will be reliably measurable only in the medium and long term. Nonetheless, they can today be seen as an important step toward more equitable access to (higher) education and as an improvement in the quality of the country’s public-education system.
Furthermore, the Supervisory Board for Higher Education was created in 2018. Its main tasks are to monitor compliance with regulations, ensure that institutions maintain the requirements for official accreditation and to ensure the presence of a transparent information system that prevents misleading advertising.
Citations:
Ministry of Finance (Ministerio de Hacienda), Presupuesto del Ministerio de Educación, November 2021, http://www.dipres.gob.cl/597/w3-multipropertyvalues-14437-34905.html, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Education (Ministerio de Educucación – MinEduc), https://www.mineduc.cl/apoyos-del-mineduc-durante-la-pandemia-del-covid-19/, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Education (Ministerio de Educucación – MinEduc), https://www.mineduc.cl/orientaciones-mineduc-covid-19/, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Education (Ministerio de Educucación – MinEduc), https://www.mineduc.cl/mineduc-conforma-grupo-de-trabajo-para-abordar-desercion-escolar/, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the digital (literacy) gap in schools and COVID-19:
Fundación País Digital, “Brecha en el uso de internet Desigualdad digital en el 2020”, 2020, https://paisdigital.org/brecha-en-el-uso-de-internet-2020, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
SUMMA – Laboratorio de Investigación e Innovación en Educación para América Latina y el Caribe, “Docencia durante la crisis sanitaria: La mirada de los docentes”, 2020, https://www.summaedu.org/docencia-crisis-sanitaria-chile/, last accessed: 12 January 2022.
SUMMA – Laboratorio de Investigación e Innovación en Educación para América Latina y el Caribe, “Informe de Resultados. Docencia durantela crisis sanitaria: La mirada de los docentes”, 2020, http://miradadocentes.cl/Informe-de-Resultados_Docencia_Crisis_Sanitaria.pdf, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Graph View
To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
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9
9
Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
8
7
6
7
6
For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
5
4
3
4
3
For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
2
1
1
Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
In terms of opportunity for upward mobility, Chile is still failing to overcome a long-lasting and widening social gap. For instance, considerable exclusion along ethnic lines and a large gap between the poor and the middle class remain. There is also little upward mobility within higher income groups. The middle class in general, and especially the lower-middle class, can be considered as highly vulnerable given the lack of support for unemployed people or those with health problems. The structural problems and the lack of key enabling conditions that would promote equal opportunities were also highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic, as many of these households lost their source of income, although temporarily. The government implemented an Emergency Family Income (Ingreso Familiar de Emergencia, IFE), which was initially meant to be delivered for only three months, targeting the 60% most vulnerable households with mostly informal incomes. This program was ultimately upgraded to the status of Universal Emergency Family Income and extended through December 2021 with differentiated payment conditions.
Members of the middle classes tend to have accrued a high level of long-term indebtedness, while this population’s share in the national income is low even by Latin American standards. The country’s income distribution is highly unequal. Although estimated GDP is about $331 billion and GDP per capita is around $26,513 (2021), nearly 70% of the population earns a monthly income of less than $800 (CLP 530,000). About half of the population earns less than $550 (CLP 420,000) per month. Furthermore, poverty rates among elderly people are disturbingly high. In general terms, political discussions and thus policy proposals on how to promote social inclusion and social mobility still tend to be characterized by profound ideological biases.
In terms of gender inclusion, there has been some progress in the last years. Since 2017, women have been able to obtain abortions in cases involving sexual assault, a nonviable pregnancy or a significant risk to the mother’s life. In November 2018, under Piñera’s government and after five years of debate, a Gender Identity Law was enacted. This allows people to change their name and sex beginning at the age of 14, and enables them to obtain a new ID card that reflects the chosen identity. Furthermore, same-sex marriage was finally legalized in December 2021.
The social crisis and mass protests beginning in October 2019 prompted the government to introduce several reform proposals as a part of its social agenda, and to reallocate resources in order to restore social peace. The generalized discontent gave new energy to political and academic debates on a fundamental transformation of the dominant neoliberal model. As a consequence of the social tension, a plebiscite on a new constitution was held in October 2020, with 78% of voters supporting initiation of a process to draft a new one.
Citations:
Study about wages and salary income structure in Chile:
Fundación Sol, “Los verdaderos sueldos en Chile”, September 2021, https://www.fundacionsol.cl/blog/estudios-2/post/los-verdaderos-sueldos-de-chile-2021-6796, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Inter-American Development Bank – Data on Chile, http://data.iadb.org, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
World Bank – Data on Chile, http://datos.bancomundial.org/pais/chile, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), “A Broken Social Elevator? How to Promote Social Mobility, June 2018, http://www.oecd.org/social/broken-elevator-how-to-promote-social-mobility-9789264301085-en.htm, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the Guaranteed Universal Pension, https://www.gob.cl/pensiongarantizada, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Members of the middle classes tend to have accrued a high level of long-term indebtedness, while this population’s share in the national income is low even by Latin American standards. The country’s income distribution is highly unequal. Although estimated GDP is about $331 billion and GDP per capita is around $26,513 (2021), nearly 70% of the population earns a monthly income of less than $800 (CLP 530,000). About half of the population earns less than $550 (CLP 420,000) per month. Furthermore, poverty rates among elderly people are disturbingly high. In general terms, political discussions and thus policy proposals on how to promote social inclusion and social mobility still tend to be characterized by profound ideological biases.
In terms of gender inclusion, there has been some progress in the last years. Since 2017, women have been able to obtain abortions in cases involving sexual assault, a nonviable pregnancy or a significant risk to the mother’s life. In November 2018, under Piñera’s government and after five years of debate, a Gender Identity Law was enacted. This allows people to change their name and sex beginning at the age of 14, and enables them to obtain a new ID card that reflects the chosen identity. Furthermore, same-sex marriage was finally legalized in December 2021.
The social crisis and mass protests beginning in October 2019 prompted the government to introduce several reform proposals as a part of its social agenda, and to reallocate resources in order to restore social peace. The generalized discontent gave new energy to political and academic debates on a fundamental transformation of the dominant neoliberal model. As a consequence of the social tension, a plebiscite on a new constitution was held in October 2020, with 78% of voters supporting initiation of a process to draft a new one.
Citations:
Study about wages and salary income structure in Chile:
Fundación Sol, “Los verdaderos sueldos en Chile”, September 2021, https://www.fundacionsol.cl/blog/estudios-2/post/los-verdaderos-sueldos-de-chile-2021-6796, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Inter-American Development Bank – Data on Chile, http://data.iadb.org, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
World Bank – Data on Chile, http://datos.bancomundial.org/pais/chile, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), “A Broken Social Elevator? How to Promote Social Mobility, June 2018, http://www.oecd.org/social/broken-elevator-how-to-promote-social-mobility-9789264301085-en.htm, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the Guaranteed Universal Pension, https://www.gob.cl/pensiongarantizada, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
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To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
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9
9
Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
8
7
6
7
6
Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
2
1
1
Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
For more than three decades, Chile has maintained a dual health system with one private and one public pillar. The private pillar includes private insurance and private healthcare services chosen by self-financing participants (typically upper-middle-income and high-income groups). The public pillar includes highly subsidized insurance and public healthcare services for participants, who pay only part of their health costs. Although this dual system provides broad coverage to most of the population, it also perpetuates a quality gap with regard to healthcare provision (especially in the waiting times for non-emergency services), with the participants in the public system being strongly disadvantaged. Significant reforms have been implemented gradually since 2003, expanding the range of guaranteed coverage and entailing a corresponding extension of government subsidies to low- and middle-income population groups. In contrast to other policies, these reforms have been pursued in a very consistent and solid way, although some failures can be detected regarding the budget provided for public health and administrative processes. Above all, primary healthcare within the public system has shown great advances in coverage and in quality. These standards have remained stable in recent years.
In the domain of the more complex systems of secondary and tertiary healthcare, a more problematic situation is evident regarding the public healthcare system. These levels show funding gaps and an insufficiency of well-trained professionals. For these reasons, the quality and efficiency of public healthcare provision (government clinics and hospitals) vary widely.
There is still a huge gender gap with regard to healthcare contribution rates, since maternity costs are borne only by women. A draft law which seeks to implement a Universal Health Plan for private health insurance (Instituciones de Salud Previsional – ISAPRES) in order to put an end to discrimination in access based on age, gender or preexisting conditions was still pending in parliament as of the time of writing.
Near the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government created a fund of about $306 million to support the health system (earmarked for additional supplies, health staff and increases in hospital capacities, among other purposes). Although there have been critical peaks, the health system as such has not collapsed. A mental-health support program tasked with providing guidance to people affected psychologically by the pandemic was put in place by the second half of 2020. Chile is characterized by a high coronavirus vaccination rate (86.58% of the population were fully vaccinated by the end of the period under review) compared both with other Latin American countries and other OECD member countries.
A survey released in August 2021 by Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), one of Chile’s most important polling agencies, showed that 38% of the respondents cited healthcare as their third-highest concern (after crime: 42%, and pensions: 41%). This trend has remained stable in the recent past.
Citations:
Healthcare as one of the chief concerns:
Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), August 2021, https://www.cepchile.cl/encuestaCEP, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Statistics and Research on Coronavirus (COVID-19) Vaccinations:
Our World in Data, https://ourworldindata.org/covid-vaccinations, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud), https://www.minsal.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the relation the socioeconomic status and the impact of the pandemic:
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Estatus socioeconómico: un factor de riesgo para la actual pandemia de COVID-19”, May 2021, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2021/05/05/estatus-socioeconomico-un-factor-de-riesgo-para-la-actual-pandemia-de-covid-19, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
In the domain of the more complex systems of secondary and tertiary healthcare, a more problematic situation is evident regarding the public healthcare system. These levels show funding gaps and an insufficiency of well-trained professionals. For these reasons, the quality and efficiency of public healthcare provision (government clinics and hospitals) vary widely.
There is still a huge gender gap with regard to healthcare contribution rates, since maternity costs are borne only by women. A draft law which seeks to implement a Universal Health Plan for private health insurance (Instituciones de Salud Previsional – ISAPRES) in order to put an end to discrimination in access based on age, gender or preexisting conditions was still pending in parliament as of the time of writing.
Near the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government created a fund of about $306 million to support the health system (earmarked for additional supplies, health staff and increases in hospital capacities, among other purposes). Although there have been critical peaks, the health system as such has not collapsed. A mental-health support program tasked with providing guidance to people affected psychologically by the pandemic was put in place by the second half of 2020. Chile is characterized by a high coronavirus vaccination rate (86.58% of the population were fully vaccinated by the end of the period under review) compared both with other Latin American countries and other OECD member countries.
A survey released in August 2021 by Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), one of Chile’s most important polling agencies, showed that 38% of the respondents cited healthcare as their third-highest concern (after crime: 42%, and pensions: 41%). This trend has remained stable in the recent past.
Citations:
Healthcare as one of the chief concerns:
Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), August 2021, https://www.cepchile.cl/encuestaCEP, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Statistics and Research on Coronavirus (COVID-19) Vaccinations:
Our World in Data, https://ourworldindata.org/covid-vaccinations, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud), https://www.minsal.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the relation the socioeconomic status and the impact of the pandemic:
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Estatus socioeconómico: un factor de riesgo para la actual pandemia de COVID-19”, May 2021, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2021/05/05/estatus-socioeconomico-un-factor-de-riesgo-para-la-actual-pandemia-de-covid-19, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Graph View
To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
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9
Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
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7
6
7
6
Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
5
4
3
4
3
Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
2
1
1
Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
In recent years, governments have sought to expand the provision of preschool education. New policies have offered Chilean parents more opportunities to place their children in free or low-priced nurseries and kindergartens. The budget 2015 of former President Michelle Bachelet included a significant increase in public funding in both categories. Under President Piñera, budgets in this area have remained stable. A bill that would facilitate employees’ access to day care services for children under two (sala cuna universal), independent of the company size (previously, only companies employing at least 20 women have been legally obliged to offer daycare services), was submitted to parliament in October 2019. However, this was ultimately rejected by the parliamentary commission due to concerns with the proposed financial outlays and the administrative mechanism for the funding.
As yet, the day care system does not fulfill actual labor market requirements, given that nursery opening times often do not coincide with parents’ long working hours. The average annual working hours in Chile (1,825 hours per year and worker) far exceed the OECD average (about 1,687 hours per year and worker). A measure that would gradually reduce official weekly working hours to 40 has been drafted and approved by the lower chamber of Congress, but has yet to pass the Senate.
Families’ abilities to find day care for their children depend to a great degree on their economic backgrounds, as wealthier families normally pay for private housekeepers and nannies. Aside from the issue of labor market participation opportunities for women, Chilean family policy does not fully respect fathers’ concerns, as tuition for children is paid solely to mothers, for example. Chilean family policies still lack a holistic vision of modern families; for instance, they are weak on issues such as single parents and adoption.
The national social program “Chile grows with you” (Chile crece contigo), which supports expecting mothers and families during a child’s early years, also provides support for adolescent mothers.
Citations:
About working hours in OECD countries (2021):
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), https://data.oecd.org/emp/hours-worked.htm, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the law initiative for universal day nursery:
Chilean Government, https://www.gob.cl/salacunauniversal, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the national social program “Chile Crece contigo”:
Chilean Government, https://www.crececontigo.gob.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the reduction of the weekly working hours:
Diario Constitucional, “Un breve análisis al proyecto de ley que busca reducir la jornada laboral a 40 horas”, November 2021, https://www.diarioconstitucional.cl/reportajes/un-breve-analisis-al-proyecto-de-ley-que-busca-reducir-la-jornada-laboral-a-40-horas, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
As yet, the day care system does not fulfill actual labor market requirements, given that nursery opening times often do not coincide with parents’ long working hours. The average annual working hours in Chile (1,825 hours per year and worker) far exceed the OECD average (about 1,687 hours per year and worker). A measure that would gradually reduce official weekly working hours to 40 has been drafted and approved by the lower chamber of Congress, but has yet to pass the Senate.
Families’ abilities to find day care for their children depend to a great degree on their economic backgrounds, as wealthier families normally pay for private housekeepers and nannies. Aside from the issue of labor market participation opportunities for women, Chilean family policy does not fully respect fathers’ concerns, as tuition for children is paid solely to mothers, for example. Chilean family policies still lack a holistic vision of modern families; for instance, they are weak on issues such as single parents and adoption.
The national social program “Chile grows with you” (Chile crece contigo), which supports expecting mothers and families during a child’s early years, also provides support for adolescent mothers.
Citations:
About working hours in OECD countries (2021):
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), https://data.oecd.org/emp/hours-worked.htm, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the law initiative for universal day nursery:
Chilean Government, https://www.gob.cl/salacunauniversal, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the national social program “Chile Crece contigo”:
Chilean Government, https://www.crececontigo.gob.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the reduction of the weekly working hours:
Diario Constitucional, “Un breve análisis al proyecto de ley que busca reducir la jornada laboral a 40 horas”, November 2021, https://www.diarioconstitucional.cl/reportajes/un-breve-analisis-al-proyecto-de-ley-que-busca-reducir-la-jornada-laboral-a-40-horas, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Graph View
To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
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Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
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6
7
6
Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
2
1
1
Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
Chile’s pension system combines a redistributive means-tested pillar financed by general taxation with a self-financed pillar based on individual contributions and individual pension accounts, which are administrated by private pension fund managers and invested both domestically and abroad. The redistributive pillar was extended and broadened very substantially in the context of a pension reform in 2008 that implemented means-tested pension subsidies, guaranteeing a pension floor to all older citizens that is very high relative to the country’s minimum and average wages. The reform also provided pension-benefit entitlements to women based on the number of children they have, with no ceiling. It is a matter of some debate whether the Chilean pension system guarantees intergenerational equity and prevents old-age poverty. It can be argued that both public and private pension systems are fiscally sustainable (like those of Norway, the best-funded system among all OECD countries), and thus provide both intergenerational and intragenerational equity across income groups. Nevertheless, the Chilean system largely fails to guarantee poverty prevention among large parts of the socioeconomically weaker and elderly population who depend on the support of their families or have no pensions at all if they worked under unstable and/or informal conditions. Thus, because of the capitalization logic, the pension system has a negligible redistributional effect. The current scenario indicates that poverty among the elderly will rise in the medium and long term if reforms are not introduced soon.
In 2015 and 2016, massive demonstrations throughout the country revealed widespread dissatisfaction with the pension system, a generalized discontent that also contributed to the social crisis of 2019. Thus, it is no surprise that surveys indicate that the topic of pensions ranks as one of the population’s most pressing concerns.
In October 2018, President Piñera announced a reform to the pension system. However, due to the massive protests and strikes, the original reform initiative had to be modified. Among the first measures announced by the government in an effort to calm the situation was an increase of 20% of the minimum social pension (from approximately $147 to $175), which was upgraded to a Guaranteed Universal Pension (Pensión Garantizada Universal) of about $220 (CLP 185,000) in January 2022. However, its permanent financial mechanism has not yet been finalized and was still under discussion at that moment. Furthermore, additional reform initiatives seek to foster the current pension system, including an increased contribution by four percentage points at the employer’s expense, the implementation of a tax-paid supplement for women who have contributed for more than 16 years as well as a general tax-paid supplement for those who have contributed for more than 20 years. By the end of the period under review, these latter initiatives were still under review by the parliament. Furthermore, public pressure for an anticipated access to pension funds in order to substitute the loss of income due to the pandemic was approved. Contributors could withdraw 10% of their individually capitalized pension funds (with a ceiling of 150 inflation-indexed units (UF), corresponding to approx. $5,500). A total of three withdrawals with similar conditions were authorized. The fourth withdrawal was rejected by the parliament.
The political and social crisis that started in October 2019, the early withdrawals of pension funds and the fact that a radical change of the pension system has been a central topic of focus for President-Elect Gabriel Boric have together breathed new life into political and academic debates regarding the possibility of more profound change, and finally made it impossible to ignore the need for far-reaching reform.
Citations:
On the anticipatory withdrawal of pension funds:
Supervisory Board for Pensions (Superintendencia de Pensiones), https://www.spensiones.cl/portal/institucional/594/w3-propertyvalue-10411.html, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), August 2021, https://www.cepchile.cl/encuestaCEP, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the future of the Chilean pension system:
Universidad de Chile, August 2021, https://www.uchile.cl/noticias/178675/mundo-academico-y-de-las-afps-debatio-sobre-el-sistema-de-pensiones, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Aumento de pensiones mínimas: los beneficios que no vemos por mirar solo el gasto”, March 2021, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2021/03/20/aumento-de-pensiones-minimas-los-beneficios-que-no-vemos-por-mirar-solo-el-gasto, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Nuevas formas de envejecer y cuestionamientos al sistema de pensiones: ¿tiene sentido mantener el Pilar Solidario?”, August 2020, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2020/08/05/nuevas-formas-de-envejecer-y-cuestionamientos-al-sistema-de-pensiones-tiene-sentido-mantener-el-pilar-solidario, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Retiro del 10%: Limitaciones de un proyecto regresivo”, July 2020, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2020/07/14/retiro-del-10-limitaciones-de-un-proyecto-regresivo, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Conclusiones de la Comisión Bravo: todo está al revés con las pensiones”, November 2015, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2015/11/18/conclusiones-de-la-comision-bravo-todo-esta-al-reves-con-las-pensiones, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
The Pension Commission’s Executive Summery (2015), http://www.comision-pensiones.cl/Documentos/GetResumen, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
In 2015 and 2016, massive demonstrations throughout the country revealed widespread dissatisfaction with the pension system, a generalized discontent that also contributed to the social crisis of 2019. Thus, it is no surprise that surveys indicate that the topic of pensions ranks as one of the population’s most pressing concerns.
In October 2018, President Piñera announced a reform to the pension system. However, due to the massive protests and strikes, the original reform initiative had to be modified. Among the first measures announced by the government in an effort to calm the situation was an increase of 20% of the minimum social pension (from approximately $147 to $175), which was upgraded to a Guaranteed Universal Pension (Pensión Garantizada Universal) of about $220 (CLP 185,000) in January 2022. However, its permanent financial mechanism has not yet been finalized and was still under discussion at that moment. Furthermore, additional reform initiatives seek to foster the current pension system, including an increased contribution by four percentage points at the employer’s expense, the implementation of a tax-paid supplement for women who have contributed for more than 16 years as well as a general tax-paid supplement for those who have contributed for more than 20 years. By the end of the period under review, these latter initiatives were still under review by the parliament. Furthermore, public pressure for an anticipated access to pension funds in order to substitute the loss of income due to the pandemic was approved. Contributors could withdraw 10% of their individually capitalized pension funds (with a ceiling of 150 inflation-indexed units (UF), corresponding to approx. $5,500). A total of three withdrawals with similar conditions were authorized. The fourth withdrawal was rejected by the parliament.
The political and social crisis that started in October 2019, the early withdrawals of pension funds and the fact that a radical change of the pension system has been a central topic of focus for President-Elect Gabriel Boric have together breathed new life into political and academic debates regarding the possibility of more profound change, and finally made it impossible to ignore the need for far-reaching reform.
Citations:
On the anticipatory withdrawal of pension funds:
Supervisory Board for Pensions (Superintendencia de Pensiones), https://www.spensiones.cl/portal/institucional/594/w3-propertyvalue-10411.html, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), August 2021, https://www.cepchile.cl/encuestaCEP, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the future of the Chilean pension system:
Universidad de Chile, August 2021, https://www.uchile.cl/noticias/178675/mundo-academico-y-de-las-afps-debatio-sobre-el-sistema-de-pensiones, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Aumento de pensiones mínimas: los beneficios que no vemos por mirar solo el gasto”, March 2021, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2021/03/20/aumento-de-pensiones-minimas-los-beneficios-que-no-vemos-por-mirar-solo-el-gasto, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Nuevas formas de envejecer y cuestionamientos al sistema de pensiones: ¿tiene sentido mantener el Pilar Solidario?”, August 2020, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2020/08/05/nuevas-formas-de-envejecer-y-cuestionamientos-al-sistema-de-pensiones-tiene-sentido-mantener-el-pilar-solidario, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Retiro del 10%: Limitaciones de un proyecto regresivo”, July 2020, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2020/07/14/retiro-del-10-limitaciones-de-un-proyecto-regresivo, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Conclusiones de la Comisión Bravo: todo está al revés con las pensiones”, November 2015, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2015/11/18/conclusiones-de-la-comision-bravo-todo-esta-al-reves-con-las-pensiones, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
The Pension Commission’s Executive Summery (2015), http://www.comision-pensiones.cl/Documentos/GetResumen, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Graph View
How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
10
9
9
Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
8
7
6
7
6
Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
2
1
1
Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
The number of immigrants in Chile has increased significantly during the recent past. As indicated by the Chilean Immigration Office, nearly 1.5 million immigrants were living in Chile at the end of 2020 (about 7.8% of the population). This is a significant increase from 2014, when about 420,000 immigrants were living in Chile (about 2.3% of the population at that time)
Historically, the integration of immigrants from other Latin American countries, who represent about 80% of all immigrants (by far the largest group of foreigners in Chile), has not entailed significant difficulties since these immigrants share a common language, and to a certain degree, a similar cultural background. However, the significant increase in inflows over the last five years has begun to lead to social tensions and conflicts, especially in the northern regions of the country, where a large proportion of immigrants tend to enter the country.
Historically, Peruvians used to be the biggest immigrant group in Chile. However, in 2019 Chile became the third-most-popular Latin American destination for Venezuelan migrants, partly because of the introduction of the so-called Visa of Democratic Responsibility in 2018, which allows Venezuelans seeking refuge from the crisis in their country to reside in Chile for 12 months. Today this national group represents nearly one-third of all foreign residents in Chile.
Reforms introduced in 2016 and 2017 allowed refugee children to receive expedited access to Chilean citizenship regardless of their age and residence time when at least one of their parents chooses Chilean citizenship. Before this reform, only adult children qualified to receive citizenship through a parent. Additionally, some administrative barriers have been lowered, making it easier for migrants to attend public schools.
In April 2018, President Piñera presented a draft law on migration that was finally passed in May 2021. Anticipating a long parliamentary debate, the president also enacted several executive decrees addressing “urgent challenges,” which included modifications to the existing law on foreign residents (Ley de Extranjería). As a consequence, visas to stay in Chile now have to be issued in a person’s country of origin, and the ability to apply for a temporary work visa in Chile has been eliminated.
Although President Piñera belonged to the small group of Latin American heads of state that did not support the UN Global Compact for Migration of December 2018, he joined 10 additional Latin American countries in signing the Quito Declaration on the Venezuelan migration crisis in September 2018, which recognized the need for greater regional cooperation in this realm.
Citations:
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente: https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Official data on migration in Chile:
Chilean Immigration Office (Extranjería): https://www.extranjeria.gob.cl/estadisticas-migratorias, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the new migration law:
Library of the National Congress (BCN), May 2021, https://www.bcn.cl/leyfacil/recurso/ley-de-migracion-y-extranjeria, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), “Fact-Sheet Chile”, August 2019, https://www.acnur.org/op/op_fs/5d5c57fa4/chile-fact-sheet.html, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the Quito Declaration:
https://www.procesodequito.org, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Historically, the integration of immigrants from other Latin American countries, who represent about 80% of all immigrants (by far the largest group of foreigners in Chile), has not entailed significant difficulties since these immigrants share a common language, and to a certain degree, a similar cultural background. However, the significant increase in inflows over the last five years has begun to lead to social tensions and conflicts, especially in the northern regions of the country, where a large proportion of immigrants tend to enter the country.
Historically, Peruvians used to be the biggest immigrant group in Chile. However, in 2019 Chile became the third-most-popular Latin American destination for Venezuelan migrants, partly because of the introduction of the so-called Visa of Democratic Responsibility in 2018, which allows Venezuelans seeking refuge from the crisis in their country to reside in Chile for 12 months. Today this national group represents nearly one-third of all foreign residents in Chile.
Reforms introduced in 2016 and 2017 allowed refugee children to receive expedited access to Chilean citizenship regardless of their age and residence time when at least one of their parents chooses Chilean citizenship. Before this reform, only adult children qualified to receive citizenship through a parent. Additionally, some administrative barriers have been lowered, making it easier for migrants to attend public schools.
In April 2018, President Piñera presented a draft law on migration that was finally passed in May 2021. Anticipating a long parliamentary debate, the president also enacted several executive decrees addressing “urgent challenges,” which included modifications to the existing law on foreign residents (Ley de Extranjería). As a consequence, visas to stay in Chile now have to be issued in a person’s country of origin, and the ability to apply for a temporary work visa in Chile has been eliminated.
Although President Piñera belonged to the small group of Latin American heads of state that did not support the UN Global Compact for Migration of December 2018, he joined 10 additional Latin American countries in signing the Quito Declaration on the Venezuelan migration crisis in September 2018, which recognized the need for greater regional cooperation in this realm.
Citations:
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente: https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Official data on migration in Chile:
Chilean Immigration Office (Extranjería): https://www.extranjeria.gob.cl/estadisticas-migratorias, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the new migration law:
Library of the National Congress (BCN), May 2021, https://www.bcn.cl/leyfacil/recurso/ley-de-migracion-y-extranjeria, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), “Fact-Sheet Chile”, August 2019, https://www.acnur.org/op/op_fs/5d5c57fa4/chile-fact-sheet.html, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On the Quito Declaration:
https://www.procesodequito.org, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Graph View
How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
10
9
9
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
8
7
6
7
6
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
2
1
1
Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
Domestic security policy is in general quite effective. While organized crime is not apparent to the average citizen, there are some disturbing trends: selective acts of terrorism (or acts classified as such) based on ethnic or political grounds, and a slightly rising incidence of drug-trafficking (and related crimes). Especially in southern Chile, and particularly in the Araucanía region, the number of recorded terrorist attacks with alleged ethnic motivations has increased significantly in recent years. As a response to the rising tension and increase in the number of violent incidents, the government declared a state of emergency in October 2021, restricting the right of assembly and the freedom of movement in the most affected parts of that region.
Homicide rates in Chile are among Latin America’s lowest. Common crime rates have not shown any significant changes since 2012. Still, public perceptions of criminality tend to overestimate the statistical reality. Private security services are widespread in the wealthier urban areas, especially in Santiago. According to a poll released in August 2021 by the Chilean survey institute Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), insecurity remains the overriding public concern (42%), ahead of pensions (41%) and healthcare (38%), despite the fact that crime rates, especially those reflecting serious crime, have been relatively stable during the last few years.
Chile has an extremely high incarceration rate among the younger population in particular. Prevention measures are not well developed. The last two governments each launched anti-crime programs focusing on detection and repression rather than on prevention. These had very mixed results. Crime-control programs such as the Plan Cuadrante and the marked increase in the numbers of police officers have significantly reduced crime rates. Reforms of the Penal Code and their implementation over the last 10 years have also significantly raised the efficiency of crime detection and criminal prosecution.
In July 2018, President Piñera received the final report of the working group on security (Mesa de Trabajo por la Seguridad), which included 150 recommendations across five topic areas including modernizing the police, fostering an “intelligent state system,” tightening controls on the circulation of firearms, stressing the key role of municipalities in the realm of public security, and improving the coordination between actors in the criminal prosecution system. This represented a further step on the way to a new national public security agreement, one of President Piñera’s stated goals. Some of these recommendations were included in the draft laws that the executive presented to Congress in November 2018, and which were still being negotiated in Congress by the end of the period under review.
In response to the social unrest of October 2019, President Piñera declared a state of emergency and imposed a curfew that lasted over a week, deploying police and military forces to restore social order. Although social tensions had been noticeably growing for several years, the scope of these protests overwhelmed the government and surprised political analysts. In the context of these protests, state security forces – primarily the police (Carabineros) – were alleged to have committed massive human-rights abuses.
According to statistics from the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the National Institute for Human Rights (INDH) compiled by Amnesty International (AI), as of March 2021, more than 8,000 victims of state violence and more than 400 cases of eye trauma had resulted from police actions during the protests that began in 2019. Furthermore, the protests had claimed the lives of at least 23 people, and upwards of 5,000 were detained.
Former president of Chile and current High Commissioner of the United Nations Office for Human Rights (OHCHR) Michelle Bachelet sent a team to Chile tasked with investigating the incidents. The subsequently released report concluded that certain human rights violations, in particular the improper use of “less lethal” weapons and cases of ill treatment had recurred repeatedly, and had involved the same alleged perpetrators and victims. One indicator of the violent reaction of the police during the mass protests were 400 people who ended up with eye trauma as a result of projectiles fired by the security forces.
Denouncing the declaration of a state of emergency and the imposed curfew as a violation of the public’s fundamental rights, the opposition filed a “constitutional accusation” against the minister of the interior in November 2019, which was approved by the Senate by confirming the minister’s political responsibility for the human rights violations. At the same time, total damages to public and private property caused in the context of the social unrest are estimated at $1.4 billion dollars, and an estimate of related job losses exceeded 140,000.
Citations:
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On insecurity as the chief public concern:
Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), August 2021, https://www.cepchile.cl/encuestaCEP, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
National statistics on Crime:
National Institute for Statistics (INE), “Encuesta Nacional Urbana de Seguridad Ciudadana 2020”, June 2021, https://www.ine.cl/prensa/2021/06/01/encuesta-nacional-urbana-de-seguridad-ciudadana-2020-registra-ca%C3%ADda-en-tasa-de-victimizaci%C3%B3n, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
United Nations’ Office for Human Rights (OHCHR), Mission Report, December 2019, https://www.ohchr.org/SP/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25423&LangID=S, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
National Institute for Human Rights (INDH), “Annual Report 2019”, November 2019, https://bibliotecadigital.indh.cl/handle/123456789/1701, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
National Institute for Human Rights (INDH), “Annual Report 2020”, December 2020, https://bibliotecadigital.indh.cl/handle/123456789/1721, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Deutsche Welle (DW), “AI: Carabineros de Chile violaron derechos humanos durante protestas”, 15 October 2020, https://www.dw.com/es/ai-carabineros-de-chile-violaron-derechos-humanos-durante-protestas/a-55281798, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the State of Emergency in the Araucanía region:
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Un Estado de Emergencia injustificado para la Araucanía”, October 2021, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2021/10/15/un-estado-de-emergencia-injustificado-para-la-araucania, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the riots of October 2019:
Deutsche Welle (DW), “Casi un millón de personas se manifestaron en Santiago de Chile”, October 2019, https://www.dw.com/es/casi-un-mill%C3%B3n-de-personas-se-manifestaron-en-santiago-de-chile/a-50996232, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Homicide rates in Chile are among Latin America’s lowest. Common crime rates have not shown any significant changes since 2012. Still, public perceptions of criminality tend to overestimate the statistical reality. Private security services are widespread in the wealthier urban areas, especially in Santiago. According to a poll released in August 2021 by the Chilean survey institute Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), insecurity remains the overriding public concern (42%), ahead of pensions (41%) and healthcare (38%), despite the fact that crime rates, especially those reflecting serious crime, have been relatively stable during the last few years.
Chile has an extremely high incarceration rate among the younger population in particular. Prevention measures are not well developed. The last two governments each launched anti-crime programs focusing on detection and repression rather than on prevention. These had very mixed results. Crime-control programs such as the Plan Cuadrante and the marked increase in the numbers of police officers have significantly reduced crime rates. Reforms of the Penal Code and their implementation over the last 10 years have also significantly raised the efficiency of crime detection and criminal prosecution.
In July 2018, President Piñera received the final report of the working group on security (Mesa de Trabajo por la Seguridad), which included 150 recommendations across five topic areas including modernizing the police, fostering an “intelligent state system,” tightening controls on the circulation of firearms, stressing the key role of municipalities in the realm of public security, and improving the coordination between actors in the criminal prosecution system. This represented a further step on the way to a new national public security agreement, one of President Piñera’s stated goals. Some of these recommendations were included in the draft laws that the executive presented to Congress in November 2018, and which were still being negotiated in Congress by the end of the period under review.
In response to the social unrest of October 2019, President Piñera declared a state of emergency and imposed a curfew that lasted over a week, deploying police and military forces to restore social order. Although social tensions had been noticeably growing for several years, the scope of these protests overwhelmed the government and surprised political analysts. In the context of these protests, state security forces – primarily the police (Carabineros) – were alleged to have committed massive human-rights abuses.
According to statistics from the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the National Institute for Human Rights (INDH) compiled by Amnesty International (AI), as of March 2021, more than 8,000 victims of state violence and more than 400 cases of eye trauma had resulted from police actions during the protests that began in 2019. Furthermore, the protests had claimed the lives of at least 23 people, and upwards of 5,000 were detained.
Former president of Chile and current High Commissioner of the United Nations Office for Human Rights (OHCHR) Michelle Bachelet sent a team to Chile tasked with investigating the incidents. The subsequently released report concluded that certain human rights violations, in particular the improper use of “less lethal” weapons and cases of ill treatment had recurred repeatedly, and had involved the same alleged perpetrators and victims. One indicator of the violent reaction of the police during the mass protests were 400 people who ended up with eye trauma as a result of projectiles fired by the security forces.
Denouncing the declaration of a state of emergency and the imposed curfew as a violation of the public’s fundamental rights, the opposition filed a “constitutional accusation” against the minister of the interior in November 2019, which was approved by the Senate by confirming the minister’s political responsibility for the human rights violations. At the same time, total damages to public and private property caused in the context of the social unrest are estimated at $1.4 billion dollars, and an estimate of related job losses exceeded 140,000.
Citations:
On the progress of draft legislation and implementation of public policies:
Fundación Ciudadano Inteligente, https://deldichoalhecho.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
On insecurity as the chief public concern:
Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), August 2021, https://www.cepchile.cl/encuestaCEP, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
National statistics on Crime:
National Institute for Statistics (INE), “Encuesta Nacional Urbana de Seguridad Ciudadana 2020”, June 2021, https://www.ine.cl/prensa/2021/06/01/encuesta-nacional-urbana-de-seguridad-ciudadana-2020-registra-ca%C3%ADda-en-tasa-de-victimizaci%C3%B3n, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
United Nations’ Office for Human Rights (OHCHR), Mission Report, December 2019, https://www.ohchr.org/SP/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25423&LangID=S, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
National Institute for Human Rights (INDH), “Annual Report 2019”, November 2019, https://bibliotecadigital.indh.cl/handle/123456789/1701, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
National Institute for Human Rights (INDH), “Annual Report 2020”, December 2020, https://bibliotecadigital.indh.cl/handle/123456789/1721, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Deutsche Welle (DW), “AI: Carabineros de Chile violaron derechos humanos durante protestas”, 15 October 2020, https://www.dw.com/es/ai-carabineros-de-chile-violaron-derechos-humanos-durante-protestas/a-55281798, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the State of Emergency in the Araucanía region:
Centro de Investigación Periodística (CIPER), “Un Estado de Emergencia injustificado para la Araucanía”, October 2021, https://www.ciperchile.cl/2021/10/15/un-estado-de-emergencia-injustificado-para-la-araucania, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
About the riots of October 2019:
Deutsche Welle (DW), “Casi un millón de personas se manifestaron en Santiago de Chile”, October 2019, https://www.dw.com/es/casi-un-mill%C3%B3n-de-personas-se-manifestaron-en-santiago-de-chile/a-50996232, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Graph View
To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
10
9
9
The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
8
7
6
7
6
The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
5
4
3
4
3
The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
2
1
1
The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
The Chilean Agency of International Cooperation for Development (Agencia Chilena de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo, AGCID) under the Ministry for External Relations has been the authority responsible for bilateral, triangular and multilateral international cooperation since 1990. It coordinates both the resources that Chile gives as a donor and the aid the country receives. As a donor, Chile focuses on its own region, mainly South America. The AGCID reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic with a program called the Post-Pandemic Cooperation Strategy 2021-2024.
While Chile is a member of the OECD, it has only an observer status in the Development Assistance Committee (DAC). Chile formally follows and promotes the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Agenda (Agenda 2030) and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals in its foreign policies. In practice, those criteria do not necessarily constitute the main emphasis when it comes to decision-making regarding international cooperation with developing countries in the region. Chile offers virtually no subsidies to domestic producers and does not maintain protectionist trade barriers to imports.
Citations:
Chilean Cooperation Agency (Agencia Chilena de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo), https://www.agci.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile), https://www.minrel.gob.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
While Chile is a member of the OECD, it has only an observer status in the Development Assistance Committee (DAC). Chile formally follows and promotes the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Agenda (Agenda 2030) and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals in its foreign policies. In practice, those criteria do not necessarily constitute the main emphasis when it comes to decision-making regarding international cooperation with developing countries in the region. Chile offers virtually no subsidies to domestic producers and does not maintain protectionist trade barriers to imports.
Citations:
Chilean Cooperation Agency (Agencia Chilena de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo), https://www.agci.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile), https://www.minrel.gob.cl, last accessed: 13 January 2022.