Executive Accountability
#15Key Findings
Despite its highly polarized media and political environments, Czechia falls into the upper-middle ranks (rank 15) with regard to executive accountability. Its score on this measure has gained 0.1 point relative to its 2014 level.
Newspaper readership rose during the pandemic. Media sources are strongly divided between pro- Babiš organizations and more balanced or anti-Babiš rivals. The online media offers a broader spectrum of views than the traditional media. Social media has contributed to the spread of misinformation and polarization, especially regarding vaccines.
Parliamentarians have considerable resources and strong formal oversight powers. The independent audit office closely scrutinizes the use of EU and other funds, as well as the operations of state entities. The most recent ombudsman has espoused controversial, legal dubious opinions on civil rights.
Decision-making in the former prime minister’s party is highly centralized, but other parties consult members more routinely. Economic interest groups have considerable resources and policy expertise. The broader civil-society sector is vibrant, with a mass protest movement having contributed to uniting the opposition to the Babiš government.
Newspaper readership rose during the pandemic. Media sources are strongly divided between pro- Babiš organizations and more balanced or anti-Babiš rivals. The online media offers a broader spectrum of views than the traditional media. Social media has contributed to the spread of misinformation and polarization, especially regarding vaccines.
Parliamentarians have considerable resources and strong formal oversight powers. The independent audit office closely scrutinizes the use of EU and other funds, as well as the operations of state entities. The most recent ombudsman has espoused controversial, legal dubious opinions on civil rights.
Decision-making in the former prime minister’s party is highly centralized, but other parties consult members more routinely. Economic interest groups have considerable resources and policy expertise. The broader civil-society sector is vibrant, with a mass protest movement having contributed to uniting the opposition to the Babiš government.
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To what extent are citizens informed of public policies?
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Most citizens are well-informed of a broad range of public policies.
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Many citizens are well-informed of individual public policies.
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Few citizens are well-informed of public policies; most citizens have only a rudimental knowledge of public policies.
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Most citizens are not aware of public policies.
With the increasing accessibility of online information, information on government policies is available to all Czech citizens. According to surveys, however, only half of the Czech population has a general interest in politics, a share that has remained more or less stable over the last 10 years. Moreover, media sources are themselves polarized between those presenting simplistic views and/or broad support for Prime Minister Babiš and those providing a more balanced approach or even demonstrating open opposition to Babiš. The political polarization reflected in the media landscape has deepened societal divisions.
Does the government publish data and information in a way that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable?
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The government publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government most of the time publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government publishes data in a limited and not timely or user-friendly way.
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The government publishes (almost) no relevant data.
The 2016 amendment to the Access to Information Act defined the term “open data” and led to the creation of a National Open Data Catalogue (Národní katalog otevřených dat, NKOD) and a central open data portal (https://opendata.gov.cz). Open government became a significant issue in the 2017 parliamentary elections and the 2018 municipal elections, largely thanks to the newly established Pirate Party. As a result, the provision of data by the government has improved. However, it is not always provided in a user-friendly fashion and citizens seeking information are sometimes forced to jump through numerous administrative loops.
At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Babiš government refrained from publishing major pandemic-related data and information. The Ministry of Health refused to provide data even to other ministries and experts engaged in the government response. Several economic advisers resigned in protest, as the lack of data hampered their ability to provide relevant expertise. It took the threat of litigation by the NGO Hlidac státu (National Watchdog) for the government to provide relevant health statistics. Ever since, the government has published most pandemic-related data in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Babiš government refrained from publishing major pandemic-related data and information. The Ministry of Health refused to provide data even to other ministries and experts engaged in the government response. Several economic advisers resigned in protest, as the lack of data hampered their ability to provide relevant expertise. It took the threat of litigation by the NGO Hlidac státu (National Watchdog) for the government to provide relevant health statistics. Ever since, the government has published most pandemic-related data in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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Do members of parliament have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activity effectively?
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring all government activity effectively.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring a government’s major activities.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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The resources provided to the members of parliament are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
In Czechia, members of parliament can draw on a set of resources for monitoring government activity. In addition to their basic salary, members of parliament receive additional pay for their membership in parliamentary committees, commissions and other duties. They also have a budget for assistance and expertise. Parliamentary committees have an office staff of two to three persons and a secretary, and both a parliamentary library and a Parliamentary Institute are available to members. The latter serves as a research center providing information and training for members of both chambers. The research is provided on demand (to deputies and senators) and the institute also publishes regular reports on subjects of interest to the body.
Are parliamentary committees able to ask for government documents?
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Parliamentary committees may ask for most or all government documents; they are normally delivered in full and within an appropriate time frame.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are slightly limited; some important documents are not delivered or are delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are considerably limited; most important documents are not delivered or delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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Parliamentary committees may not request government documents.
As specified in the rules of procedure of the Chamber of Deputies, Czech parliamentary committees may ask for almost all government documents. Members of parliament are entitled to request all information and documents from government members, heads of administrative authorities and local self-government bodies that are necessary for the performance of their functions. These requests are usually respected and documents are delivered on time.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon ministers for hearings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon ministers. Ministers regularly follow invitations and are obliged to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are slightly limited; ministers occasionally refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are considerably limited; ministers frequently refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon ministers.
Ministers and the top personnel of major state institutions are obliged to attend committee meetings and answer questions when asked. According to the rules, ministers are also required to present draft bills to appropriate committees. If the ministers send officials below the rank of deputy minister, committees may, and often do, refuse to discuss a legislative proposal. If the Chamber of Deputies believes that there has been serious misconduct and a minister’s explanation is regarded as insufficient, it may establish a parliamentary inquiry committee.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon experts for committee meetings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon experts.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are slightly limited.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are considerably limited.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon experts.
In Czechia, parliamentary committees and subcommittees may summon experts, and often do so.
Are the task areas and structures of parliamentary committees suited to monitor ministries effectively?
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The match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are well-suited to the effective monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are largely suited to the monitoring ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are partially suited to the monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are not at all suited to the monitoring of ministries.
The Rules of Procedure of the Chamber of Deputies do not prescribe a particular distribution of subject areas among committees. The chamber is obliged to establish the Mandate and Immunity Committee, the Committee on Petitions, the Budget Committee, the Control Committee, the Organizing Committee, the Electoral Committee, and the Committee on European Affairs. However, the establishment of additional committees is within its competence. Committee meetings are public, except for the Organizing Committee, and the Mandate and Immunity Committee meetings. In the 2017–2021 term, there were 18 parliamentary committees, 15 of which shadowed government ministries or ministerial agendas. However, there was no exact match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries. For example, the Economic Committee covered the agendas of two ministries, the Ministry of Industry and Trade, and the Ministry of Transportation. Parliamentary committees can and frequently do establish subcommittees.
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To what extent do media in your country analyze the rationale and impact of public policies?
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A clear majority of mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies.
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About one-half of the mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies. The rest produces a mix of infotainment and quality information content.
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A clear minority of mass media brands focuses on high-quality information content analyzing public policies. Several mass media brands produce superficial infotainment content only.
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All mass media brands are dominated by superficial infotainment content.
The main TV and radio stations provide daily news programs and some more in-depth discussion and analysis programs weekly. The quality of information on government decisions has improved with the digitalization process. In addition, Czech TV established CT24, a channel dedicated to news, which also broadcasts online and offers a continual analysis of domestic and international events. In the second and third quarters of 2021, approximately 58% of the population between the ages of 12 and 79 were readers of at least one national-level daily newspaper (12 percentage points more than in the same period in 2019). The yellow press Blesk dominates the print media with the largest readership (0.7 million readers), followed by MF Dnes (0.44 million readers, MAFRA Holding). Overall, online media, covering a broad spectrum of views, peaked during spring 2020 due to the demand for information regarding the pandemic. Social media plays an essential role in increasing the visibility of policy issues, but has also significantly contributed to the spread of misinformation and polarization, especially on vaccines.
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How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes?
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The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are rather open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are largely controlled by the party leadership.
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A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership.
The 2021 parliamentary elections transformed the Czech political landscape. Neither the Social Democrats (ČSSD) nor the Communists (KSČM) crossed the 5% threshold required for parliamentary representation. Only a coalition of three conservative parties – the Pirate Party (in coalition with a broadly liberal grouping) which had moved toward the political center, the far-right Freedom and Direct Democracy (Svoboda a prima demokracie, SPD), and Babiš’s ANO – won representation. The traditional parties had developed formal structures and means of participation in electing their leaders and voting at congresses on policies although, in practice, active involvement by members was limited. The internal organization of the Pirate party is the most systematically inclusive as it enables both members and sympathizers to engage in agenda-setting and other activities, the majority of which take place online. The internal decision-making of the ANO party is the polar opposite. The party is hierarchically organized, and its founder and leader, Andrej Babiš and a small group of his allies, dominate the decision-making process. The internal organization of SPD is even more restrictive, as the party leader Tomio Okamura controls both the decision-making and party finance in ways that involve intimidation and – according to investigative journalists – even extortion.
To what extent are economic interest associations (e.g., employers, industry, labor) capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
The main employers’ unions and trade unions both have considerable resources and expertise with which to develop coherent policies. Trade unions have a significant competence with regard to labor relations and economic policy more generally; they can lobby ministries and parliament and influence government directly through tripartite consultation structures. Employers also have access to considerable resources, but have a different agenda, favoring a less regulated labor market and lower business taxes. To strengthen their position, the trade unions align their position with European legislation. Consultation with the trade unions and employers intensified during the pandemic period and their input into the recovery plan was substantial.
To what extent are non-economic interest associations capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Interest associations have grown considerably in Czechia since 1990. As of March 2020, over 135,000 autonomous, self-organized groups, associations, foundations and organizations were registered in the country, although not all of them were active. Over the last decade, many new NGOs have emerged with a focus on areas such as corruption, city planning, LGBTQ+ rights, food safety, and participatory budgeting on the local level. Many of these have the resources and expertise to formulate relevant policy proposals. For example, in the 2021 general elections, two groups were visible, namely We are Fair (JsmeFer), which harnessed support for candidates committed to supporting same-sex marriage, and Circle a Woman (Zakrouzkuj zenu), which asked voters to give preferential votes to female candidates. The latter might have contributed to a significant increase of women among newly elected members of parliament. The biggest impact was from the movement Million Moments for Democracy (MMD), which formed in January 2018 with the aim of collecting one million signatures opposing Babiš as prime minister in view of accusations of his corrupt practices. In 2019, it claimed to have collected 420,000 signatures and held mass public demonstrations, which continued during the pandemic, that criticized the government’s alleged incompetence and poor communication. MMD probably contributed to uniting part of the opposition to Babiš and to the five percentage point increase in turnout in the 2021 parliamentary election.
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Does there exist an independent and effective audit office?
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There exists an effective and independent audit office.
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There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an independent and effective audit office.
The Supreme Audit Office (Nejvyšší kontrolní úřad, NKÚ), which had 467 employees in 2020, audits the financial management of state entities and financial resources received from abroad. It expresses an opinion on the state’s final financial accounting statement and oversees the implementation of the state budget. The NKÚ is not authorized to audit the finances of municipalities, towns or regions, or to audit companies co-financed by the state or lower-level governments. The constitution regulates the functioning of the NKÚ; the body’s president and vice-president are appointed for terms of nine years by the county’s president, based on proposals made by the Chamber of Deputies. The Chamber of Deputies further elects the members of the NKÚ upon nomination by the president of the NKÚ. In 2020, NKÚ audited 152 institutions, the Chamber of Deputies’ Control Committee discussed 22 NKÚ audit reports and the government considered 24 audits. Reports were frequently critical, pointing to failures at varying levels of public administration to assess adequately whether money had been well spent in terms of achieving state objectives. This was exacerbated during the pandemic when many decisions were taken with more haste and, in the NKÚ’s view, the state gave up on efforts to find savings. The NKÚ concluded that the stability of public finances could come under threat and that there needed to be a decisive change in how the state operated.
Citations:
NKÚ (2021): Annual Report 2020. Prague (https://www.nku.cz/assets/publications-documents/annual-report/annual-report-2020.pdf).
Citations:
NKÚ (2021): Annual Report 2020. Prague (https://www.nku.cz/assets/publications-documents/annual-report/annual-report-2020.pdf).
Does there exist an independent and effective ombuds office?
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There exists an effective and independent ombuds office.
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There exists an effective and independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an effective and independent ombuds office.
Czechia has had an ombuds office since 2000. Its head is elected for a six-year term by the Chamber of Deputies from among candidates nominated by the president and the Senate. The office delivers quarterly and annual reports on its activities to the Chamber of Deputies, including recommendations on where laws could be changed and report on not fulfilled recommendations. The Office also annually evaluates the extent to which these recommendations were followed. It produces detailed reports on cases it investigates, indicating when laws have been transgressed to the extent that the damaged parties have a solid basis for seeking redress. The first four ombudspersons have acted independently and have taken their advocacy role seriously. By contrast, Stanislav Křeček, who became ombudsman at the age of 81 in March 2020, has undermined the reputation of the office by espousing controversial, legally dubious opinions on many civil rights issues. These include banning the presence of fathers during births, blaming discrimination against the Roma on the Roma, and claiming that some human rights anchored in the constitution are exaggerated and superfluous.
Is there an independent authority in place that effectively holds government offices accountable for handling issues of data protection and privacy?
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is slightly limited.
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A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are strongly limited.
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There is no effective and independent data protection office.
Data protection responsibilities rest with the Office for Personal Data Protection (Úřad pro ochranu osobních údajů, ÚOOÚ), an independent body established under a law passed in 2000. It is tasked with supervising the observance of the legal obligations laid down for personal data processing, maintaining the register of notified data processing operations, dealing with initiatives and complaints from citizens concerning any breach of the law, and advising the government on issues relating to personal data protection. The president of the republic appoints the president of the office, with candidates being nominated by the president of the Senate, the upper house of parliament. The office regularly publishes an annual report on its website detailing its activities. In 2019, the Personal Data Processing Act 2019, the country’s second data protection act, sought to implement the European Union’s GDPR. As a result, the scope of ÚOOÚ’s activities has widened. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the ÚOOÚ has provided answers to the most frequently asked questions on personal data processing on its website and has not refrained from criticizing the government.