Executive Capacity
#33Key Findings
With a government that has been strongly driven by the prime minister, Czechia scores relatively poorly (rank 33) with regard to executive capacity. Its score on this measure has improved by 0.1 point relative to 2014.
Medium-term and long-term strategic frameworks exist, but appear to have little policy influence. The government office has little sectoral expertise, instead playing a primarily coordinating function. Line ministries develop policies with input from the government office. The government paid little heed to expert advice during the pandemic.
Informal coordination between coalition members plays an important role. Communication has been streamlined but has been driven by the prime minster. The Babiš government’s lack of a parliamentary majority hampered passage of key policies. The government repeatedly failed to control the spread of COVID-19.
The RIA process is well-established, but many major proposals are excluded from its requirements. The Babiš government met with societal actors, but largely ignored their comments. A controversial income tax reform reduced subnational government revenues, reducing their ability to fund schools and hospitals. Regulations were often enforced against Babiš business opponents.
Medium-term and long-term strategic frameworks exist, but appear to have little policy influence. The government office has little sectoral expertise, instead playing a primarily coordinating function. Line ministries develop policies with input from the government office. The government paid little heed to expert advice during the pandemic.
Informal coordination between coalition members plays an important role. Communication has been streamlined but has been driven by the prime minster. The Babiš government’s lack of a parliamentary majority hampered passage of key policies. The government repeatedly failed to control the spread of COVID-19.
The RIA process is well-established, but many major proposals are excluded from its requirements. The Babiš government met with societal actors, but largely ignored their comments. A controversial income tax reform reduced subnational government revenues, reducing their ability to fund schools and hospitals. Regulations were often enforced against Babiš business opponents.
How much influence do strategic planning units and bodies have on government decision-making?
10
9
9
Strategic planning units and bodies take a long-term view of policy challenges and viable solutions, and they exercise strong influence on government decision-making.
8
7
6
7
6
Strategic planning units and bodies take a long-term view of policy challenges and viable solutions. Their influence on government decision-making is systematic but limited in issue scope or depth of impact.
5
4
3
4
3
Strategic planning units and bodies take a long-term view of policy challenges and viable solutions. Occasionally, they exert some influence on government decision-making.
2
1
1
In practice, there are no units and bodies taking a long-term view of policy challenges and viable solutions.
While the institutional infrastructure for strategic planning in Czechia remains relatively weak, a number of strategic frameworks exist, partly resulting from EU pressure. In April 2017, following two years of widespread consultations, the government approved Czechia’s 2030 strategic framework, which sets out a long-term vision for the development of the country (Government of the Czech Republic 2017). It also set up the Government Council for Sustainable Development, which is in charge of monitoring the implementation of the strategy as well as updating the strategy. The stated objectives correspond to the United Nations’ SDGs. The document is full of worthy, but extremely general commitments, such as promising support for low-carbon technologies without offering any specifications. There have been two changes of government since its approval and little sign that it has influenced policymaking. Thus, government policy manifestos continue to be the most important form of medium-term planning. They are presented to the Chamber of Deputies, after a new government assumes office, for a vote of confidence.
Citations:
Government of the Czech Republic (2017): Strategic Framework Czech Republic 2030. Prague (https://www.vlada.cz/assets/ppov/udrzitelny-rozvoj/projekt-OPZ/Strategic_Framework_CZ2030.pdf).
Citations:
Government of the Czech Republic (2017): Strategic Framework Czech Republic 2030. Prague (https://www.vlada.cz/assets/ppov/udrzitelny-rozvoj/projekt-OPZ/Strategic_Framework_CZ2030.pdf).
Does the government regularly take into account advice from non-governmental experts during decision-making?
10
9
9
In almost all cases, the government transparently consults with non-governmental experts in the early stages of government decision-making.
8
7
6
7
6
For major political projects, the government transparently consults with non-governmental experts in the early stages of government decision-making.
5
4
3
4
3
In some cases, the government transparently consults with non-governmental experts in the early stages of government decision-making.
2
1
1
The government does not consult with non-governmental experts, or existing consultations lack transparency entirely and/or are exclusively pro forma.
In Czechia, there are several permanent or temporary advisory bodies and several public research institutions that are closely linked to individual ministries or the Government Office and which partly depend on state funding. Within the cabinet, there is a unit consisting of consultants and advisers to the prime minister, whose task is to evaluate the substantive content of legislative materials and prepare a strategic agenda for the government. Under Prime Minister Babiš, the consultation of non-governmental experts has lost importance. The number of his official external advisers fell to only 11. While Babiš reactivated the National Economic Council of the Government (NERV) – a government advisory body on economic issues, which had originally been formed in 2010, but then left to go dormant – at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the body was soon sidelined and had little impact on government decision-making. Petr Fiala, the new Czech prime minister since the end of November 2021, has expanded the number of his official external advisers from 11 to 14. The prime minister’s Council of Advisers is dominated by economists and medical experts.
Does the government office / prime minister’s office (GO / PMO) have the expertise to evaluate ministerial draft bills according to the government’s priorities?
10
9
9
The GO / PMO provides regular, independent evaluations of draft bills for the cabinet / prime minister. These assessments are guided exclusively by the government’s priorities.
8
7
6
7
6
The GO / PMO evaluates most draft bills according to the government’s priorities.
5
4
3
4
3
The GO / PMO can rely on some sectoral policy expertise but does not evaluate draft bills.
2
1
1
The GO / PMO does not have any sectoral policy expertise. Its role is limited to collecting, registering and circulating documents submitted for cabinet meetings.
The Office of the Government of the Czech Republic is the central body of state administration, but fulfills primarily administrative functions. It is relatively small and has little sectoral policy expertise. While it prepares cabinet meetings and coordinates the work of cabinet councils, and other working and advisory bodies of the government, it does not provide direct oversight for line ministry proposals. However, it may facilitate some oversight by expert advisers.
To what extent do line ministries involve the government office/prime minister’s office in the preparation of policy proposals?
10
9
9
There are inter-related capacities for coordination between GO/PMO and line ministries.
8
7
6
7
6
The GO/PMO is regularly briefed on new developments affecting the preparation of policy proposals.
5
4
3
4
3
Consultation is rather formal and focuses on technical and drafting issues.
2
1
1
Consultation occurs only after proposals are fully drafted as laws.
The legislative plan of the government divides tasks among the ministries and other central bodies of the state administration and sets deadlines for the submission of bills to the cabinet. The line ministry has to involve and take into account comments from a range of institutions, including the Government Office and the Government Legislative Council. This consultation process primarily focuses on technical issues and the harmonization of legal norms.
How effectively do ministerial or cabinet committees coordinate cabinet proposals?
10
9
9
The vast majority of cabinet proposals are reviewed and coordinated first by committees.
8
7
6
7
6
Most cabinet proposals are reviewed and coordinated by committees, in particular proposals of political or strategic importance.
5
4
3
4
3
There is little review or coordination of cabinet proposals by committees.
2
1
1
There is no review or coordination of cabinet proposals by committees. Or: There is no ministerial or cabinet committee.
The Czech government routinely establishes advisory and working bodies made up of cabinet members, ministry officials and other experts to support its activities. According to the issue under consideration, such entities may be given permanent or temporary status. In addition, there are advisory bodies, commissions and councils that are managed by individual ministries and which deal with issues related to the ministries’ portfolios. The most important ministerial committees are the National Security Council and the Committee for the European Union. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Central Crisis Staff, a working body of the National Security Council for resolving crisis situations, has gained importance. The committees discuss and approve policy documents. However, they do so in an ad hoc fashion and are not systematically involved in the preparation of cabinet meetings.
How effectively do ministry officials/civil servants coordinate policy proposals?
10
9
9
Most policy proposals are effectively coordinated by ministry officials/civil servants.
8
7
6
7
6
Many policy proposals are effectively coordinated by ministry officials/civil servants.
5
4
3
4
3
There is some coordination of policy proposals by ministry officials/civil servants.
2
1
1
There is no or hardly any coordination of policy proposals by ministry officials/civil servants.
As part of the interministerial coordination process, some coordination among line ministry civil servants occurs. Senior ministry officials are generally crucial in collecting and discussing comments on proposed legislation. The definition of their roles and responsibilities was improved through the civil service law, which went into effect at the beginning of 2015 and regulates the legal status of state employees in administrative offices and represents a significant step toward establishing a stable and professional public administration. In some cases, coordination between ministries even takes the form of contracts. For instance, there is a memorandum of mutual cooperation between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Culture in order to improve the international representation of Czech culture.
How effectively do informal coordination mechanisms complement formal mechanisms of interministerial coordination?
10
9
9
Informal coordination mechanisms generally support formal mechanisms of interministerial coordination.
8
7
6
7
6
In most cases, informal coordination mechanisms support formal mechanisms of interministerial coordination.
5
4
3
4
3
In some cases, informal coordination mechanisms support formal mechanisms of interministerial coordination.
2
1
1
Informal coordination mechanisms tend to undermine rather than complement formal mechanisms of interministerial coordination.
Informal coordination mechanisms have featured prominently in Czech political culture. Like its predecessors, the former Babiš and current Fiala governments have depended on a coalition agreement, which includes agreements on policies and coordination mechanisms. Fundamental issues are addressed at the level of the chairmen of the coalition parties or the coalition council. The coalition council consists of the chairpersons of the coalition parties and a maximum of three other representatives of the respective coalition parties. Coordination mechanisms at the level of parliamentary and senatorial clubs are also important. Moreover, the coalition partners also maintain expert commissions consisting of members and party supporters. In the case of the Babiš government, President Zeman sometimes stepped in as an informal coordinator when the government needed support from the Communist Party. The COVID-19 pandemic severely strained these coordination mechanisms.
How extensively and effectively are digital technologies used to support interministerial coordination (in policy development and monitoring)?
10
9
9
The government uses digital technologies extensively and effectively to support interministerial coordination.
8
7
6
7
6
The government uses digital technologies in most cases and somewhat effectively to support interministerial coordination.
5
4
3
4
3
The government uses digital technologies to a lesser degree and with limited effects to support interministerial coordination.
2
1
1
The government makes no substantial use of digital technologies to support interministerial coordination.
The digitalization of state administration featured prominently in the Babiš government’s manifesto. In 2018, the government approved the Digital Czech Republic program, which aimed to advance the digitalization of the country. The implementation of the program started slowly, but has gained pace during the COVID-19 pandemic. New legislation on banking identity or the right to digital services has shifted a significant proportion of communication between the state and citizens to the digital sphere. Public authorities have expanded the use of online platforms and interactive digital forms. At the same time, progress with using digital technologies to support interministerial coordination has been limited.
To what extent does the government assess the potential impacts of existing and prepared legal acts (regulatory impact assessments, RIA)?
10
9
9
RIA are applied to all new regulations and to existing regulations which are characterized by complex impact paths. RIA methodology is guided by common minimum standards.
8
7
6
7
6
RIA are applied systematically to most new regulations. RIA methodology is guided by common minimum standards.
5
4
3
4
3
RIA are applied in some cases. There is no common RIA methodology guaranteeing common minimum standards.
2
1
1
RIA are not applied or do not exist.
According to the government legislative rules and partly based on the implementation of EU law, regulatory impact assessments (RIA) are in principle applied to all generally binding regulations prepared by the ministries and other central administrative authorities. There is a standard RIA methodology, which has been refined over time. RIA reports are submitted by the ministries to the RIA unit at the Office of the Government for formal review and then to the independent RIA board for more extensive scrutiny. The members of the RIA commission also take part in discussions on selected regulatory drafts at meetings of the Legislative Council of the Government. The RIA unit provides methodological guidance, and organizes workshops and seminars for civil servants who prepare impact assessments. Internationally, the RIA commission participates in the activities of the RegWatchEurope platform.
A major weakness of RIAs in Czechia is that RIAs are not mandatory for legislation proposed by members of parliament, or local or regional authorities. As proposals by members of parliament alone represent about 40% of all legislative initiatives, this is a major gap. The emergency measures introduced to control the COVID-19 pandemic were also exempt from RIAs. During 2020, the RIA commission considered 55 drafts, considerably more than in the two preceding years, approving 10, while recommending some changes to a further 34 and the complete reworking of 11 (Úrad vlády České řepubliky 2021). It is not always clear, however, how far RIAs eventually change legislation. A draft law on transitioning to a low-carbon energy policy proposed in 2020 was criticized, because it was found to concentrate only on nuclear power and failed to account for the government’s long-term energy strategy, adopted in 2015. The law that was passed in 2021 (No.367/2021) seemed to be guilty of the same shortcomings.
Citations:
Úrad vlády České řepubliky (2021): Jednání pracovní komise Legislativní rady vlády pro hodnocení dopadů regulace v roce 2020. Prague (https://ria.vlada.cz/wp-content/uploads/Priloha-c.-8-vyrocni-zprava-pracovni-komise-RIA-2020.pdf).
A major weakness of RIAs in Czechia is that RIAs are not mandatory for legislation proposed by members of parliament, or local or regional authorities. As proposals by members of parliament alone represent about 40% of all legislative initiatives, this is a major gap. The emergency measures introduced to control the COVID-19 pandemic were also exempt from RIAs. During 2020, the RIA commission considered 55 drafts, considerably more than in the two preceding years, approving 10, while recommending some changes to a further 34 and the complete reworking of 11 (Úrad vlády České řepubliky 2021). It is not always clear, however, how far RIAs eventually change legislation. A draft law on transitioning to a low-carbon energy policy proposed in 2020 was criticized, because it was found to concentrate only on nuclear power and failed to account for the government’s long-term energy strategy, adopted in 2015. The law that was passed in 2021 (No.367/2021) seemed to be guilty of the same shortcomings.
Citations:
Úrad vlády České řepubliky (2021): Jednání pracovní komise Legislativní rady vlády pro hodnocení dopadů regulace v roce 2020. Prague (https://ria.vlada.cz/wp-content/uploads/Priloha-c.-8-vyrocni-zprava-pracovni-komise-RIA-2020.pdf).
Does the RIA process ensure participation, transparency and quality evaluation?
10
9
9
RIA analyses consistently involve stakeholders by means of consultation or collaboration, results are transparently communicated to the public and assessments are effectively evaluated by an independent body on a regular basis.
8
7
6
7
6
The RIA process displays deficiencies with regard to one of the three objectives.
5
4
3
4
3
The RIA process displays deficiencies with regard to two of the three objectives.
2
1
1
RIA analyses do not exist or the RIA process fails to achieve any of the three objectives of process quality.
The RIA process is well established and transparent. Consultation with stakeholders is an essential part. In principle, all those who are affected by new legislation can express their views in advance. The parties concerned may include, among others, public authorities, professional organizations, non-governmental organizations or business entities. Czechia is one of the few countries featuring an independent RIA Board. In place since 2011, this board consists of 16 external experts, and is chaired by an environmental economist. Affiliated with the Government Legislative Council, it a) coordinates and methodically manages the RIA process; b) processes the material documents for the working commission; and c) on the basis of an opinion of the working committee, if available, drafts the draft opinion of the Legislative Council of the Government or the Chairman of the Legislative Council of the Government for the RIA area. The COVID-19 pandemic reduced the number of RIA commission meetings and most of the materials were discussed in abbreviated proceedings.
Citations:
https://ria.vlada.cz/wp-content/uploads/Priloha-c.-8-vyrocni-zprava-pracovni-komise-RIA-2020.pdf
Citations:
https://ria.vlada.cz/wp-content/uploads/Priloha-c.-8-vyrocni-zprava-pracovni-komise-RIA-2020.pdf
Does the government conduct effective sustainability checks within the framework of RIA?
10
9
9
Sustainability checks are an integral part of every RIA; they draw on an exhaustive set of indicators (including social, economic, and environmental aspects of sustainability) and track impacts from the short- to long-term.
8
7
6
7
6
Sustainability checks lack one of the three criteria.
5
4
3
4
3
Sustainability checks lack two of the three criteria.
2
1
1
Sustainability checks do not exist or lack all three criteria.
Sustainability checks are an integral part of every RIA, but are not very comprehensive (Cvachovcová and Polášek 2020). The checklist requires a response to the question of whether there are effects on social, economic and environmental issues and for an indication of what those effects are. A set of 2016 amendments to the RIA guidelines specified how to assess or quantify these effects. Criteria are refined by the relevant ministries on an ongoing basis.
Citations:
Cvachovcová, P., M. Polášek (2020): Možnosti zahrnutí perspektivy udržitelného rozvoje do systému
hodnocení dopadů v ČR. Prague. (https://www.cr2030.cz/zavazky/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2021/03/Moz%CC%8Cnosti-zahrnuti%CC%81-perspektivy-udrz%CC%8Citelne%CC%81ho-rozvoje-do-syste%CC%81mu-hodnocen%C3%AD-dopadu%CC%8A-v-%C4%8CR_final.pdf).
Citations:
Cvachovcová, P., M. Polášek (2020): Možnosti zahrnutí perspektivy udržitelného rozvoje do systému
hodnocení dopadů v ČR. Prague. (https://www.cr2030.cz/zavazky/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2021/03/Moz%CC%8Cnosti-zahrnuti%CC%81-perspektivy-udrz%CC%8Citelne%CC%81ho-rozvoje-do-syste%CC%81mu-hodnocen%C3%AD-dopadu%CC%8A-v-%C4%8CR_final.pdf).
To what extent do government ministries regularly evaluate the effectiveness and/or efficiency of public policies and use results of evaluations for the revision of existing policies or development of new policies?
10
9
9
Ex post evaluations are carried out for all significant policies and are generally used for the revision of existing policies or the development of new policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Ex post evaluations are carried out for most significant policies and are used for the revision of existing policies or the development of new policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Ex post evaluations are rarely carried out for significant policies and are rarely used for the revision of existing policies or the development of new policies.
2
1
1
Ex post evaluations are generally not carried out and do not play any relevant role for the revision of existing policies or the development of new policies.
Ex post evaluations are a regular part of the RIA process. However, they are usually carried out internally by individual departments and, save for measures financed with EU funds, have not been done systematically so far. Intending to change this situation, the Government Office presented a comprehensive proposal in mid-2018 to improve the quality of ex post evaluations. An interdepartmental working group was established to draft new formal guidelines for ex post evaluations that would make findings public and make the whole process more transparent. However, the new formal guidelines are still under discussion.
Does the government consult with societal actors in a fair and pluralistic manner?
10
9
9
The government always consults with societal actors in a fair and pluralistic manner.
8
7
6
7
6
The government in most cases consults with societal actors in a fair and pluralistic manner.
5
4
3
4
3
The government does consult with societal actors, but mostly in an unfair and clientelistic manner.
2
1
1
The government rarely consults with any societal actors.
The policy process in Czechia is relatively open. In the course of the legislative process, a broad spectrum of social and economic actors is consulted. The digital publication of laws and regulations has improved public access to information. The primary formal means of consultation is a tripartite council that includes representatives from the government, trade unions and employers’ organizations. This is an arena for consultation on economic and social policy measures, and the council members are also automatically consulted during preparing legislation. Business organizations and trade unions were also represented in the advisory bodies that helped the Babiš government to formulate its response to the COVID-19 pandemic. While the Babiš government was in regular contact with the government’s social partners, it did not pay much attention to their inputs. In many cases, consultation remained formal. When the government presented the first draft of its National Recovery Plan in 2020, for instance, no material was published for discussion in advance and only five days were allowed for comments by societal actors, which were then largely ignored.
To what extent does the government achieve coherent communication?
10
9
9
Ministries are highly successful in aligning their communication with government strategy.
8
7
6
7
6
Ministries most of the time are highly successful in aligning their communication with government strategy.
5
4
3
4
3
Ministries occasionally issue public statements that contradict the public communication of other ministries or the government strategy.
2
1
1
Strategic communication planning does not exist; individual ministry statements regularly contradict each other. Messages are often not factually consistent with the government’s strategy.
Under Prime Minister Babiš, government communication was less cacophonous than under the previous Sobotka government. However, rather than any proper coordination, the streamlining of government communication reflected Babiš’s power over ANO ministers and the coalition partner, the Social Democratic party. The MAFRA-owned media (Babiš’s media conglomerate) created scandals around every instance in which Social Democratic ministers dared to issue public statements contradicting the official government line, while ANO ministers who fell out of favor with Babiš were quickly replaced.
To what extent can the government achieve its own policy objectives?
10
9
9
The government can largely implement its own policy objectives.
8
7
6
7
6
The government is partly successful in implementing its policy objectives or can implement some of its policy objectives.
5
4
3
4
3
The government partly fails to implement its objectives or fails to implement several policy objectives.
2
1
1
The government largely fails to implement its policy objectives.
The effectiveness of the Babiš government has suffered from the lack of a parliamentary majority. It failed to implement the announced pension reform and succeeded in implementing its tax reform only on a second go. After the Social Democrats, ANO’s junior coalition partner, refused to support tax cuts amidst the pandemic, ANO worked together with the opposition ODS to push the law through. The serial failures to control the COVID-19 pandemic indicate an area in which the government was not successful. Crisis management was undermined by a power struggle within the coalition between ANO and the Social Democrats over the creation of advisory bodies for crisis management. As a result of this struggle, there was no adequate independent expert advisory body. More importantly, success was undermined by Babiš’s premature claims that Czechia had successfully mitigated the worst of the pandemic and that the government did not need to rely on expert policy advice.
To what extent does the organization of government provide mechanisms to ensure that ministers implement the government’s program?
10
9
9
The organization of government successfully provides strong mechanisms for ministers to implement the government’s program.
8
7
6
7
6
The organization of government provides some mechanisms for ministers to implement the government’s program.
5
4
3
4
3
The organization of government provides weak mechanisms for ministers to implement the government’s program.
2
1
1
The organization of government does not provide any mechanisms for ministers to implement the government’s program.
In the past, Czech governments have tried to ensure ministerial compliance mainly through the use of well-defined government programs and coalition agreements. Differences between individual ministers and the government took the form of disagreements between parties, played out by threats of resignation, and were resolved through coalition negotiations. The Social Democrats’ poor showing in the 2017 parliamentary elections made them less assertive in the coalition. To secure ministerial compliance, Prime Minister Babiš was able to capitalize on his uncontested role as ANO leader and made heavy use of naming and shaming in the media, especially in publications and outlets that he controls. The compliance of the Social Democrats was secured mostly by using the threat of early elections.
How effectively does the government office/prime minister’s office monitor line ministry activities with regard to implementation?
10
9
9
The GO / PMO effectively monitors the implementation activities of all line ministries.
8
7
6
7
6
The GO / PMO monitors the implementation activities of most line ministries.
5
4
3
4
3
The GO / PMO monitors the implementation activities of some line ministries.
2
1
1
The GO / PMO does not monitor the implementation activities of line ministries.
In Czechia, the government office formally monitors the activities of the line ministries. However, the fact that Czech governments have tended to be coalition governments has strongly limited the actual monitoring of ministries. Under the Babiš government, the online system Supervizor, designed to collect and publish data on the financial management of ministries and authorities, was used to monitor the ANO ministries only. This follows the Czech tradition that, in a coalition, government ministries are in the exclusive purview of the party that controls them and others, including the prime minister, are not expected to intervene.
How effectively do federal and subnational ministries monitor the activities of bureaucracies/executive agencies with regard to implementation?
10
9
9
The ministries effectively monitor the implementation activities of all bureaucracies/executive agencies.
8
7
6
7
6
The ministries monitor the implementation activities of most bureaucracies/executive agencies.
5
4
3
4
3
The ministries monitor the implementation activities of some bureaucracies/executive agencies.
2
1
1
The ministries do not monitor the implementation activities of bureaucracies/executive agencies.
The delegations of responsibility away from the government is limited in Czechia. Agencies take diverse organizational forms and are monitored in different ways. Some of them enjoy little autonomy and are monitored relatively tightly. In many cases, both the government and parliament are directly involved in supervision. The oversight of financial management and spending improved with the introduction of the Supervizor program, which increased transparency but did not cover all line ministries or state agencies.
To what extent does the central government ensure that tasks delegated to subnational self-governments are adequately funded?
10
9
9
The central government enables subnational self-governments to fulfill all their delegated tasks by funding these tasks sufficiently and/or by providing adequate revenue-raising powers.
8
7
6
7
6
The central government enables subnational governments to fulfill most of their delegated tasks by funding these tasks sufficiently and/or by providing adequate revenue-raising powers.
5
4
3
4
3
The central government sometimes and deliberately shifts unfunded mandates to subnational governments.
2
1
1
The central government often and deliberately shifts unfunded mandates to subnational self-governments.
The regional tier within the Czech system of governance retains importance following a consolidation process of various administrative functions. The budgetary allocation of taxes, tax autonomy, and financial decentralization have enabled regional governments to exhibit independence in fulfilling governing duties and managing necessary infrastructure. While the capacities of subnational governments to deal with the pandemic have differed, the COVID-19 response in Czechia has not been harmed by conflicts between the different tiers of government. After the regional elections in October 2020, however, the willingness of the central government and especially Prime Minister Babiš to engage with the regional governors declined, as ANO had been outmaneuvered in most regions by various coalitions of the opposition. The controversial 2020 income tax reform has reduced the revenues of subnational governments, and has reduced their ability to fund schools and hospitals.
To what extent does central government ensure that subnational self-governments may use their constitutional scope of discretion with regard to implementation?
10
9
9
The central government enables subnational self-governments to make full use of their constitutional scope of discretion with regard to implementation.
8
7
6
7
6
Central government policies inadvertently limit the subnational self-governments’ scope of discretion with regard to implementation.
5
4
3
4
3
The central government formally respects the constitutional autonomy of subnational self-governments, but de facto narrows their scope of discretion with regard to implementation.
2
1
1
The central government deliberately precludes subnational self-governments from making use of their constitutionally provided implementation autonomy.
The discretion of local and regional governments over exactly how resources should be spent does not face formal limitations. Effective discretion is limited by budget limitations, but money can be transferred between uses. More significantly, regional governments are effectively constrained by the need to meet the standards set for key services, notably education, which limits the scope for transferring funds between uses.
To what extent does central government ensure that subnational self-governments realize national standards of public services?
10
9
9
Central government effectively ensures that subnational self-governments realize national standards of public services.
8
7
6
7
6
Central government largely ensures that subnational self-governments realize national standards of public services.
5
4
3
4
3
Central government ensures that subnational self-governments realize national minimum standards of public services.
2
1
1
Central government does not ensure that subnational self-governments realize national standards of public services.
A department within the Ministry of the Interior is responsible for overseeing subnational self-government. Its concern is compliance with existing laws and not the assessment of efficiency; laws cover such issues as regular financial accounting, the fair conduct of elections, the avoidance of conflict of interest, compliance with rules on the disposal of waste materials, and freedom of information. Its annual reports show regular monitoring of all levels of self-government, as well as substantial efforts to inform councils of existing legal constraints. The number of breaches of the law, following consultation and advice from the ministry, continues to decline. However, a gap still exists between national and EU standards; there remains a strong tradition of non-implementation.
To what extent is government enforcing regulations in an effective and unbiased way, also against vested interests?
10
9
9
Government agencies enforce regulations effectively and without bias.
8
7
6
7
6
Government agencies, for the most part, enforce regulations effectively and without bias.
5
4
3
4
3
Government agencies enforce regulations, but ineffectively and with bias.
2
1
1
Government agencies enforce regulations ineffectively, inconsistently and with bias.
The enforcement of regulations by government agencies in Czechia has suffered from bias. The Office for the Protection of Competition (Úřad pro ochranu hospodářské soutěže, ÚOHS), for instance, has been quite effective in tackling abuses of market power, but has been broadly criticized for failing to adequately supervise public procurement. Likewise, the ecological disaster that affected the river Becva in September 2020 has demonstrated the Czech Environmental Inspection’s weak enforcement of environmental regulations. Prime Minister Babiš was able to use his political power to enforce regulations against business opponents.
To what extent does the government respond to international and supranational developments by adapting domestic government structures?
10
9
9
The government has appropriately and effectively adapted domestic government structures to international and supranational developments.
8
7
6
7
6
In many cases, the government has adapted domestic government structures to international and supranational developments.
5
4
3
4
3
In some cases, the government has adapted domestic government structures to international and supranational developments.
2
1
1
The government has not adapted domestic government structures, no matter how beneficial adaptation might be.
Since the mid-1990s, government activities have adapted to, and are strongly influenced by, the European Union’s legislative framework. The main structures of government and methods of functioning have improved over time. The disjuncture between domestic structures and EU provisions and requirements was demonstrated by recurrent issues accompanying the use of EU structural funds on the national and regional level, but this has significantly improved over the last several years. In general, control over the use of EU funds further improved under the Sobotka and Babiš governments. However, the sustainability of EU-funded infrastructures and measures will remain a crucial issue, especially after 2020, when the current funding period concludes. In some areas, such as R&D, the government has a medium-term strategy for financial sustainability, in other areas, such as environmental protection and regional development, such a strategy is not yet in place. The European Union’s Recovery and Resilience Fund, offering the equivalent of 3.1% of 2020 GDP in grants largely for green transition and digitalization investments, required the formulation of a Czech national recovery plan. The plan, which was approved in September 2021, will be administered primarily by the Ministry of Industry and Trade. Existing structures are evidently considered adequately adaptable.
To what extent is the government able to collaborate effectively with international efforts to foster global public goods?
10
9
9
The government can take a leading role in shaping and implementing collective efforts to provide global public goods. It is able to ensure coherence in national policies affecting progress.
8
7
6
7
6
The government is largely able to shape and implement collective efforts to provide global public goods. Existing processes enabling the government to ensure coherence in national policies affecting progress are, for the most part, effective.
5
4
3
4
3
The government is partially able to shape and implement collective efforts to provide global public goods. Processes designed to ensure coherence in national policies affecting progress show deficiencies.
2
1
1
The government does not have sufficient institutional capacities to shape and implement collective efforts to provide global public goods. It does not have effective processes to ensure coherence in national policies affecting progress.
Policymaking in Czechia continues to be inward-looking. Successive governments have confined themselves to being a trusted and reliable international partner, but have not aimed to become a leader in international affairs. Since 2015, however, Czechia has become more active on the EU stage, building alliances within and beyond the CEE region in order to shape EU policies. It has opposed EU quotas for the relocation of refugees and has tried to water down the environmental goals of the European Union. In 2021/22, Czechia allied with other countries to lobby for the inclusion of nuclear power within the definition of green recovery. Like its predecessors, the Babiš government has invested little in improving the institutional capacities for greater international coordination.
To what extent do actors within the government monitor whether institutional arrangements of governing are appropriate?
10
9
9
The institutional arrangements of governing are monitored regularly and effectively.
8
7
6
7
6
The institutional arrangements of governing are monitored regularly.
5
4
3
4
3
The institutional arrangements of governing are selectively and sporadically monitored.
2
1
1
There is no monitoring.
There is no systematic monitoring of the institutional arrangements of governing. Governments must issue annual reports and a final report at the end of their term in office, as Prime Minister Babiš did in December 2021. However, these reports tend to focus on policies rather than institutions and are normally self-congratulatory. Also, there are sporadic audits within particular ministries.
To what extent does the government improve its strategic capacity by changing the institutional arrangements of governing?
10
9
9
The government improves its strategic capacity considerably by changing its institutional arrangements.
8
7
6
7
6
The government improves its strategic capacity by changing its institutional arrangements.
5
4
3
4
3
The government does not improve its strategic capacity by changing its institutional arrangements.
2
1
1
The government loses strategic capacity by changing its institutional arrangements.
Under the second Babiš government, the institutional arrangements of governing remained mostly unchanged. Babiš cultivated his technocratic image by making several career civil servants ministers, and sought to increase the strategic capacity of his government primarily by exploiting his strong position as ANO leader and his grip on the media. At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government created a new advisory body, the Central Emergency Task Force (ÚKŠ), and reactivated the dormant National Economic Council of the Government (NERV). However, both bodies soon lost importance.