Social Policies
#12Key Findings
With a well-developed but costly welfare state, France’s social policies receive high rankings (rank 12) in international comparison. Its score in this area has improved by 0.3 points relative to 2014.
Welfare benefits are substantial, generally preventing poverty. However, immigrants and their families are often marginalized. The government has significantly boosted the number of young people in apprenticeships. Child care and parental-leave benefits are generous, and women’s labor-force participation rates are high. Preschool attendance is now mandatory from the age of three.
COVID-19 proved a severe test for the healthcare system, with some regions forced to draw on neighboring countries’ help. A staffing crisis is building. The education system performed reasonably well during the pandemic, but fails to integrate and promote disadvantaged populations.
A controversial plan to simplify the overcomplex pension system was delayed by the pandemic. Public expenditure on pensions is very high, and the average age of labor-market exit is low. Right-wing political forces have made immigration and identity issues a sensitive topic. President Macron is leading an effort to increase EU investment in Africa.
Welfare benefits are substantial, generally preventing poverty. However, immigrants and their families are often marginalized. The government has significantly boosted the number of young people in apprenticeships. Child care and parental-leave benefits are generous, and women’s labor-force participation rates are high. Preschool attendance is now mandatory from the age of three.
COVID-19 proved a severe test for the healthcare system, with some regions forced to draw on neighboring countries’ help. A staffing crisis is building. The education system performed reasonably well during the pandemic, but fails to integrate and promote disadvantaged populations.
A controversial plan to simplify the overcomplex pension system was delayed by the pandemic. Public expenditure on pensions is very high, and the average age of labor-market exit is low. Right-wing political forces have made immigration and identity issues a sensitive topic. President Macron is leading an effort to increase EU investment in Africa.
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To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
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Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
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7
6
Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
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3
Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
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1
Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
In many aspects, the French education system can be characterized as rather successful, but in contrast to the past, it fails to integrate and promote the weakest segments of society. In the 2018 Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) study (the next study having been postponed to 2022), the country’s results did not improve, but remained slightly above the OECD average, France ranking 20th out of 70 countries. Overall spending on educational institutions amounted to 5.45% of GDP in 2017, slightly above the OECD average. Spending at the preschool level is exemplary. A law adopted in 2019 makes preschool attendance mandatory for all children three years old (écoles maternelles). France now falls slightly below the OECD average public expenditure at the primary level. However, one alarming finding of the PISA assessment is that, more than in any other OECD country, individual success depends on the student’s socioeconomic background. Secondary education is rather good but uneven, excessively costly and, in recent years, has fallen behind other OECD countries. Higher education is dual, with a broad range of excellent elite institutions (prestigious lycées and grandes écoles) and a large mass university system, which is poorly funded and poorly managed, and does not prepare its students well for a successful entry to the labor market. Spending on universities lies below the OECD average. More importantly, drop-out rates are dramatic: only 40% of registered students obtain a university degree.
One major problem concerns professional training. The transition from education to professional training is poor. This is a major reason for the high rates of youth unemployment in France. However, some improvement has occurred thanks to the boom in training contracts (contrats d’apprentissage) which have tripled in number during the Macron presidency. The government has approached these issues in a more open and pragmatic way by distancing itself from the powerful teaching lobby, which has traditionally co-managed the system with the government (largely to the benefit of professors). Many significant measures have been taken and immediately implemented. First, these measures placed greater emphasis on training young people from less affluent backgrounds. In areas with significant social problems, the government decided to cut the number of students per elementary school class by half immediately, reducing the maximum number of students to 12 per class. Second, most of the disputed reforms put in place by the previous socialist government have been dismantled (for instance, the “bi-langues” classes have been reintroduced in secondary schools). Third, international evaluations and rankings (such as the PISA report) have been taken into account and will likely form the basis for further changes. In spite of the hostility of the trade unions, the minister for education has declared that the evaluation of schools and teachers will become normal practice. The government has also succeeded in tackling two “sacred cows” of the education system: the degree obtained at the end of upper secondary education (baccalauréat) will become less complex, integrating a series of successive tests at school and a simpler final exam; and a new process for registering students at universities has been set up, based on both students’ requests and evaluations by the universities themselves. This system has proven to work well and pushes parents, students and professors to develop strategies and make choices well before the final year of secondary school.
Another important development took place in September 2019. The Constitutional Court declared that fee increases were unconstitutional, and affirmed that education should be offered for free at all levels; however, it did state that a “modest” registration fee would be allowable.
The education system has been deeply shaken by the pandemic, but on the whole demonstrated resilience. Among the remaining issues one can mention are the low appeal of teaching positions due to relatively low salaries, the difficult situation of schools in some suburban areas and the excessive student dropout rates at the university level.
Citations:
OECD: Education at a glance 2019, Country Note France
OECD: Education Policy Outlook France, Paris, June 2020
One major problem concerns professional training. The transition from education to professional training is poor. This is a major reason for the high rates of youth unemployment in France. However, some improvement has occurred thanks to the boom in training contracts (contrats d’apprentissage) which have tripled in number during the Macron presidency. The government has approached these issues in a more open and pragmatic way by distancing itself from the powerful teaching lobby, which has traditionally co-managed the system with the government (largely to the benefit of professors). Many significant measures have been taken and immediately implemented. First, these measures placed greater emphasis on training young people from less affluent backgrounds. In areas with significant social problems, the government decided to cut the number of students per elementary school class by half immediately, reducing the maximum number of students to 12 per class. Second, most of the disputed reforms put in place by the previous socialist government have been dismantled (for instance, the “bi-langues” classes have been reintroduced in secondary schools). Third, international evaluations and rankings (such as the PISA report) have been taken into account and will likely form the basis for further changes. In spite of the hostility of the trade unions, the minister for education has declared that the evaluation of schools and teachers will become normal practice. The government has also succeeded in tackling two “sacred cows” of the education system: the degree obtained at the end of upper secondary education (baccalauréat) will become less complex, integrating a series of successive tests at school and a simpler final exam; and a new process for registering students at universities has been set up, based on both students’ requests and evaluations by the universities themselves. This system has proven to work well and pushes parents, students and professors to develop strategies and make choices well before the final year of secondary school.
Another important development took place in September 2019. The Constitutional Court declared that fee increases were unconstitutional, and affirmed that education should be offered for free at all levels; however, it did state that a “modest” registration fee would be allowable.
The education system has been deeply shaken by the pandemic, but on the whole demonstrated resilience. Among the remaining issues one can mention are the low appeal of teaching positions due to relatively low salaries, the difficult situation of schools in some suburban areas and the excessive student dropout rates at the university level.
Citations:
OECD: Education at a glance 2019, Country Note France
OECD: Education Policy Outlook France, Paris, June 2020
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To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
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Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
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7
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For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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3
For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
By international and European standards, the French welfare state is generous and covers all possible dimensions affecting collective and individual welfare, not only of citizens but also of foreign residents. Poverty remains at a comparatively low level. Therefore, programs providing minimum incomes, health protection, and support to the poor and to families are satisfactory, effectively supporting social inclusion. The challenges for France at a time of economic decline and persistent unemployment are, first, to provide sufficient funding for the costly system without undermining competitiveness with too-high levels of social contributions (which demands an overhaul of the tax and contribution system as a whole); and second, to recalibrate the balance of solidarity and individual responsibility, for instance by introducing more incentives for the jobless to search for employment, and by reducing social contributions on low wages (beginning in September 2019, employers no longer pay contributions up to the point of the minimum salary fixed by the state).
The performance of the welfare state is less convincing when it comes to equal opportunities. The percentage of young people in neither education, employment nor training (NEET) is persistently high, pointing to the difficulties in transitioning between the education system and the labor market. Furthermore, some groups or territorial units are discriminated and marginalized. So-called second-generation immigrants, especially those living in the suburbs, as well as less vocal groups in declining rural regions, feel excluded from the French society. These populations often experience poor education and training, and high unemployment and poverty rates. In addition to the measures targeting elementary schools in socially disadvantaged areas, the Macron administration has developed a strategy emphasizing training and work placement rather than financial support – that is, focusing on capabilities rather than assistance. The number of young students opting for an apprenticeship training has shown a very encouraging increase. Given the growing difficulty that poorly trained young people are experiencing in finding jobs, Macron decided to create 500,000 grants in 2022, conditioned upon the young recipients’ participation in a training program.
The performance of the welfare state is less convincing when it comes to equal opportunities. The percentage of young people in neither education, employment nor training (NEET) is persistently high, pointing to the difficulties in transitioning between the education system and the labor market. Furthermore, some groups or territorial units are discriminated and marginalized. So-called second-generation immigrants, especially those living in the suburbs, as well as less vocal groups in declining rural regions, feel excluded from the French society. These populations often experience poor education and training, and high unemployment and poverty rates. In addition to the measures targeting elementary schools in socially disadvantaged areas, the Macron administration has developed a strategy emphasizing training and work placement rather than financial support – that is, focusing on capabilities rather than assistance. The number of young students opting for an apprenticeship training has shown a very encouraging increase. Given the growing difficulty that poorly trained young people are experiencing in finding jobs, Macron decided to create 500,000 grants in 2022, conditioned upon the young recipients’ participation in a training program.
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To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
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Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
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Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
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Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
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Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
France has a high-quality health system, which is generous and largely inclusive. Since its inception, it has remained a public system based on a compulsory, uniform insurance for all French citizens, with employers’ and employees’ contributions calculated according to wage levels. Together with widespread complementary insurances, they cover most individual costs. About 10% of GDP is spent on healthcare, one of the highest ratios in Europe. The health system includes all residents, and also offers services for illegal immigrants and foreigners (to the point that some asylum-seekers from countries such as Georgia have come primarily with the aim of receiving free medical care).
The problem is cost efficiency and the containment of deficits, which have been constant in recent years. Savings have improved recently, but the high level of medicine consumption still needs to be tackled with more decisive measures. The lack of doctors in rural areas and in some poor neighborhoods is a growing issue. The unsatisfactory distribution of doctors among regions and medical disciplines would be unbearable without the high contribution of practitioners from foreign countries (Africa, Middle East, Romania). New policies are expected in order to remedy first the deficits and second the “medical desertification.” More generous reimbursements of expenses for glasses and dental care (a traditionally weak point of the system) were implemented by Macron in 2018. An ambitious plan to reform the healthcare system was announced in September 2018. The plan proposes to develop an intermediary level between hospitals and individual doctors, which would involve establishing structures that enable the various medical professions to provide collective and improved services in particular in rural areas. The aim is to alleviate the excessive burden on hospitals by rerouting the care for basic treatments toward these healthcare centers (Maisons de santé). The plan also proposes to recruit several thousand medical assistants (to deal with the bureaucratic component of the profession) and eliminate the numerus clausus for university admissions. The social security budget, which was originally forecast to reach a positive balance in 2019 for the first time since 2012, will in fact be in deficit at least through 2023 as a consequence of the measures implemented in the wake of the Yellow Vest protests.
The pandemic has further aggravated the crisis at the country’s public hospitals. At the beginning, some regions, particularly in the country’s eastern territories, did not have enough beds equipped to handle the most severe COVID-19 symptoms. Support from neighboring countries (Germany, Switzerland) helped the system get over the peak of the crisis. On the whole, the public system has shown sufficient resilience, but at time of writing, is on the verge of implosion in spite of a massive injection of money. Not only there are not enough nurses, but many have resigned either because salaries were insufficient, or because they had moved to bordering countries (Luxembourg, Switzerland). Others still had simply resigned due to exhaustion. In spite of an overall increase in salaries after years of freeze, the malaise within the medical professions is far from being addressed, as it results from complaints about management and organization, insufficient medical and non-medical staff, and difficult working conditions
Citations:
OECD: France: Country Health Profile 2021
https://read.oecd-ilibrary.org/social-issues-migration-health/france-country-health-profile-2021_7d668926-en#page3
The problem is cost efficiency and the containment of deficits, which have been constant in recent years. Savings have improved recently, but the high level of medicine consumption still needs to be tackled with more decisive measures. The lack of doctors in rural areas and in some poor neighborhoods is a growing issue. The unsatisfactory distribution of doctors among regions and medical disciplines would be unbearable without the high contribution of practitioners from foreign countries (Africa, Middle East, Romania). New policies are expected in order to remedy first the deficits and second the “medical desertification.” More generous reimbursements of expenses for glasses and dental care (a traditionally weak point of the system) were implemented by Macron in 2018. An ambitious plan to reform the healthcare system was announced in September 2018. The plan proposes to develop an intermediary level between hospitals and individual doctors, which would involve establishing structures that enable the various medical professions to provide collective and improved services in particular in rural areas. The aim is to alleviate the excessive burden on hospitals by rerouting the care for basic treatments toward these healthcare centers (Maisons de santé). The plan also proposes to recruit several thousand medical assistants (to deal with the bureaucratic component of the profession) and eliminate the numerus clausus for university admissions. The social security budget, which was originally forecast to reach a positive balance in 2019 for the first time since 2012, will in fact be in deficit at least through 2023 as a consequence of the measures implemented in the wake of the Yellow Vest protests.
The pandemic has further aggravated the crisis at the country’s public hospitals. At the beginning, some regions, particularly in the country’s eastern territories, did not have enough beds equipped to handle the most severe COVID-19 symptoms. Support from neighboring countries (Germany, Switzerland) helped the system get over the peak of the crisis. On the whole, the public system has shown sufficient resilience, but at time of writing, is on the verge of implosion in spite of a massive injection of money. Not only there are not enough nurses, but many have resigned either because salaries were insufficient, or because they had moved to bordering countries (Luxembourg, Switzerland). Others still had simply resigned due to exhaustion. In spite of an overall increase in salaries after years of freeze, the malaise within the medical professions is far from being addressed, as it results from complaints about management and organization, insufficient medical and non-medical staff, and difficult working conditions
Citations:
OECD: France: Country Health Profile 2021
https://read.oecd-ilibrary.org/social-issues-migration-health/france-country-health-profile-2021_7d668926-en#page3
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To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
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Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
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Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
There is a long and consensual tradition of support for families, going back to the 1930s. The comprehensive policy mix which has developed since then has been successful in providing childcare, financial support, parental leave and generous fiscal policies (income is not taxed individually but in each family unit, dividing up the total income by the number of people in a family). Beginning in 2019, nursery schooling has been mandatory from the age of three, a policy that will strengthen the inclusion of immigrant children. In addition, families using the childcare support at home are given rebates on their social contributions. The fact that income taxes are calculated by on the basis of family unit and not individually is also very favorable to families, since (non-working or lower-paid) spouses and children lower the amount of taxable income per head. These policies have been effective. Not only is the birth rate in France one of the highest in Europe (despite a slight fall from an average of two births per woman between 2006 and 2014 to 1.87 births per woman in 2019), but the percentage of women integrated in the labor market also compares favorably to the European leaders (Scandinavian countries) in this domain.
However, faced with the need to reduce the budget deficit, the Hollande government scuttled the French welfare state’s “principle of universality” (i.e., social benefits for all, related to the number of children per family, without consideration of income and wealth) by reducing the child allowance for families earning incomes above a certain ceiling. This highly contested measure has introduced a more realistic approach to policymaking, beyond the legalistic and formalistic principles which have prevailed since the Second World War. President Macron continued this policy. His presidency has added both more restrictive and more generous measures (e.g., the parental leave extended from 14 to 28 days) without major impact on the existing pattern of family policy.
However, faced with the need to reduce the budget deficit, the Hollande government scuttled the French welfare state’s “principle of universality” (i.e., social benefits for all, related to the number of children per family, without consideration of income and wealth) by reducing the child allowance for families earning incomes above a certain ceiling. This highly contested measure has introduced a more realistic approach to policymaking, beyond the legalistic and formalistic principles which have prevailed since the Second World War. President Macron continued this policy. His presidency has added both more restrictive and more generous measures (e.g., the parental leave extended from 14 to 28 days) without major impact on the existing pattern of family policy.
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To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
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Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
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Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
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Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
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Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
The French pension system is relatively generous, and largely prevents poverty of the elderly. Public expenditure on pensions as a share of GDP is high. It reached 14.7% in 2020, a peak due to the pandemic; this is expected to decrease again and stabilize at a level of 13.7% by 2030. However, the pension system is also complex, which is a problem with respect to equity. First, the so-called general regime to all private employees and is complemented by additional voluntary systems, in particular in large companies. Second, some professions are affiliated to “special regimes” which are characterized by shorter periods of contribution and higher generosity in pension payments. These systems usually cover employees working in public companies or groups highly subsidized by the public budget (coal mines, public transport, sailors and fishermen, for example). Finally, public servants usually benefit from higher payments as their pension payments are based on their final salary (last six months), and not on an average (e.g., best 25 years). Early retirement remains a common practice. However, the raising of the retirement age to 62 has led to a constant increase in the effective average age of entry into a pension since 2010. For 2018, it was calculated as 60.4 years (men) and 60.9 years (women), compared to 63.8 years (men) and 62.4 years (women) for the OECD average. The OECD estimates that the age of retirement will further increase following the gradual implementation of the pension reform. An international survey shows that in France, the age of exit from the labor market is the second-lowest of all OECD countries. Additionally, the survey notes that France offers the most generous pensions worldwide, and that given the high life expectancies (the second-highest within the OECD), these pensions are paid for a longer period than in most other nations.
In order to assure the sustainability of the pension system, French governments continuously introduced reform measures over the last decade: pension contributions have been increased, the number of years of contribution needed to receive a full pension has been increased to 43 years, and the peculiarities or privileges granted to some professional groups (“special regimes”) have been reduced. President Macron has deliberately chosen to reduce the advantages enjoyed by the pensioners in order to increase the income of people in work. This has been done by increasing a universal social tax raised on a broad range of income (Cotisation sociale généralisée, CSG), and by eliminating a social contribution paid only by salaried people. The government had also decided that in 2019, pensions would be increased by only 0.3%, but after the eruption of the Yellow Vest protests, it accepted a higher increase that reflected the inflation rate for the most modest pensions.
In the meantime, the first positive effects of the Sarkozy reforms of 2010 have been felt. In 2015, for the first time, the pension branch of the social security system showed a positive balance, although this lasted only two years. An agreement between three trade unions and the employers’ association added further adaptations concerning the supplementary pension. The payment of supplementary pensions (which are run jointly by the social partners) will be postponed until the age of 64 for most beneficiaries. The main novelty of this rather complex agreement is that it introduces flexibility in fixing the pension age and actually allows its postponement for most employees in the private sector to the age of 64. Macron had indicated that he would not introduce new reforms concerning the retirement age and the number of years of contribution during his term. Instead, he suggested changing the method of calculation for pensions by creating a system of credit points accumulated by employees, which would be monetarized at the moment of their retirement. He further declared that he would drastically simplify the current system, merging the current 42 different social regimes into one. This frontal attack on the privileges accumulated over time by a number of groups and professions triggered fierce resistance, and as yet, only Article 1 of the new legislation has been put to a vote. The outbreak of the pandemic forced the government to postpone the reform indefinitely. In its latest recommendations, the OECD insisted that the reform should be resumed and suggested a more incremental but automatic system of adjustment in the future. Given the state of the public finances, there is little doubt that the issue of pension reform will return to the public agenda immediately after the presidential election.
Citations:
OECD: Pensions at a Glance 2021. OECD and G20 Indicators, Paris, December 8, 2021
https://www.oecd.org/publications/oecd-pensions-at-a-glance-19991363.htm
OCDE: Vieillissement et politique de l’emploi – statistiques sur l’age effectif moyen de la retraite (http://www.oecd.org/fr/els/emp/age-effectif-moyen-de-retraite.htm)
Conseil d’orientation des retraites (COR): Rapport annuel, June 2021
https://www.cor-retraites.fr/node/562
In order to assure the sustainability of the pension system, French governments continuously introduced reform measures over the last decade: pension contributions have been increased, the number of years of contribution needed to receive a full pension has been increased to 43 years, and the peculiarities or privileges granted to some professional groups (“special regimes”) have been reduced. President Macron has deliberately chosen to reduce the advantages enjoyed by the pensioners in order to increase the income of people in work. This has been done by increasing a universal social tax raised on a broad range of income (Cotisation sociale généralisée, CSG), and by eliminating a social contribution paid only by salaried people. The government had also decided that in 2019, pensions would be increased by only 0.3%, but after the eruption of the Yellow Vest protests, it accepted a higher increase that reflected the inflation rate for the most modest pensions.
In the meantime, the first positive effects of the Sarkozy reforms of 2010 have been felt. In 2015, for the first time, the pension branch of the social security system showed a positive balance, although this lasted only two years. An agreement between three trade unions and the employers’ association added further adaptations concerning the supplementary pension. The payment of supplementary pensions (which are run jointly by the social partners) will be postponed until the age of 64 for most beneficiaries. The main novelty of this rather complex agreement is that it introduces flexibility in fixing the pension age and actually allows its postponement for most employees in the private sector to the age of 64. Macron had indicated that he would not introduce new reforms concerning the retirement age and the number of years of contribution during his term. Instead, he suggested changing the method of calculation for pensions by creating a system of credit points accumulated by employees, which would be monetarized at the moment of their retirement. He further declared that he would drastically simplify the current system, merging the current 42 different social regimes into one. This frontal attack on the privileges accumulated over time by a number of groups and professions triggered fierce resistance, and as yet, only Article 1 of the new legislation has been put to a vote. The outbreak of the pandemic forced the government to postpone the reform indefinitely. In its latest recommendations, the OECD insisted that the reform should be resumed and suggested a more incremental but automatic system of adjustment in the future. Given the state of the public finances, there is little doubt that the issue of pension reform will return to the public agenda immediately after the presidential election.
Citations:
OECD: Pensions at a Glance 2021. OECD and G20 Indicators, Paris, December 8, 2021
https://www.oecd.org/publications/oecd-pensions-at-a-glance-19991363.htm
OCDE: Vieillissement et politique de l’emploi – statistiques sur l’age effectif moyen de la retraite (http://www.oecd.org/fr/els/emp/age-effectif-moyen-de-retraite.htm)
Conseil d’orientation des retraites (COR): Rapport annuel, June 2021
https://www.cor-retraites.fr/node/562
Graph View
How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
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Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
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Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
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Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
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Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
Traditionally, France has an open policy toward immigrants. Every person born in France is considered French, or eligible to obtain French citizenship. Integration policies, in terms of long-term residence permits, access to citizenship and family reunification are open and generous. Presently, most new legal immigrants are coming due to family reunification. This partially explains the difficulty of integrating new immigrants, who often have no skills, no education and do not speak French. Processes of integration have to start from scratch. However, the problem is often the same for immigrants moving to France more generally; most are unskilled, and as such, subject to vagaries of economic booms and busts, for instance in the construction sector.
The integration of the so-called second (in fact, often the third) generation of immigrants, especially coming from Maghreb countries, is difficult for many reasons: education system failures; community concentration in urban/suburban ghettos; high unemployment; cultural identity issues, practices of job discrimination and so on. Immigration from Eastern Europe, the southern Balkans and, more recently, from the Middle East has become a very sensitive subject exploited by the National Rally and more generally by the extreme right, which has been able to set the political agenda and force a focus on migration and identity issues. The reluctance of the French socialist government to put in place a serious migration policy was challenged by German Chancellor Merkel’s sudden decision in August 2015 to open the doors to migrants from Syria, forcing the French government to revise its veiled but deliberate policy of restricting entry (low level of asylum admissions, cumbersome and discouraging bureaucratic processes).
President Macron has declared his intention to review France’s immigration policy, combining acceptance and integration policies for immigrants and refugees with accelerated asylum-application procedures and stronger efforts to send back people whose applications are rejected. The process of screening requests has improved, but there has also been a deliberate policy to restrict residence permits. As it is very difficult to implement administrative or judicial decisions to expel illegal migrants, there is a growing number of migrants without legal residential status (“sans-papier”) who are living in a kind of legal and social limbo. One peculiar illustration of this dramatic situation is related to the rejection of asylum seekers in the United Kingdom who are constrained to live in very poor conditions, and who try desperately to cross the Channel at the risk of their lives.
Citations:
OFPRA: Les premières données de l’asile 2020 à l’OFPRA
https://www.ofpra.gouv.fr/fr/l-ofpra/actualites/les-premieres-donnees-de-l-asile-0
The integration of the so-called second (in fact, often the third) generation of immigrants, especially coming from Maghreb countries, is difficult for many reasons: education system failures; community concentration in urban/suburban ghettos; high unemployment; cultural identity issues, practices of job discrimination and so on. Immigration from Eastern Europe, the southern Balkans and, more recently, from the Middle East has become a very sensitive subject exploited by the National Rally and more generally by the extreme right, which has been able to set the political agenda and force a focus on migration and identity issues. The reluctance of the French socialist government to put in place a serious migration policy was challenged by German Chancellor Merkel’s sudden decision in August 2015 to open the doors to migrants from Syria, forcing the French government to revise its veiled but deliberate policy of restricting entry (low level of asylum admissions, cumbersome and discouraging bureaucratic processes).
President Macron has declared his intention to review France’s immigration policy, combining acceptance and integration policies for immigrants and refugees with accelerated asylum-application procedures and stronger efforts to send back people whose applications are rejected. The process of screening requests has improved, but there has also been a deliberate policy to restrict residence permits. As it is very difficult to implement administrative or judicial decisions to expel illegal migrants, there is a growing number of migrants without legal residential status (“sans-papier”) who are living in a kind of legal and social limbo. One peculiar illustration of this dramatic situation is related to the rejection of asylum seekers in the United Kingdom who are constrained to live in very poor conditions, and who try desperately to cross the Channel at the risk of their lives.
Citations:
OFPRA: Les premières données de l’asile 2020 à l’OFPRA
https://www.ofpra.gouv.fr/fr/l-ofpra/actualites/les-premieres-donnees-de-l-asile-0
Graph View
How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
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Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
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Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
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Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
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Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
Although the police have a reputation for efficiency (sometimes being too efficient, as the institution is granted significant powers and discretion vis-à-vis the citizenry), concerns over domestic security are high. Attention has focused on repeated outbreaks of urban violence in the suburbs or other areas. Following a rising level of petty crime and several terrorist attacks on French territory and abroad, citizens have been more and more vocal about the need to be better protected by enforcing “law and order” measures. There is a clear relationship between the economic and social crisis and this increasing sense of insecurity. This situation has also had a decisive impact on protest votes in favor of the extreme-right party, the National Rally.
The terrorist attacks of 13 November 2015 elevated the topic of security to the top of the political agenda, triggering real concerns as well as political polemics driven by the populist and extreme right. The government has reacted to this with new security measures, giving more powers to the executive and police to prevent terrorist acts. The Macron administration terminated the emergency legislation in November 2017, but this came at the price of bringing the controversial rules into the flow of “normal” law with the introduction of an anti-terrorism law in October 2017. A side consequence of the focus on terrorism has been a distraction from the fight against petty crimes, particularly in large cities, a fact that has contributed to some citizen dissatisfaction. Moreover, local police forces have grown, and all police officers are now entitled to use a firearm, in contrast to past practices.
The Yellow Vest uprising and its repression, stretching from November 2018 to June 2019, also helped transform the relationship between police and citizens. Faced with protests exhibiting rarely seen levels of violence (exacerbated by black bloc activists), the government reacted strongly to the social mobilization, triggering accusations of overreaction by parties and groups of the left. Once again, the French tradition of preferring protest and violence to participation and compromise was seen at work here.
The terrorist attacks of 13 November 2015 elevated the topic of security to the top of the political agenda, triggering real concerns as well as political polemics driven by the populist and extreme right. The government has reacted to this with new security measures, giving more powers to the executive and police to prevent terrorist acts. The Macron administration terminated the emergency legislation in November 2017, but this came at the price of bringing the controversial rules into the flow of “normal” law with the introduction of an anti-terrorism law in October 2017. A side consequence of the focus on terrorism has been a distraction from the fight against petty crimes, particularly in large cities, a fact that has contributed to some citizen dissatisfaction. Moreover, local police forces have grown, and all police officers are now entitled to use a firearm, in contrast to past practices.
The Yellow Vest uprising and its repression, stretching from November 2018 to June 2019, also helped transform the relationship between police and citizens. Faced with protests exhibiting rarely seen levels of violence (exacerbated by black bloc activists), the government reacted strongly to the social mobilization, triggering accusations of overreaction by parties and groups of the left. Once again, the French tradition of preferring protest and violence to participation and compromise was seen at work here.
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To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
10
9
9
The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
8
7
6
7
6
The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
5
4
3
4
3
The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
2
1
1
The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
France has a long tradition of offering support to poor countries both in terms of financial support and promotion of policies in their favor. However, this should be qualified. First, France is reluctant to consider that free trade is one of the most effective instruments of support. As a consequence, France is often an obstacle to the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers, for instance in agriculture. Second, French aid is concentrated on African countries, where its economic interests have been traditionally strong. The temptation to link aid to imports from the donor country is quite common.
Within the framework of international organizations, France is active but for the above mentioned reasons, its policy preferences are deeply influenced by path dependencies, such as past colonization and the global network of French-speaking countries.
On a different front, France has tried to impose a tax on air travel in order to finance the fight against AIDS in poor countries, but has convinced only a few countries to follow suit. President Macron has evoked the need to launch a significant EU investment plan in Africa, and to push for such an initiative during the French presidency beginning in January 2022. This initiative seems judicious as, given the persistent underdevelopment of the continent in spite of a sustained growth, there is a need to increase EU support to sub-Saharan countries where poverty and Islamist terrorism are together pushing an increasing number of people to migrate to Europe. Given the demographic pressures ahead (Africa will have soon 1 billion inhabitants) and the attractiveness of Europe, development in Africa is an emergency issue both for Africans and Europeans.
Within the framework of international organizations, France is active but for the above mentioned reasons, its policy preferences are deeply influenced by path dependencies, such as past colonization and the global network of French-speaking countries.
On a different front, France has tried to impose a tax on air travel in order to finance the fight against AIDS in poor countries, but has convinced only a few countries to follow suit. President Macron has evoked the need to launch a significant EU investment plan in Africa, and to push for such an initiative during the French presidency beginning in January 2022. This initiative seems judicious as, given the persistent underdevelopment of the continent in spite of a sustained growth, there is a need to increase EU support to sub-Saharan countries where poverty and Islamist terrorism are together pushing an increasing number of people to migrate to Europe. Given the demographic pressures ahead (Africa will have soon 1 billion inhabitants) and the attractiveness of Europe, development in Africa is an emergency issue both for Africans and Europeans.