Executive Accountability
#21Key Findings
With a mixed oversight record, Greece falls into the middle ranks internationally (rank 21) with regard to executive accountability. Its score on this measure marks a gain of 0.8 points relative to 2014.
The parliament has robust formal oversight powers despite a mismatch between committees and ministries, and members have adequate resources. The audit office has detached itself from the government over time. The ombuds office is popular and widely used, and the data-protection office is quite active.
Citizens are not well-informed about government policies due to the predominance of partisan and infotainment-focused reporting. The performance of the state-owned media has improved. Misinformation was widespread during the pandemic, undermining public health campaigns.
The major political parties have become more open to democratic participation. Interest associations make relevant policy proposals in economic areas, though they had little input during the pandemic period. Civil society is relatively underdeveloped, with associations rarely contributing to policymaking in a proactive way.
The parliament has robust formal oversight powers despite a mismatch between committees and ministries, and members have adequate resources. The audit office has detached itself from the government over time. The ombuds office is popular and widely used, and the data-protection office is quite active.
Citizens are not well-informed about government policies due to the predominance of partisan and infotainment-focused reporting. The performance of the state-owned media has improved. Misinformation was widespread during the pandemic, undermining public health campaigns.
The major political parties have become more open to democratic participation. Interest associations make relevant policy proposals in economic areas, though they had little input during the pandemic period. Civil society is relatively underdeveloped, with associations rarely contributing to policymaking in a proactive way.
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To what extent are citizens informed of public policies?
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Most citizens are well-informed of a broad range of public policies.
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Many citizens are well-informed of individual public policies.
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Few citizens are well-informed of public policies; most citizens have only a rudimental knowledge of public policies.
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Most citizens are not aware of public policies.
Citizens do not really obtain enough information on government policymaking, as the media is strongly partisan or leans toward infotainment, while individual members of parliament rarely discuss substantive policy issues with voters in the electoral districts which they represent. Moreover, the quality of information disseminated through social media has also been tarnished by extreme polarization. The cleavage between supporters and opponents of reforms during the economic crisis of the 2010s was coupled by the cleavage between Greece’s pro-vaccination majority and anti-vaccination minority in 2020–2021. Such overlapping cleavages have reduced trust in information sources, including government ones. Thus, there was an inability for citizens to participate in meaningful ways in policy debates on the basis of trusted and shared data.
Citizens are not interested so much in government policymaking per se, as in relations of exchange with the state. While citizens’ identification with political parties has declined over time, there is still a tradition of turning to government ministers or members of parliament to obtain favors on an individual basis. However, old-fashioned political clientelism may have been curbed. Fiscal consolidation, which was implemented in 2010–2020 to prevent Greece defaulting on sovereign debt, has reduced the propensity among successive governments to increase public employment or to make social transfers based on clientelistic and politicized criteria.
Most citizens are not well-informed about government policies. In this context, political participation in decision-making has not improved.
Citations:
The open-government consultation site is available at www.opengov.gr.
Citizens are not interested so much in government policymaking per se, as in relations of exchange with the state. While citizens’ identification with political parties has declined over time, there is still a tradition of turning to government ministers or members of parliament to obtain favors on an individual basis. However, old-fashioned political clientelism may have been curbed. Fiscal consolidation, which was implemented in 2010–2020 to prevent Greece defaulting on sovereign debt, has reduced the propensity among successive governments to increase public employment or to make social transfers based on clientelistic and politicized criteria.
Most citizens are not well-informed about government policies. In this context, political participation in decision-making has not improved.
Citations:
The open-government consultation site is available at www.opengov.gr.
Does the government publish data and information in a way that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable?
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The government publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government most of the time publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government publishes data in a limited and not timely or user-friendly way.
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The government publishes (almost) no relevant data.
Before the onset of the Greek economic crisis, there was a problem with reporting statistical and other data regarding government revenue and expenses as well as regarding personnel in the Greek public sector.
The situation has exceptionally improved since then. Barring data on defense and security, which are considered classified, all data produced by the revamped official statistical authority of Greece (Helstat) is accessible. This data is compiled and published according to Eurostat’s requirements. Reliable data is also available on public employment, including type of work contract and other information, via a separate website maintained by the Ministry of Administrative Reconstruction (Apografi). Moreover, since 2010, thanks to a law on the issue of transparency, all administrative acts issued by the central, regional and local authorities and other public bodies (the so-called Diavgeia system) have been available online. Though this system is not very user-friendly, accessing the data is possible.
The government that took power in July 2019 established the Ministry of Digital Governance and also founded the new Independent Authority on Transparency (the EAD). In 2020–2021, the new ministry proceeded to digitalize many services offered to citizens and businesses on internet platforms. Particularly during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic, the volume of data made available to the public through digital sources increased. Furthermore, before any bill of law is submitted to parliament, there is a two-week period during which the text of the bill is uploaded onto the website of the competent ministry for citizens to comment on it. That requirement was not always fulfilled before 2019. However, the same government passed new legislation in August 2019 (Law 4624/2019) that expanded the range of restrictions to access official information beyond the restrictions already provided by the European Union’s relevant regulation (the GDPR). Nevertheless, overall, all the above measures have over time increased the capacity of citizens to hold the government to account. For instance, nowadays, it is possible for citizens to find out the names of anyone newly appointed to a government or administrative body, as well as details on appointments and on any item of government expenditure.
Citations:
The three platforms, cited in the above response, through which one can access data and information are the following:
http://www.statistics.gr/en/home/
http://apografi.gov.gr/ and
https://diavgeia.gov.gr/
The situation has exceptionally improved since then. Barring data on defense and security, which are considered classified, all data produced by the revamped official statistical authority of Greece (Helstat) is accessible. This data is compiled and published according to Eurostat’s requirements. Reliable data is also available on public employment, including type of work contract and other information, via a separate website maintained by the Ministry of Administrative Reconstruction (Apografi). Moreover, since 2010, thanks to a law on the issue of transparency, all administrative acts issued by the central, regional and local authorities and other public bodies (the so-called Diavgeia system) have been available online. Though this system is not very user-friendly, accessing the data is possible.
The government that took power in July 2019 established the Ministry of Digital Governance and also founded the new Independent Authority on Transparency (the EAD). In 2020–2021, the new ministry proceeded to digitalize many services offered to citizens and businesses on internet platforms. Particularly during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic, the volume of data made available to the public through digital sources increased. Furthermore, before any bill of law is submitted to parliament, there is a two-week period during which the text of the bill is uploaded onto the website of the competent ministry for citizens to comment on it. That requirement was not always fulfilled before 2019. However, the same government passed new legislation in August 2019 (Law 4624/2019) that expanded the range of restrictions to access official information beyond the restrictions already provided by the European Union’s relevant regulation (the GDPR). Nevertheless, overall, all the above measures have over time increased the capacity of citizens to hold the government to account. For instance, nowadays, it is possible for citizens to find out the names of anyone newly appointed to a government or administrative body, as well as details on appointments and on any item of government expenditure.
Citations:
The three platforms, cited in the above response, through which one can access data and information are the following:
http://www.statistics.gr/en/home/
http://apografi.gov.gr/ and
https://diavgeia.gov.gr/
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Do members of parliament have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activity effectively?
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring all government activity effectively.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring a government’s major activities.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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The resources provided to the members of parliament are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
Members of the Greek parliament are granted full access to the well-resourced library of the parliament. They are also entitled to hire up to two research advisers who are paid out of the parliament’s budget, and three other assistants who may be transferred from any ministry or state agency to the parliament. However, many members of parliament hire family members or friends who in effect do administrative and secretarial work rather than conducting research. This practice was continued in the period under review. Nevertheless, each party represented in parliament has its own research support group that is funded by the state budget.
Nowadays, updated academic advice is available also through three other institutions. The first is the Office of the Budget, a policy-oriented committee of university professors with economic expertise who work independently of the government. They have published policy reports on the prospects of the Greek economy which diverge from official government predictions. The second is the Scientific Council of the Parliament, essentially a body of constitutional and administrative law experts. The parliament’s speaker may refer a bill of law to the scientific council and consult the council on constitutional matters. The council’s opinions, however, are not binding. There is also the more academically oriented Foundation of the Parliament, which focuses on historical issues and constitutional matters.
Parliamentary committees are also quite active in organizing hearings and in discussing a variety of issues. However, the parliament lacks a research unit (e.g., the U.S. Library of Congress’s Congressional Research Service or the UK House of Commons Library’s Research Service) that could provide members of parliament with expert opinions on non-legal issues.
Citations:
The competences of the “Scientific Council of the Parliament” are cited in the official site of the parliament: https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Dioikitiki-Organosi/Ypiresies/Epistimoniki-Ypiresia/Epistimoniko-Symvoulio
Nowadays, updated academic advice is available also through three other institutions. The first is the Office of the Budget, a policy-oriented committee of university professors with economic expertise who work independently of the government. They have published policy reports on the prospects of the Greek economy which diverge from official government predictions. The second is the Scientific Council of the Parliament, essentially a body of constitutional and administrative law experts. The parliament’s speaker may refer a bill of law to the scientific council and consult the council on constitutional matters. The council’s opinions, however, are not binding. There is also the more academically oriented Foundation of the Parliament, which focuses on historical issues and constitutional matters.
Parliamentary committees are also quite active in organizing hearings and in discussing a variety of issues. However, the parliament lacks a research unit (e.g., the U.S. Library of Congress’s Congressional Research Service or the UK House of Commons Library’s Research Service) that could provide members of parliament with expert opinions on non-legal issues.
Citations:
The competences of the “Scientific Council of the Parliament” are cited in the official site of the parliament: https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Dioikitiki-Organosi/Ypiresies/Epistimoniki-Ypiresia/Epistimoniko-Symvoulio
Are parliamentary committees able to ask for government documents?
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Parliamentary committees may ask for most or all government documents; they are normally delivered in full and within an appropriate time frame.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are slightly limited; some important documents are not delivered or are delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are considerably limited; most important documents are not delivered or delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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Parliamentary committees may not request government documents.
Members of parliament may request the supply of government documents and frequently exercise this right. Documents are normally delivered in full, within one month, from the competent ministry to the parliament. Restrictions apply to documents containing sensitive information on diplomatic, military or national security issues, but even in such cases a competent committee can inspect some classified documents in closed-door sessions. Overall, members of parliament are usually very demanding regarding information and they press authorities to obtain it, and government ministers do not refrain from supplying such information.
Citations:
The supply of government documents to the parliament is regulated by article 133 of the Standing Orders of the Parliament.
Citations:
The supply of government documents to the parliament is regulated by article 133 of the Standing Orders of the Parliament.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon ministers for hearings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon ministers. Ministers regularly follow invitations and are obliged to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are slightly limited; ministers occasionally refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are considerably limited; ministers frequently refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon ministers.
Ministers are regularly summoned to committees but they are obliged to appear in front of a committee only if two-fifths of the committee members require them to do so. There are a few restrictions with regard to information given to the committees by the Minister of Defense and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The former may restrict his or her comments only to armaments supplies, while the latter is not obliged to give information on any ongoing negotiations or talks in which Greece still participates.
Owing to tensions with neighboring countries, ministers are frequently summoned to parliament and engage in intense debates with the opposition. As might be expected in a polarized party system, debates sometimes create a spectacle rather than providing a setting for the exchange rational arguments (especially when they are televised). Sometimes ministers send alternate ministers or deputy ministers to attend parliamentary committee meetings in their place.
Citations:
The summoning of ministers is regulated by article 41A of the Standing Orders of the Greek parliament.
Owing to tensions with neighboring countries, ministers are frequently summoned to parliament and engage in intense debates with the opposition. As might be expected in a polarized party system, debates sometimes create a spectacle rather than providing a setting for the exchange rational arguments (especially when they are televised). Sometimes ministers send alternate ministers or deputy ministers to attend parliamentary committee meetings in their place.
Citations:
The summoning of ministers is regulated by article 41A of the Standing Orders of the Greek parliament.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon experts for committee meetings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon experts.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are slightly limited.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are considerably limited.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon experts.
Regular committees summon experts from ministries, universities, NGOs and professional associations. Examples include high-ranking EC officials who have briefed the European Affairs Committee and university professors who have briefed the Committee on Cultural and Educational Affairs on university reforms.
Typically, government and the opposition tend to disagree on everything, even if there is consensus among experts that policy choices are very limited (e.g., the consensus on the obvious unsustainability of the pension system and on the destructive impact of party-led politicization on Greek universities). Political parties may tend to summon experts who in turn support the view of the party that has invited them. Recurrent disagreement in parliamentary committees reflects the long-term polarization in the Greek party system, as well as the broader mistrust and relatively low social capital that characterizes Greek society. In the period under review, parliamentary committees summoned many different experts, including technocrats and academics. In fact, over time there has been increasing interaction between parliamentary committees and experts from many different academic fields and professions.
Citations:
Summoning experts to regular committees is regulated by article 38 of the Standing Orders of the Greek parliament.
Typically, government and the opposition tend to disagree on everything, even if there is consensus among experts that policy choices are very limited (e.g., the consensus on the obvious unsustainability of the pension system and on the destructive impact of party-led politicization on Greek universities). Political parties may tend to summon experts who in turn support the view of the party that has invited them. Recurrent disagreement in parliamentary committees reflects the long-term polarization in the Greek party system, as well as the broader mistrust and relatively low social capital that characterizes Greek society. In the period under review, parliamentary committees summoned many different experts, including technocrats and academics. In fact, over time there has been increasing interaction between parliamentary committees and experts from many different academic fields and professions.
Citations:
Summoning experts to regular committees is regulated by article 38 of the Standing Orders of the Greek parliament.
Are the task areas and structures of parliamentary committees suited to monitor ministries effectively?
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The match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are well-suited to the effective monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are largely suited to the monitoring ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are partially suited to the monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are not at all suited to the monitoring of ministries.
After the change in government in July 2019, the number of ministries remained 19 (the same as in the pre-2019 period). The number of parliamentary committees also remained the same, with six standing committees. This discrepancy (19 ministries versus six committees) created a task mismatch, but parliamentary scrutiny was jointly carried out in selected committees.
For instance, there is the Standing Committee on Cultural and Educational Affairs, and the Standing Committee on National Defense and Foreign Affairs. However, there are also four special standing committees (e.g., on European affairs) and eight special permanent committees (e.g., on armament programs and contracts) with more specific agendas, as well as several subcommittees.
The task of monitoring ministries is undermined by the sometimes decorative participation of members of parliament in committee meetings. Even though competences have been transferred from the plenary of the Greek parliament to the regular committees (which examine new legislation), this has not considerably improved the quality of legislation or of parliamentary control.
Citations:
Information on the number, competences and tasks of regular committees of the Greek parliament in English is available at http://www.hellenicparliament.gr
Information on Committees of the Greek parliament is available here: https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/en/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/Katigories
For instance, there is the Standing Committee on Cultural and Educational Affairs, and the Standing Committee on National Defense and Foreign Affairs. However, there are also four special standing committees (e.g., on European affairs) and eight special permanent committees (e.g., on armament programs and contracts) with more specific agendas, as well as several subcommittees.
The task of monitoring ministries is undermined by the sometimes decorative participation of members of parliament in committee meetings. Even though competences have been transferred from the plenary of the Greek parliament to the regular committees (which examine new legislation), this has not considerably improved the quality of legislation or of parliamentary control.
Citations:
Information on the number, competences and tasks of regular committees of the Greek parliament in English is available at http://www.hellenicparliament.gr
Information on Committees of the Greek parliament is available here: https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/en/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/Katigories
Graph View
To what extent do media in your country analyze the rationale and impact of public policies?
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A clear majority of mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies.
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About one-half of the mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies. The rest produces a mix of infotainment and quality information content.
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A clear minority of mass media brands focuses on high-quality information content analyzing public policies. Several mass media brands produce superficial infotainment content only.
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All mass media brands are dominated by superficial infotainment content.
While Greece ranks among the middle tier of OECD countries for newspaper circulation and quality newspapers, this outcome is linked more to long-term partisanship in the media landscape rather than to authoritarian government interventions in mass media, which is not observed in the country.
State media used to be openly pro-government in the previous decade, but state TV and radio channels adopted a more measured, if not balanced, tone in 2020 and 2021. In other words, compared to the past, the performance of state media has improved.
Private media is free, but large political parties periodically come to an understanding with private media owners so that selected party views or versions of events are broadcasted in a biased manner.
Nevertheless, there are at least four large Athens-based newspapers which regularly analyze public policies and their impact from different political standpoints (i.e., the center-right “He Kathimerini,” center-left “To Vima” and “Ta Nea,” and radical-left “Efimerida ton Syntakton”). Compared to the previous decade, when political polarization negatively impacted on the quality of printed media, the media landscape has consolidated, while – depending on newspaper contributors – the quality of analysis may be good.
The quality of information and analysis of private TV news programs is not as high, however. Most of privately owned TV and radio channels have popularized infotainment, while marginalizing professional and in-depth reporting.
To sum up, political debates in the electronic media tend to be rather general, along partisan lines, while in-depth analysis is available, but rare. The presentation of issues is more sentimental and partisan (pro- or anti-government) than objective. Most people inform themselves through television programs or various news websites. Particularly younger citizens increasingly rely on unreliable sources of social media (e.g., Facebook and Twitter) for news and opinions. Indeed, in 2020 and 2021, despite the positive role of print and electronic mass media in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, there was widespread misinformation, diffused through social media, which has negatively impacted on the behavior of citizens during lockdowns and has held the rate of COVID-19 vaccinations back.
State media used to be openly pro-government in the previous decade, but state TV and radio channels adopted a more measured, if not balanced, tone in 2020 and 2021. In other words, compared to the past, the performance of state media has improved.
Private media is free, but large political parties periodically come to an understanding with private media owners so that selected party views or versions of events are broadcasted in a biased manner.
Nevertheless, there are at least four large Athens-based newspapers which regularly analyze public policies and their impact from different political standpoints (i.e., the center-right “He Kathimerini,” center-left “To Vima” and “Ta Nea,” and radical-left “Efimerida ton Syntakton”). Compared to the previous decade, when political polarization negatively impacted on the quality of printed media, the media landscape has consolidated, while – depending on newspaper contributors – the quality of analysis may be good.
The quality of information and analysis of private TV news programs is not as high, however. Most of privately owned TV and radio channels have popularized infotainment, while marginalizing professional and in-depth reporting.
To sum up, political debates in the electronic media tend to be rather general, along partisan lines, while in-depth analysis is available, but rare. The presentation of issues is more sentimental and partisan (pro- or anti-government) than objective. Most people inform themselves through television programs or various news websites. Particularly younger citizens increasingly rely on unreliable sources of social media (e.g., Facebook and Twitter) for news and opinions. Indeed, in 2020 and 2021, despite the positive role of print and electronic mass media in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, there was widespread misinformation, diffused through social media, which has negatively impacted on the behavior of citizens during lockdowns and has held the rate of COVID-19 vaccinations back.
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How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes?
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The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are rather open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are largely controlled by the party leadership.
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A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership.
Αll major political parties (i.e., New Democracy, Syriza and Pasok, which enjoy the largest representation in parliament) continue to suffer (to varying degrees) from intense factionalism, but – compared to the past – have become more open with regard to policy discussions and democratic participation.
The center-right New Democracy, now in government under its leader Kyriakos Mitsotakis, has made some effort to encourage supporters to participate in defining the party’s agenda. The last national congress of the party took place in December 2019, while the next one is scheduled for 2022. The radical-left Syriza’s party organs are regularly convened by the party leader (Alexis Tsipras) to discuss the party’s line, but the party’s rank-and-file are rarely consulted. Syriza’s last national congress took place in October 2016, with a subsequent congress continuously postponed. In Syriza, there are open and public debates among party factions. The third largest party, the socialist Pasok (leading a center-left coalition named Kinal) conducted a party congress in late 2019 and also conducted nationwide elections to select the party’s new leader in late 2021, in which all members of the party were eligible to vote. It is too early to tell how the newly elected leader (Nikos Androulakis) will manage the party.
Very heavy-handed leadership is more pronounced among small parties, including in the traditional Communist Party of Greece (the KKE) and the party of Yanis Varoufakis (Mera25). In these parties, a very small circle around the party leader, if not the leader himself, has the final word on all decisions. To sum up, intra-party life is more developed in larger than in smaller parties. Meanwhile, in larger parties over time, there have been improvements on the openness of issue agendas, and the exchange of views and public deliberation among party officials.
Citations:
On preparations of New Democracy’s national party congress: https://synedrio.nd.gr/
On preparations of Syriza’s national party congress: https://www.syriza.gr/page/synedria.html#
The center-right New Democracy, now in government under its leader Kyriakos Mitsotakis, has made some effort to encourage supporters to participate in defining the party’s agenda. The last national congress of the party took place in December 2019, while the next one is scheduled for 2022. The radical-left Syriza’s party organs are regularly convened by the party leader (Alexis Tsipras) to discuss the party’s line, but the party’s rank-and-file are rarely consulted. Syriza’s last national congress took place in October 2016, with a subsequent congress continuously postponed. In Syriza, there are open and public debates among party factions. The third largest party, the socialist Pasok (leading a center-left coalition named Kinal) conducted a party congress in late 2019 and also conducted nationwide elections to select the party’s new leader in late 2021, in which all members of the party were eligible to vote. It is too early to tell how the newly elected leader (Nikos Androulakis) will manage the party.
Very heavy-handed leadership is more pronounced among small parties, including in the traditional Communist Party of Greece (the KKE) and the party of Yanis Varoufakis (Mera25). In these parties, a very small circle around the party leader, if not the leader himself, has the final word on all decisions. To sum up, intra-party life is more developed in larger than in smaller parties. Meanwhile, in larger parties over time, there have been improvements on the openness of issue agendas, and the exchange of views and public deliberation among party officials.
Citations:
On preparations of New Democracy’s national party congress: https://synedrio.nd.gr/
On preparations of Syriza’s national party congress: https://www.syriza.gr/page/synedria.html#
To what extent are economic interest associations (e.g., employers, industry, labor) capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Interest associations often make relevant policy proposals in a few policy areas, such as macroeconomic policy, incomes and pensions, and labor relations.
Probably the most efficient interest association in this respect is the Hellenic Federation of Enterprises (SEV). SEV’s think tank is the Institute of Economic and Industrial Research (IOBE). The General Confederation of Workers of Greece (GSEE) counts on its think tank, the Labor Institute (INE), for information and advice on policy matters. The remainder of the large interest associations, such as the national association of merchants (ESEE) and the association of artisans, craftsmen and owners of small enterprises (GSEVE), have relatively less well-resourced and smaller think tanks. The same holds for the General Confederation of Civil Servants (ADEDY), which has revived its own think tank (ADEDY Polykentro)
As in the past, in the period under review, the government only periodically consulted with economic interest associations. Limited consultation was the result of the COVID-19 crisis. Naturally, government ministers appeared at all major events staged by economic interest associations (e.g., annual conventions and specific conferences) and submitted drafts of government policy to the scrutiny of interest associations, including the government plan for the development of national economy (the Pissarides Plan).
Citations:
The opinions expressed by INE, a GSEE think tank supporting labor unions, are available at https://www.inegsee.gr/
(in Greek only).
Τhe website of the think tank of ADEDY is available at https://kpolykentro.gr/
For opinions mostly reflecting the views of Greek industrialists, see the website of the IOBE think tank at http: http://iobe.gr/default_en.asp (English version of the website).
Probably the most efficient interest association in this respect is the Hellenic Federation of Enterprises (SEV). SEV’s think tank is the Institute of Economic and Industrial Research (IOBE). The General Confederation of Workers of Greece (GSEE) counts on its think tank, the Labor Institute (INE), for information and advice on policy matters. The remainder of the large interest associations, such as the national association of merchants (ESEE) and the association of artisans, craftsmen and owners of small enterprises (GSEVE), have relatively less well-resourced and smaller think tanks. The same holds for the General Confederation of Civil Servants (ADEDY), which has revived its own think tank (ADEDY Polykentro)
As in the past, in the period under review, the government only periodically consulted with economic interest associations. Limited consultation was the result of the COVID-19 crisis. Naturally, government ministers appeared at all major events staged by economic interest associations (e.g., annual conventions and specific conferences) and submitted drafts of government policy to the scrutiny of interest associations, including the government plan for the development of national economy (the Pissarides Plan).
Citations:
The opinions expressed by INE, a GSEE think tank supporting labor unions, are available at https://www.inegsee.gr/
(in Greek only).
Τhe website of the think tank of ADEDY is available at https://kpolykentro.gr/
For opinions mostly reflecting the views of Greek industrialists, see the website of the IOBE think tank at http: http://iobe.gr/default_en.asp (English version of the website).
To what extent are non-economic interest associations capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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1
Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Greek civil society is relatively underdeveloped. Civil society associations can press the government on government policy choices, but rarely do they contribute to policymaking in a proactive manner. Most non-economic interest associations do not have the resources to become involved in policy formulation. There are, however, exceptions regarding religious and migration matters.
The Greek Orthodox Church plays a preponderant role in formulating ecclesiastical matters and (to some extent) matters of education. For instance, religion is a compulsory subject in all grades of primary school and high school. Greece’s constitution grants the Greek Orthodox Church a privileged position among all churches and dogmas, and the Greek Orthodox Church enjoys a tailor-made taxation regime which allows it to sustain a large amount of landed property. This pattern of heavy church influence on policy formulation has been preserved, regardless of the political profile (right-wing, centrist or left-wing) of the governing party or parties in power.
Finally, there is a vast array of small and medium-sized NGOs which are active in providing social protection and legal assistance to refugees and migrants in the field. NGOs are located in major cities and on the Greek islands of the Aegean where refugees and migrants continue to land. In the period under review, the role of NGOs
probably declined, as the Greek state was preoccupied with the management of COVID-19. The state also took it upon itself to manage reception and identification centers (RICs) on several islands and the mainland of Greece, rather than leaving the task to NGOs.
Citations:
The provisions of the constitution of Greece on the Greek Orthodox Church can be found in article 3 of the constitution.
The Greek Orthodox Church plays a preponderant role in formulating ecclesiastical matters and (to some extent) matters of education. For instance, religion is a compulsory subject in all grades of primary school and high school. Greece’s constitution grants the Greek Orthodox Church a privileged position among all churches and dogmas, and the Greek Orthodox Church enjoys a tailor-made taxation regime which allows it to sustain a large amount of landed property. This pattern of heavy church influence on policy formulation has been preserved, regardless of the political profile (right-wing, centrist or left-wing) of the governing party or parties in power.
Finally, there is a vast array of small and medium-sized NGOs which are active in providing social protection and legal assistance to refugees and migrants in the field. NGOs are located in major cities and on the Greek islands of the Aegean where refugees and migrants continue to land. In the period under review, the role of NGOs
probably declined, as the Greek state was preoccupied with the management of COVID-19. The state also took it upon itself to manage reception and identification centers (RICs) on several islands and the mainland of Greece, rather than leaving the task to NGOs.
Citations:
The provisions of the constitution of Greece on the Greek Orthodox Church can be found in article 3 of the constitution.
Graph View
Does there exist an independent and effective audit office?
10
9
9
There exists an effective and independent audit office.
8
7
6
7
6
There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
2
1
1
There does not exist an independent and effective audit office.
The Audit Office (Court of Audit) is an institution formally independent of the government and parliament. It is both a court that intervenes to resolve disputes related to the implementation of administrative law (e.g., civil service pensions) and a high-ranking administrative institution supervising expenses incurred by ministries and public entities.
The staff of the Audit Office is composed of judges who enjoy the same tenure and follow a comparable career path to that of other judges. As in the case of selecting high-ranking judges, the government selects and appoints the Audit Office’s president and vice-presidents. Nonetheless, the Audit Office has detached itself from government control.
The Audit Office submits an annual financial statement and the state’s balance sheet to the parliament. In the past, there were delays in rolling out the financial statements of the Audit Office. Over time, the submission of financial statements has improved, as the financial statement for 2019 is available and the corresponding statement for 2020 is under preparation. Meanwhile, the Audit Office was very active in the period under review regarding “focused audits.” In 2021, it published eight “focused” audits concerning certain agencies or categories of expenses, including topical audits, such as public procurement processes related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Citations:
Information on the Greek audit office in English is available at www.elsyn.gr
Ιnformation on targeted controls of the Audit Office is available at https://www.elsyn.gr/el/node/877 (in Greek)
For more information on Court of Audit competences and activities in English see https://www.elsyn.gr/en/index.
The staff of the Audit Office is composed of judges who enjoy the same tenure and follow a comparable career path to that of other judges. As in the case of selecting high-ranking judges, the government selects and appoints the Audit Office’s president and vice-presidents. Nonetheless, the Audit Office has detached itself from government control.
The Audit Office submits an annual financial statement and the state’s balance sheet to the parliament. In the past, there were delays in rolling out the financial statements of the Audit Office. Over time, the submission of financial statements has improved, as the financial statement for 2019 is available and the corresponding statement for 2020 is under preparation. Meanwhile, the Audit Office was very active in the period under review regarding “focused audits.” In 2021, it published eight “focused” audits concerning certain agencies or categories of expenses, including topical audits, such as public procurement processes related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Citations:
Information on the Greek audit office in English is available at www.elsyn.gr
Ιnformation on targeted controls of the Audit Office is available at https://www.elsyn.gr/el/node/877 (in Greek)
For more information on Court of Audit competences and activities in English see https://www.elsyn.gr/en/index.
Does there exist an independent and effective ombuds office?
10
9
9
There exists an effective and independent ombuds office.
8
7
6
7
6
There exists an effective and independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
There exists an independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is considerably limited.
2
1
1
There does not exist an effective and independent ombuds office.
The Ombuds Office is one of the most well-organized public services in the country. The Greek ombudsperson is appointed by a group of high-ranking parliamentarians and obliged to report to the parliament by submitting an annual report.
The ombudsperson receives and processes complaints from citizens who are frequently caught in the web of the sprawling Greek bureaucracy. Depending on the complaint at hand, the Ombuds Office can intervene with the central, regional and local bureaucracy. The staff of the Ombuds Office can pressure the government to change existing legislation and also inform the prosecutor’s office of any uncovered criminal offenses committed by administrative employees and officials. The Ombuds Office remains popular with Greek citizens, who turn to it in the frequent instances in which they are treated unfairly or improperly by public services.
Citations:
Information in English on the Greek “ombuds office” is available at https://www.synigoros.gr/?i=stp.en
Τhe Greek Ombuds Office is included in articles 101a and 103 para.9 of the Greek Constitution.
The ombudsperson receives and processes complaints from citizens who are frequently caught in the web of the sprawling Greek bureaucracy. Depending on the complaint at hand, the Ombuds Office can intervene with the central, regional and local bureaucracy. The staff of the Ombuds Office can pressure the government to change existing legislation and also inform the prosecutor’s office of any uncovered criminal offenses committed by administrative employees and officials. The Ombuds Office remains popular with Greek citizens, who turn to it in the frequent instances in which they are treated unfairly or improperly by public services.
Citations:
Information in English on the Greek “ombuds office” is available at https://www.synigoros.gr/?i=stp.en
Τhe Greek Ombuds Office is included in articles 101a and 103 para.9 of the Greek Constitution.
Is there an independent authority in place that effectively holds government offices accountable for handling issues of data protection and privacy?
10
9
9
An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
8
7
6
7
6
An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are strongly limited.
2
1
1
There is no effective and independent data protection office.
The Hellenic Data Protection Authority (HDPA) is Greece’s independent data protection office. The HDPA, established in 1997, enjoys constitutional guarantees. The HDPA grants individuals certain rights and imposes certain responsibilities on entities that process and store personal data. The president of HDPA (a high-ranking judge) and members of the authority are selected by the parliament for a four-year term. Generally, it is not a government-controlled authority. The HDPA implements EU and Greek law on personal data protection and has been very active in carrying out its tasks.
Citations:
Ιnformation on the Hellenic Data Protection Authority in English is available at http://www.dpa.gr/portal/page?_pageid=33,40911&_dad=portal&_schema=PORTAL
The law establishing the HDPA is Law 2472/1997.
The HDPA is included in article 9A of the Constitution of Greece.
Citations:
Ιnformation on the Hellenic Data Protection Authority in English is available at http://www.dpa.gr/portal/page?_pageid=33,40911&_dad=portal&_schema=PORTAL
The law establishing the HDPA is Law 2472/1997.
The HDPA is included in article 9A of the Constitution of Greece.