Ireland

Ireland falls into the lower-middle ranks (rank 18) in the category of vertical accountability.

Political competition is free and fair. A ranked-choice voting system allows independent candidates and small parties to compete with larger parties. Voting rights are granted to all citizens except those without permanent residence or criminal convictions.

The political system features a centralized state with weak local government, yet strong localism. Party manifestos are distinct and accessible. The rise of small far-right parties is changing the political landscape, introducing anti-immigrant and populist tones that have previously been absent.

Coalition governments are becoming increasingly likely, even as durable coalitions are becoming harder to form. This realignment has been driven by issues such as Brexit, the housing crisis, inflation and the cost of living. A freedom of information regulation is in place, with some concerns over redactions and refusals.

Ireland falls into the middle ranks internationally (rank 15) in the area of diagonal accountability.

The media in Ireland operates independently, largely free from government influence. The publicly owned media are regulated to ensure independence, but concentration is a concern in the private media sector. The government does not censor the media, but a recently passed hate crimes law has introduced some limitations on free speech.

Political and civic groups operate without state interference. Intimidation by far-right forces is a growing factor. A past model of social partnership, in which governments worked closely with civil society organizations, has been weakened in recent years. Groups representing capital and labor have sophisticated abilities to draft policies and regularly consult with the government.

Social welfare and environmental groups exert pressure on the government through a mix of protests, advocacy and policy consultations.

In the area of horizontal accountability, Ireland performs relatively poorly (rank 23).

The auditor general is formally independent, but has limited enforcement capacity. The Data Protection Commission (DPC) plays a key European role due to the local presence of many technology companies. While the DPC is independent and well-resourced, European data privacy regulators have occasionally intervened to strengthen its decisions.

The judiciary has legal autonomy and the power of independent review. High costs make this process inaccessible to many. Judges are held publicly accountable through ethics rules. Judicial decisions have forced changes in government action. Civil rights are generally protected, though antidiscrimination policies show gaps.

Public accounting standards help prevent corruption, and officeholders are subject to conflict-of-interest standards. The parliament has gained resources in recent years, and has adequate powers. However, government control can limit the effectiveness of committees’ investigations.

Ireland scores relatively poorly (rank 26) in the category of coordination.

Interministerial coordination is overseen by the Department of the Taoiseach. A Parliamentary Liaison Unit coordinates legislative and expenditure proposals with other ministries. Interdepartmental coordination is mainly handled through the cabinet committee.

The government operates under a collective doctrine in which ministers share responsibility for all decisions. However, ministries often operate in silos, with weak communication and little incentive for cooperation. The political culture is known for a certain level of informality.

The political system is highly centralized. Local governments lack autonomy. Key policies in areas such as healthcare, housing and transport are drafted at the national level, with local governments functioning effectively as administrative units. Proposals to enhance coordination are emerging in the context of sustainable development discussions.

In the category of consensus-building, Ireland falls into the middle ranks internationally (rank 15).

Policymakers incorporate scientific knowledge both through in-house research and outsourced analysis. The Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, a statutory body of academic experts, assesses government budgetary goals. Among experts, economists tend to have the most policy influence.

In recent years, the government has reengaged with civil society organizations, especially trade unions and business associations, in policy discussions. The tripartite relationship that was nearly halted during the crisis has reemerged, though in somewhat weaker form. Other organizations and advocacy groups also participate in policymaking, from inception to implementation.

New consultation forums such as Citizens’ Assemblies are becoming increasingly influential. However, the rise of evidence-informed policymaking has shifted the state’s focus toward professional experts over smaller advocacy groups. Considerable effort has been made to expand transparency and open government functions over the past decade.

Ireland performs relatively poorly (rank 23) in the category of sensemaking.

Irish policymaking tends to focus on short- and medium-term timeframes. A overreliance on single forecasts, without considering multiple scenarios, has led to negative outcomes. Strategic foresight and anticipatory governance remain peripheral in high-level civil service skills.

Regulatory impact assessments are required before policy decisions are made. However, the assessments are mostly qualitative, and the OECD has criticized their quality. Instructions include reference to issues such as the environment, but provide little tangible guidance.

Ex post evaluations are not legally required or systematically conducted. It is unclear whether such assessments lead to changes in existing or new legislation.

In the category of economic sustainability, Ireland falls into the lower-middle ranks internationally (rank 19).

A cross-government circular economy unit has been created, but the issue has not taken a high policy priority. Underinvestment in critical infrastructure has stalled some important projects. Plans to decarbonize the economy rely on technologies deemed speculative. The country still strongly relies on fossil fuels.

The economy has functioned at near full employment for some time, but labor market participation rates are low in some groups. Labor market activation polices largely consist in pushing welfare claimants into jobs. The country lacks a national employment service, and most job seekers rely on private agencies.

Income taxes are progressive. The system relies heavily on corporation taxes, especially from a few large firms. Debt levels have fallen since the crisis, but remain comparatively high. Recent budgets have posted surpluses. Despite a recent increase in corporation taxes, the country faces international criticism for being a tax haven.

Ireland falls into the upper-middle ranks internationally (rank 9) with regard to social sustainability.

The education system is well funded, but is not well-aligned with labor market needs. Class sizes are large, and the system tends to favor lower-cost fields like liberal arts and law over STEM subjects. The system performs well on the international PISA tests.

The public healthcare system is effective, but features long waiting times. Nearly half the population pays for private insurance to receive quicker treatment. The public pension system has adopted incentives for longer work, but does not ensure sufficient income for people in nonstandard employment.

High quality childcare is available for children aged 2 to 5. Affordable childcare below this age is difficult to find, pushing duties to women, grandparents, and community networks. Child poverty rates are comparatively high. Immigration rates have risen, creating challenges related to racism and integration amid expanding far-right sentiments.

Ireland performs relatively poorly (rank 23) with regard to environmental sustainability.

The state has adopted emissions reduction targets, but actual performance in reducing emissions remains poor. The country is one of the highest emitters of greenhouse gases per capita globally, Policies have relied on technological solutions rather than addressing underlying systems and structures.

The Climate Act 2021 commits to a 51% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions from 2018 to 2030, with a long-term objective of climate neutrality by 2050. The share of energy produced via renewables is increasing, but the emissions reduction goals are not being met.

Agriculture, urban wastewater and forestry have put severe pressures on surface and groundwater. Air quality is a concern, and habitat loss is advanced. The country focuses climate finance on small island states. Its own requests for exemption from EU climate rules for its agricultural sector are at odds with its Paris Agreement commitments.