Social Policies
#12Key Findings
With a generally strong safety net, Ireland performs well (rank 12) in the area of social policies. Its score on this measure has improved by 0.2 points relative to 2014.
Education quality is high, although pre-primary education is underfunded. After considerable criticism, student fees at public universities will be reduced. Poverty reduction has been a long-term focus. Homelessness is on the rise, driven by affordable-housing scarcities. Efforts to construct social housing are underway, but are not yet sufficient.
While the public healthcare system weathered the pandemic well, it is routinely criticized for its service shortcomings, and runs substantial fiscal deficits. Labor-force participation rates among women remain low, partly due to the lack of affordable nursery care. Childcare expenses are among the OECD’s highest, and are not tax deductible.
Efforts to raise the pension-eligibility age to increase system sustainability were rolled back after political controversy. Immigration from non-English-speaking countries has put a strain on school systems. Despite the strong inflows of migrants in recent years, immigration has not been a prominent electoral issue.
Education quality is high, although pre-primary education is underfunded. After considerable criticism, student fees at public universities will be reduced. Poverty reduction has been a long-term focus. Homelessness is on the rise, driven by affordable-housing scarcities. Efforts to construct social housing are underway, but are not yet sufficient.
While the public healthcare system weathered the pandemic well, it is routinely criticized for its service shortcomings, and runs substantial fiscal deficits. Labor-force participation rates among women remain low, partly due to the lack of affordable nursery care. Childcare expenses are among the OECD’s highest, and are not tax deductible.
Efforts to raise the pension-eligibility age to increase system sustainability were rolled back after political controversy. Immigration from non-English-speaking countries has put a strain on school systems. Despite the strong inflows of migrants in recent years, immigration has not been a prominent electoral issue.
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To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
10
9
9
Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
8
7
6
7
6
Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
5
4
3
4
3
Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
2
1
1
Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
The evidence indicates that the Irish education system is average or slightly above average by western European standards. The most-frequently voiced concerns relate to levels of mathematical skills and lack of proficiency in foreign languages, as well as an overemphasis on the Irish language. Reform of the leaving certificate – the final high school exams, which are coordinated nationally – has continued throughout the pandemic, especially regarding the nature of assessment, given the system’s emphasis on final exam results, as opposed to continuous assessment.
Some employers claim that the output of suitably qualified and skilled graduates from the second and third levels of the education system is inadequate, especially in terms of the high-tech sectors, which remain a central part of the Irish economy. Nonetheless, many firms that invest in Ireland list the quality of the education system and the skills of the labor force among the principal attractions for locating investment in Ireland, alongside the ease of doing business and the country’s relatively stable political environment.
The fairness of the allocation of public resources for education is open to question. The resources allocated per pupil or student increase steadily the higher up the educational scale one goes, but access becomes more dependent on social class.
The two-tier structure of the secondary education system in Ireland is controversial. A minority of pupils (about 10%) attend fee-paying schools where state support is augmented by the revenue from fees that can amount to €6,000 per pupil per year. These schools are socially exclusive and achieve higher academic results and higher progression rates to tertiary education than non-fee-paying schools. It is argued that the state should not subsidize institutions that perpetuate inequality in the education system. Most of these schools face excess demand for places, and have come under pressure to establish more transparent and equitable criteria for the selection of pupils for entry. There is also significant under-investment in pre-primary education relative to equivalent jurisdictions in Europe.
Irish students at tertiary institutions are not charged fees for most undergraduate courses. However, the “student contribution” charge – which was radically increased in the context of the country’s financial bailout by the Troika of the European Union, ECB and IMF in 2011–2013 – rose from €2,500 in 2014 to €3,000 in 2015, and has remained at that level since. In spring 2022, after many years of the university sector criticizing successive governments, a large and graduated increase in spending on higher education was announced by government, along with an intention to reduce the student charge to around €2,000 over a number of years. This was greatly welcomed by the higher education sector (O’ Brien, 2022b).
Teacher and university lecturer salaries are relatively high in Ireland by international standards. However, class sizes tend to be large and the education system is somewhat biased toward lower-cost areas, such as liberal arts, law and business studies, and away from higher-cost areas, such as engineering and science.
Citations:
O’ Brien, C., ‘Major changes to leaving Cert will see students sit some exams in fifth year’, The Irish Times, 29 March 2022, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/education/major-changes-to-leaving-cert-will-see-students-sit-some-exams-in-fifth-year-1.4839186?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fnews%2Feducation%2Fmajor-changes-to-leaving-cert-will-see-students-sit-some-exams-in-fifth-year-1.4839186
O’ Brien, C., ‘Student Contribution Fee of €3,000 to be reduced’, The Irish Times, 4 May 2022, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/education/student-contribution-fee-of-3-000-to-be-reduced-harris-1.4869307?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fnews%2Feducation%2Fstudent-contribution-fee-of-3-000-to-be-reduced-harris-1.4869307
Some employers claim that the output of suitably qualified and skilled graduates from the second and third levels of the education system is inadequate, especially in terms of the high-tech sectors, which remain a central part of the Irish economy. Nonetheless, many firms that invest in Ireland list the quality of the education system and the skills of the labor force among the principal attractions for locating investment in Ireland, alongside the ease of doing business and the country’s relatively stable political environment.
The fairness of the allocation of public resources for education is open to question. The resources allocated per pupil or student increase steadily the higher up the educational scale one goes, but access becomes more dependent on social class.
The two-tier structure of the secondary education system in Ireland is controversial. A minority of pupils (about 10%) attend fee-paying schools where state support is augmented by the revenue from fees that can amount to €6,000 per pupil per year. These schools are socially exclusive and achieve higher academic results and higher progression rates to tertiary education than non-fee-paying schools. It is argued that the state should not subsidize institutions that perpetuate inequality in the education system. Most of these schools face excess demand for places, and have come under pressure to establish more transparent and equitable criteria for the selection of pupils for entry. There is also significant under-investment in pre-primary education relative to equivalent jurisdictions in Europe.
Irish students at tertiary institutions are not charged fees for most undergraduate courses. However, the “student contribution” charge – which was radically increased in the context of the country’s financial bailout by the Troika of the European Union, ECB and IMF in 2011–2013 – rose from €2,500 in 2014 to €3,000 in 2015, and has remained at that level since. In spring 2022, after many years of the university sector criticizing successive governments, a large and graduated increase in spending on higher education was announced by government, along with an intention to reduce the student charge to around €2,000 over a number of years. This was greatly welcomed by the higher education sector (O’ Brien, 2022b).
Teacher and university lecturer salaries are relatively high in Ireland by international standards. However, class sizes tend to be large and the education system is somewhat biased toward lower-cost areas, such as liberal arts, law and business studies, and away from higher-cost areas, such as engineering and science.
Citations:
O’ Brien, C., ‘Major changes to leaving Cert will see students sit some exams in fifth year’, The Irish Times, 29 March 2022, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/education/major-changes-to-leaving-cert-will-see-students-sit-some-exams-in-fifth-year-1.4839186?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fnews%2Feducation%2Fmajor-changes-to-leaving-cert-will-see-students-sit-some-exams-in-fifth-year-1.4839186
O’ Brien, C., ‘Student Contribution Fee of €3,000 to be reduced’, The Irish Times, 4 May 2022, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/education/student-contribution-fee-of-3-000-to-be-reduced-harris-1.4869307?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fnews%2Feducation%2Fstudent-contribution-fee-of-3-000-to-be-reduced-harris-1.4869307
Graph View
To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
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9
9
Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
8
7
6
7
6
For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
5
4
3
4
3
For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
2
1
1
Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
During the recession and in the wake of the post-2008 financial crisis, Irish social and economic policy continued to place a high priority on poverty reduction. The poorest groups in society were protected from the worst effects of the recession. Although the rise in the unemployment rate and the fall in the employment rate drastically reduced household income for many, the real value of the principal social welfare payments has been protected in successive budgets since 2008 over a period when the take-home pay of those in employment fell significantly. Public spending on social protection rose to a peak of 11.0% of GDP in 2011, but fell to 9.4% in 2015, as economic growth resumed and the unemployment rate fell. However, the aging population structure has continued to push up the cost of the state pension scheme.
In 2020, amid the onset of the pandemic, government social protection expenditure rose to 10.2% of GDP. Notably, this was the lowest in the European Union and much less than half the highest rate, that of France with 27.3% (Eurostat, 2021). However, in 2019, government expenditure on social protection in Ireland, €9,815 per person, was above the EU average of €8,769 per person. Overall, the government spent €58.2 billion on social protection in 2020, with the largest areas of expenditure in sickness/healthcare (€21.5 billion) and senior care (€15.1 billion), which together accounted for 65% of total spending. In light of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on employment and the government’s temporary pandemic unemployment payment scheme, compared to 2019, expenditure on unemployment in 2020 almost trebled, from €2.7 billion to €7.8 billion (SJI, 2022).
Ireland’s recent developments made no significant changes to the structure of the system of social protection, despite some modest increases in rates of assistance. EU data on income and living conditions show that the incidence of poverty rose from 14.1% in 2009 to 16.5% in 2012. However, the incidence of consistent poverty rose from 5.6% in 2009 to 7.7% in 2012 and continued to rise to 8.2% in 2013. In 2021, the rate of poverty was 13.3%, but Social Justice Ireland (2022a) points out that this rate increases to 19% when housing costs are added to the calculations. Almost 45% of renters are at risk of increased poverty after housing payments.
The incidence of homelessness has been on the rise in the country’s principal cities and towns for years. The virtual cessation of residential construction after the 2008 crash combined with a recovery in house prices and rents from 2013 have made affordable housing increasingly difficult to obtain for many, especially in Dublin and in surrounding areas within the capital’s commuter belt. The government responded to growing public concern about these problems by increasing the 2016 budget allocation to social housing and by asking the National Asset Management Agency to provide 20,000 new residential units from its resources by 2020. The 2020 budget provided capital funding of over €1.1 billion to support the delivery of over 11,000 new social houses in 2020, with the expectation that a further 12,000 will be delivered in 2021.
However, in March 2021, the minister with responsibility for housing, Darragh O’Brien, reported that a total of 7,827 new social homes had been delivered in 2020, including 5,073 new build homes, 1,314 targeted acquisitions and 1,440 through leasing programs (GOV, 2020). Meanwhile, under the Housing for All program, the government plans to increase the supply of new housing to an average of 33,000 per year until 2030. The total new supply of housing will consist of 90,000 social homes, 36,000 affordable purchase homes, 18,000 so-called cost rental homes and approximately 156,000 private homes (DOT, 2021).
The lack of cheap housing, high and rising levels of rents (which reached record levels in early 2022), and growing homelessness saw the number of homeless people increase by 8.7% in 2021 compared to the previous year (Hilliard, 2022). Particular alarm has been raised regarding the number of children and young people presenting as homeless (CRI, 2022). This demonstrates that the housing crisis needs to be addressed by more inspired governmental and local authority initiatives, including through the provision of inexpensive land zoned for building and through changes to the permitted height of urban apartment dwellings. The arrival in early 2022 of 30,000 refugees, displaced as a result of the Russian war on Ukraine, added significantly to the already serious housing crisis.
Citations:
CRI (2022): Immediate action needed to tackle family homelessness. We can’t allow progress to reverse, Children’s Rights Alliance, 21 February, available at: https://www.childrensrights.ie/resources/press-release-%E2%80%98immediate-action-needed
DOF (2020) Budget 2020, Department of Finance, September 24, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/collection/b4c8d-budget-2020/
DOT (2021) Government launches Housing for All – a New Housing Plan for Ireland, Department of the Taoiseach, 02 September, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/ee5a9-government-launches-housing-for-all-a-new-housing-plan-for-ireland/#:~:text=over%20the%20lifetime%20of%20the,and%20approximately%20156%2C000%20private%20homes
Eurostat, (2021) Government expenditure on social protection, Statistics Explained, February, available at: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Government_expenditure_on_social_protection#Expenditure_on_.27social_protection.27
Gov (2020) Minister O’Brien Publishes 2020 Social Housing Statistics, Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage, 09 March, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/dfd6c-minister-obrien-publishes-2020-social-housing-statistics/
Hilliard, M. (2022) Number of homeless people increased by 8.7% last year, The Irish Times, January 28, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/social-affairs/number-of-homeless-people-increased-by-8-7-last-year-1.4788072
Social Justice Ireland, 2022a, ‘Poverty increases 150% after rent is included for households receiving subsidies’, 10 January 2022, https://www.socialjustice.ie/article/poverty-increases-150-after-rent-included-households-receiving-subsidies
SJI (2022) Social Protection Expenditure in Ireland 2020, Social Justice Ireland, 21 February 2022, available at: https://www.socialjustice.ie/article/social-protection-expenditure-ireland-2020#:~:text=Social%20protection%20expenditure%20in%202020,of%20%E2%82%AC8%2C769%20per%20person
In 2020, amid the onset of the pandemic, government social protection expenditure rose to 10.2% of GDP. Notably, this was the lowest in the European Union and much less than half the highest rate, that of France with 27.3% (Eurostat, 2021). However, in 2019, government expenditure on social protection in Ireland, €9,815 per person, was above the EU average of €8,769 per person. Overall, the government spent €58.2 billion on social protection in 2020, with the largest areas of expenditure in sickness/healthcare (€21.5 billion) and senior care (€15.1 billion), which together accounted for 65% of total spending. In light of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on employment and the government’s temporary pandemic unemployment payment scheme, compared to 2019, expenditure on unemployment in 2020 almost trebled, from €2.7 billion to €7.8 billion (SJI, 2022).
Ireland’s recent developments made no significant changes to the structure of the system of social protection, despite some modest increases in rates of assistance. EU data on income and living conditions show that the incidence of poverty rose from 14.1% in 2009 to 16.5% in 2012. However, the incidence of consistent poverty rose from 5.6% in 2009 to 7.7% in 2012 and continued to rise to 8.2% in 2013. In 2021, the rate of poverty was 13.3%, but Social Justice Ireland (2022a) points out that this rate increases to 19% when housing costs are added to the calculations. Almost 45% of renters are at risk of increased poverty after housing payments.
The incidence of homelessness has been on the rise in the country’s principal cities and towns for years. The virtual cessation of residential construction after the 2008 crash combined with a recovery in house prices and rents from 2013 have made affordable housing increasingly difficult to obtain for many, especially in Dublin and in surrounding areas within the capital’s commuter belt. The government responded to growing public concern about these problems by increasing the 2016 budget allocation to social housing and by asking the National Asset Management Agency to provide 20,000 new residential units from its resources by 2020. The 2020 budget provided capital funding of over €1.1 billion to support the delivery of over 11,000 new social houses in 2020, with the expectation that a further 12,000 will be delivered in 2021.
However, in March 2021, the minister with responsibility for housing, Darragh O’Brien, reported that a total of 7,827 new social homes had been delivered in 2020, including 5,073 new build homes, 1,314 targeted acquisitions and 1,440 through leasing programs (GOV, 2020). Meanwhile, under the Housing for All program, the government plans to increase the supply of new housing to an average of 33,000 per year until 2030. The total new supply of housing will consist of 90,000 social homes, 36,000 affordable purchase homes, 18,000 so-called cost rental homes and approximately 156,000 private homes (DOT, 2021).
The lack of cheap housing, high and rising levels of rents (which reached record levels in early 2022), and growing homelessness saw the number of homeless people increase by 8.7% in 2021 compared to the previous year (Hilliard, 2022). Particular alarm has been raised regarding the number of children and young people presenting as homeless (CRI, 2022). This demonstrates that the housing crisis needs to be addressed by more inspired governmental and local authority initiatives, including through the provision of inexpensive land zoned for building and through changes to the permitted height of urban apartment dwellings. The arrival in early 2022 of 30,000 refugees, displaced as a result of the Russian war on Ukraine, added significantly to the already serious housing crisis.
Citations:
CRI (2022): Immediate action needed to tackle family homelessness. We can’t allow progress to reverse, Children’s Rights Alliance, 21 February, available at: https://www.childrensrights.ie/resources/press-release-%E2%80%98immediate-action-needed
DOF (2020) Budget 2020, Department of Finance, September 24, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/collection/b4c8d-budget-2020/
DOT (2021) Government launches Housing for All – a New Housing Plan for Ireland, Department of the Taoiseach, 02 September, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/ee5a9-government-launches-housing-for-all-a-new-housing-plan-for-ireland/#:~:text=over%20the%20lifetime%20of%20the,and%20approximately%20156%2C000%20private%20homes
Eurostat, (2021) Government expenditure on social protection, Statistics Explained, February, available at: https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Government_expenditure_on_social_protection#Expenditure_on_.27social_protection.27
Gov (2020) Minister O’Brien Publishes 2020 Social Housing Statistics, Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage, 09 March, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/dfd6c-minister-obrien-publishes-2020-social-housing-statistics/
Hilliard, M. (2022) Number of homeless people increased by 8.7% last year, The Irish Times, January 28, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/social-affairs/number-of-homeless-people-increased-by-8-7-last-year-1.4788072
Social Justice Ireland, 2022a, ‘Poverty increases 150% after rent is included for households receiving subsidies’, 10 January 2022, https://www.socialjustice.ie/article/poverty-increases-150-after-rent-included-households-receiving-subsidies
SJI (2022) Social Protection Expenditure in Ireland 2020, Social Justice Ireland, 21 February 2022, available at: https://www.socialjustice.ie/article/social-protection-expenditure-ireland-2020#:~:text=Social%20protection%20expenditure%20in%202020,of%20%E2%82%AC8%2C769%20per%20person
Graph View
To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
10
9
9
Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
8
7
6
7
6
Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
2
1
1
Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Quality:
While the public healthcare system is regarded as having weathered the storm brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic relatively well, the public perception of the Irish healthcare system remains very negative amid cases of negligence, incompetence and a lack of access, which are highlighted regularly in the media. However, objective indicators of health outcomes are relatively good in Ireland and continue to improve. This is despite the increased level of obesity, problems with excessive alcohol consumption, fairly high levels of smoking and the pressure on healthcare budgets. Indeed, Ireland now has the highest life expectancy of any EU member state. Those born in 2020 can expect to live to 82.6 years, compared to the EU average of 80.4 years (Moloney, 2022). This is consistent with the Irish ranking on the U.N. quality of life indices, where the country ranked second (after Norway) in 2020 (O’ Leary, 2020)
The length of waiting lists for many hospital procedures and the number of hospital patients who have to be accommodated on “trolleys” (or gurneys) continue to cause serious problems and attract vociferous negative publicity. Monthly data on waiting lists are now published by the Health Service Executive (HSE) and a reduction in waiting times has been (repeatedly) declared a government priority.
Inclusiveness:
The Irish healthcare system is two-tiered, with slightly more than half the population relying exclusively on the public healthcare system and the rest paying for private insurance to obtain quicker access to hospital treatment. However, the rising cost of private health insurance is leading to a steady increase in the number of people relying on the public system.
The introduction of universal health insurance had been declared a government priority, but in October 2014 the newly appointed minister for health expressed his opinion that this target was “too ambitious” to be achieved over the coming five years. During 2015, however, access to primary (general practitioner) care was made available free of charge to people aged under six or over 70, regardless of income. In the 2016 budget, this was extended to all children under the age of 12 and successive governments have pledged to raise this threshold in the years ahead. This budget also significantly increased the funds available to the public healthcare system, although cost over-runs and financial strains will undoubtedly continue to plague the system. Government spending on healthcare reached the record level of €21 billion in 2022. Despite this, there remains a deep level of dissatisfaction with the public system, which is marked by very long waiting periods to see consultants, and regular waits of up to 24 hours for treatment in hospital accident and emergency units.
Cost efficiency:
The Irish healthcare system is costly, despite the relatively favorable (that is, relatively young) age structure of the population. Ireland emerges as having the sixth-highest level of healthcare expenditure relative to GDP within the European Union (OECD, 2021). In several reviews of its “bailout” agreement with Ireland between 2011–2013, the Troika expressed concern about continuing over-runs in healthcare spending, which have continued since Ireland exited the bailout program. The Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, in its November 2018 report, highlighted the extent of cost over-runs in the healthcare service, stating that the HSE had exceeded its allocation by more than €2 billion over the previous four years. The report recognized that part of this over-run was due to high payments for medical cases settled by the State Claims Agency.
COVID-19 costs to the healthcare service were €640 million over budget in 2021, although this was offset by underspending on recruitment and missed targets to increase hospital and homecare capacity. At the time of writing, the HSE is understood to expect a total deficit of between €80 and €140 million for 2021, in the €21 billion health budget (Bray, 2022). The buoyancy of government tax revenues has enabled the government to absorb the healthcare over-runs. However, if there is a downturn in tax revenues or further increases in inflation, given the alarming healthcare over-runs to date, there is the potential for a major fiscal crisis associated with this sector.
Citations:
Bray, J. (2022) Coronavirus 2021 health service costs over budget by €640m, The Irish Times, 21 February, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/coronavirus-2021-health-service-costs-over-budget-by-640m-1.4807601
Government of Ireland (2022), ‘Budget 2022: Minister Donnelly announces €21 billion, the biggest ever investment in Ireland’s health and social care services’, 14 October 2021, https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/9c7a3-budget-2022-minister-donnelly-announces-21billion-the-biggest-ever-investment-in-irelands-health-and-social-care-services/
OECD (2021) Health spending, OECD data, available at: https://data.oecd.org/healthres/health-spending.htm
Moloney, E., ‘Irish people have highest life expectancy in EU’, 27 March 2022, https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/irish-people-have-highest-life-expectancy-in-the-eu-41594511.html
O’ Leary, N., 2020, ‘Ireland ranked second in the world for quality of life, beating Sweden, Germany and the UK’, The Irish Times, 17 December 2020, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/ireland-ranked-second-in-the-world-for-quality-of-life-beating-sweden-germany-and-uk-1.4440009?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fnews%2Fireland%2Firish-news%2Fireland-ranked-second-in-the-world-for-quality-of-life-beating-sweden-germany-and-uk-1.4440009
For a study of the cost efficiency of the Irish health system see:
http://www.publicpolicy.ie/wp-content/uploads/HealthSystemIreland.pdf
While the public healthcare system is regarded as having weathered the storm brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic relatively well, the public perception of the Irish healthcare system remains very negative amid cases of negligence, incompetence and a lack of access, which are highlighted regularly in the media. However, objective indicators of health outcomes are relatively good in Ireland and continue to improve. This is despite the increased level of obesity, problems with excessive alcohol consumption, fairly high levels of smoking and the pressure on healthcare budgets. Indeed, Ireland now has the highest life expectancy of any EU member state. Those born in 2020 can expect to live to 82.6 years, compared to the EU average of 80.4 years (Moloney, 2022). This is consistent with the Irish ranking on the U.N. quality of life indices, where the country ranked second (after Norway) in 2020 (O’ Leary, 2020)
The length of waiting lists for many hospital procedures and the number of hospital patients who have to be accommodated on “trolleys” (or gurneys) continue to cause serious problems and attract vociferous negative publicity. Monthly data on waiting lists are now published by the Health Service Executive (HSE) and a reduction in waiting times has been (repeatedly) declared a government priority.
Inclusiveness:
The Irish healthcare system is two-tiered, with slightly more than half the population relying exclusively on the public healthcare system and the rest paying for private insurance to obtain quicker access to hospital treatment. However, the rising cost of private health insurance is leading to a steady increase in the number of people relying on the public system.
The introduction of universal health insurance had been declared a government priority, but in October 2014 the newly appointed minister for health expressed his opinion that this target was “too ambitious” to be achieved over the coming five years. During 2015, however, access to primary (general practitioner) care was made available free of charge to people aged under six or over 70, regardless of income. In the 2016 budget, this was extended to all children under the age of 12 and successive governments have pledged to raise this threshold in the years ahead. This budget also significantly increased the funds available to the public healthcare system, although cost over-runs and financial strains will undoubtedly continue to plague the system. Government spending on healthcare reached the record level of €21 billion in 2022. Despite this, there remains a deep level of dissatisfaction with the public system, which is marked by very long waiting periods to see consultants, and regular waits of up to 24 hours for treatment in hospital accident and emergency units.
Cost efficiency:
The Irish healthcare system is costly, despite the relatively favorable (that is, relatively young) age structure of the population. Ireland emerges as having the sixth-highest level of healthcare expenditure relative to GDP within the European Union (OECD, 2021). In several reviews of its “bailout” agreement with Ireland between 2011–2013, the Troika expressed concern about continuing over-runs in healthcare spending, which have continued since Ireland exited the bailout program. The Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, in its November 2018 report, highlighted the extent of cost over-runs in the healthcare service, stating that the HSE had exceeded its allocation by more than €2 billion over the previous four years. The report recognized that part of this over-run was due to high payments for medical cases settled by the State Claims Agency.
COVID-19 costs to the healthcare service were €640 million over budget in 2021, although this was offset by underspending on recruitment and missed targets to increase hospital and homecare capacity. At the time of writing, the HSE is understood to expect a total deficit of between €80 and €140 million for 2021, in the €21 billion health budget (Bray, 2022). The buoyancy of government tax revenues has enabled the government to absorb the healthcare over-runs. However, if there is a downturn in tax revenues or further increases in inflation, given the alarming healthcare over-runs to date, there is the potential for a major fiscal crisis associated with this sector.
Citations:
Bray, J. (2022) Coronavirus 2021 health service costs over budget by €640m, The Irish Times, 21 February, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/coronavirus-2021-health-service-costs-over-budget-by-640m-1.4807601
Government of Ireland (2022), ‘Budget 2022: Minister Donnelly announces €21 billion, the biggest ever investment in Ireland’s health and social care services’, 14 October 2021, https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/9c7a3-budget-2022-minister-donnelly-announces-21billion-the-biggest-ever-investment-in-irelands-health-and-social-care-services/
OECD (2021) Health spending, OECD data, available at: https://data.oecd.org/healthres/health-spending.htm
Moloney, E., ‘Irish people have highest life expectancy in EU’, 27 March 2022, https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/irish-people-have-highest-life-expectancy-in-the-eu-41594511.html
O’ Leary, N., 2020, ‘Ireland ranked second in the world for quality of life, beating Sweden, Germany and the UK’, The Irish Times, 17 December 2020, https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/ireland-ranked-second-in-the-world-for-quality-of-life-beating-sweden-germany-and-uk-1.4440009?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fnews%2Fireland%2Firish-news%2Fireland-ranked-second-in-the-world-for-quality-of-life-beating-sweden-germany-and-uk-1.4440009
For a study of the cost efficiency of the Irish health system see:
http://www.publicpolicy.ie/wp-content/uploads/HealthSystemIreland.pdf
Graph View
To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
10
9
9
Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
8
7
6
7
6
Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
5
4
3
4
3
Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
2
1
1
Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
The Irish income tax system incorporates the principle of “individualization,” which means that at any given level of combined income, the tax burden is lower on households in which both spouses are employed than in those in which only one spouse is employed.
The income tax code thus generates some incentive for spouses to take up employment outside the home. However, its progressive structure implies that at relatively modest income levels the second partner entering paid employment faces high marginal income tax rates. Furthermore, the income tax code does not permit the deduction of childcare expenses, which remain among the highest in the OECD (OECD, 2019). The high costs of childcare and the paucity of public provision in this area have been viewed as a serious obstacle to women combining parenting with employment outside the home. In recognition of this problem, the Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme was significantly extended in the 2016 budget with the introduction of the new Access and Inclusion Model (CI, 2021). The minister claimed that children aged three years and over will be able to access free childcare until they enter primary school. In 2016, parental leave was extended to fathers, with new fathers now able to take two weeks off work following the birth of a child. Employers are not obliged to pay employees during paternity leave, but fathers may qualify for Paternity Benefit, if they have enough PRSI contributions from the Department of Social Protection (CI, 2022).
Child benefits, which had been significantly reduced during the 2008–14 financial crisis, rose to €135 per child per month in 2016 and €140 in 2017, and has remained at that level. This is still below the level in 2009. Furthermore, the benefit does not vary depending on whether the mother is employed outside the home.
Female labor force participation is still quite low relative to Ireland’s peer countries in Europe, but there is some evidence that it improved significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic. In fact, Eurostat data shows that between Q4 2019 and Q4 2021, female labor force participation increased more in Ireland (almost 9%) than in any other euro zone member state (Eurostat, 2022). Female participation is, however, still limited due to the relative lack of affordable preschool nursery care.
Citations:
CI (2021) Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme, Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/education/pre_school_education_and_childcare/early_childhood_care_and_education_scheme.html#l0b797
CI (2021) Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme, Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/education/pre_school_education_and_childcare/early_childhood_care_and_education_scheme.html#l0b797
CI (2022) Paternity leave, Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/leave_and_holidays/paternity_leave.html
Eurostat (2022) EU Labour market – Quarterly Statistics, 5 April 2022, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=EU_labour_market_-_quarterly_statistics
The income tax code thus generates some incentive for spouses to take up employment outside the home. However, its progressive structure implies that at relatively modest income levels the second partner entering paid employment faces high marginal income tax rates. Furthermore, the income tax code does not permit the deduction of childcare expenses, which remain among the highest in the OECD (OECD, 2019). The high costs of childcare and the paucity of public provision in this area have been viewed as a serious obstacle to women combining parenting with employment outside the home. In recognition of this problem, the Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme was significantly extended in the 2016 budget with the introduction of the new Access and Inclusion Model (CI, 2021). The minister claimed that children aged three years and over will be able to access free childcare until they enter primary school. In 2016, parental leave was extended to fathers, with new fathers now able to take two weeks off work following the birth of a child. Employers are not obliged to pay employees during paternity leave, but fathers may qualify for Paternity Benefit, if they have enough PRSI contributions from the Department of Social Protection (CI, 2022).
Child benefits, which had been significantly reduced during the 2008–14 financial crisis, rose to €135 per child per month in 2016 and €140 in 2017, and has remained at that level. This is still below the level in 2009. Furthermore, the benefit does not vary depending on whether the mother is employed outside the home.
Female labor force participation is still quite low relative to Ireland’s peer countries in Europe, but there is some evidence that it improved significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic. In fact, Eurostat data shows that between Q4 2019 and Q4 2021, female labor force participation increased more in Ireland (almost 9%) than in any other euro zone member state (Eurostat, 2022). Female participation is, however, still limited due to the relative lack of affordable preschool nursery care.
Citations:
CI (2021) Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme, Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/education/pre_school_education_and_childcare/early_childhood_care_and_education_scheme.html#l0b797
CI (2021) Early Childhood Care and Education Scheme, Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/education/pre_school_education_and_childcare/early_childhood_care_and_education_scheme.html#l0b797
CI (2022) Paternity leave, Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/employment/employment_rights_and_conditions/leave_and_holidays/paternity_leave.html
Eurostat (2022) EU Labour market – Quarterly Statistics, 5 April 2022, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=EU_labour_market_-_quarterly_statistics
Graph View
To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
10
9
9
Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
8
7
6
7
6
Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
2
1
1
Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
The Irish system of pension provision rests on three pillars: a state old-age pension, occupational pensions and individual pension plans. The substantial proportion of the population that is employed in the public sector enjoys relatively generous occupational pension entitlements.
In May 2011, an annual levy of 0.6% was imposed on the value of pension assets. In the 2014 budget, this levy was increased to 0.75%. The levy applied only to private sector pension funds. In the 2016 budget, the minister announced that this levy was being terminated.
The total asset value of the Irish pension fund sector grew by 0.4% in the third quarter of 2021 (most recently available statistics) to €129.8 billion. This rise was offset by a fall in holdings of pension fund reserves (€576 million), which nevertheless remain the largest asset holding in the country, standing at €51.5 billion (CBI, 2021). It is important that pension funds register such gains due to the effects of an aging population.
Poverty prevention:
The State Pension (Non-Contributory) is paid to people aged 66 and over who do not qualify for a State Pension (Contributory) (SPC). The State Pension is means tested and taxable, although if it is your only income you are unlikely to pay tax on it. The basic rate is €242 per week, with increases paid for adult and child dependents (CI, 2022a).
The State Pension (Contributory) is paid to people from the age of 66 who have made sufficient social security (PRSI) contributions and is sometimes called the old-age pension. The State Pension (Contributory) is not means tested. The Pensions Commission was set up under the Programme for Government 2020 to examine sustainability and eligibility issues with state pensions. The highest rate is €253.30 per week with increases for adult and child dependents (CSO, 2022b).
Pension payments amount to about one-third of average earnings among the employed population. The nominal value of this pension was held constant after the onset of the crisis in 2009, despite the general fall in incomes, and a period of falling prices between 2010 and 2011, and again in 2014. In the 2022 budget, the maximum weekly rate for all state pensions was increased by €5 with proportionate increases for people in receipt of a reduced rate (DSP, 2021).
Ireland ranks among Europe’s best – alongside the United Kingdom and the Netherlands – with regard to the size of existing private pension funds relative to GDP. About 55% of the workforce has made some pension provision for their retirement outside the main state scheme. However, these schemes came under very severe pressure following the stock market crash of 2008 and the increase in their liabilities due to a sharp decline in annuity rates. The trend of a shift from defined-benefit to defined-contribution schemes is continuing.
Fiscal sustainability:
The state pension scheme is a pay-as-you-go system. Its sustainability depends on the ability of the state to raise the funds required to meet ongoing commitments through taxes and social insurance levies. Although Ireland’s population structure is relatively young by European standards, it is aging rapidly. This has led to repeated predictions of a pension-system crisis unless the retirement age is raised significantly and the amount earmarked for pensions from income taxes and social insurance levies is steadily increased. The issue of raising the pension age has proven politically intractable. The state retirement age was scheduled to increase to 67 in 2021, but this decision was reversed by government, amid political controversy, and moved back to 66 years.
Pensions for those employed in the public sector were, until 2009, almost entirely funded from general tax revenue. Significant changes to the funding of public sector pensions were made in 2009 and in the Public Service Pensions Act, 2012. These changes will, over time, help to make the system more sustainable, but a great deal of further adjustment will be required.
Intergenerational equity:
The pension reforms introduced over recent years will eventually increase the equity of the Irish pensions system across generations. At present, inequities arise because those in the current generation of pensioners who enjoy the state pension or public sector pensions did not contribute sufficiently through taxation and direct pension contributions to fund the level of pensions they receive. Those now in the workforce are unlikely to enjoy comparable pension levels when they reach retirement age. Furthermore, the adjustments that have been made to pensions since the crisis of 2008 have been smaller than the adjustments to the after-tax income of those who are in employment.
A package of changes to the rules governing defined benefits schemes was announced toward the end of 2013 and implemented in 2014. This change sought to address the situation of underfunded defined-benefit pension schemes that wind up in deficit or elect to restructure. In the past, pensioners could have received all or most of the pension fund, whereas contributing members who had not yet retired received considerably less than expected. The new rules were designed to ensure a more equal distribution of assets under a limited set of circumstances.
Citations:
CBI (2021) Pension Fund Statistics – Q4 2021, Central Bank of Ireland, 30 March, available at: https://www.centralbank.ie/statistics/data-and-analysis/pension-fund-statistics
CI (2022a) State Pension (Non-Contributory), Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/social_welfare/social_welfare_payments/older_and_retired_people/state_pension_non_contributory.html
CI (2022b) State Pension (Contributory), Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/social_welfare/social_welfare_payments/older_and_retired_people/state_pension_contributory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20Pension%20(Contributory)%20is,income%20and%20still%20get%20it.
DSP (2021) Budget 2022, Department of Social Protection, 12 October, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/publication/318a9-budget-2022/#pensioners
Data on poverty levels among the retired are from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions,2011 Results: http://www.cso.ie/en/media/csoie/releasespublications/documents/silc/2011/silc_2011.pdf
In May 2011, an annual levy of 0.6% was imposed on the value of pension assets. In the 2014 budget, this levy was increased to 0.75%. The levy applied only to private sector pension funds. In the 2016 budget, the minister announced that this levy was being terminated.
The total asset value of the Irish pension fund sector grew by 0.4% in the third quarter of 2021 (most recently available statistics) to €129.8 billion. This rise was offset by a fall in holdings of pension fund reserves (€576 million), which nevertheless remain the largest asset holding in the country, standing at €51.5 billion (CBI, 2021). It is important that pension funds register such gains due to the effects of an aging population.
Poverty prevention:
The State Pension (Non-Contributory) is paid to people aged 66 and over who do not qualify for a State Pension (Contributory) (SPC). The State Pension is means tested and taxable, although if it is your only income you are unlikely to pay tax on it. The basic rate is €242 per week, with increases paid for adult and child dependents (CI, 2022a).
The State Pension (Contributory) is paid to people from the age of 66 who have made sufficient social security (PRSI) contributions and is sometimes called the old-age pension. The State Pension (Contributory) is not means tested. The Pensions Commission was set up under the Programme for Government 2020 to examine sustainability and eligibility issues with state pensions. The highest rate is €253.30 per week with increases for adult and child dependents (CSO, 2022b).
Pension payments amount to about one-third of average earnings among the employed population. The nominal value of this pension was held constant after the onset of the crisis in 2009, despite the general fall in incomes, and a period of falling prices between 2010 and 2011, and again in 2014. In the 2022 budget, the maximum weekly rate for all state pensions was increased by €5 with proportionate increases for people in receipt of a reduced rate (DSP, 2021).
Ireland ranks among Europe’s best – alongside the United Kingdom and the Netherlands – with regard to the size of existing private pension funds relative to GDP. About 55% of the workforce has made some pension provision for their retirement outside the main state scheme. However, these schemes came under very severe pressure following the stock market crash of 2008 and the increase in their liabilities due to a sharp decline in annuity rates. The trend of a shift from defined-benefit to defined-contribution schemes is continuing.
Fiscal sustainability:
The state pension scheme is a pay-as-you-go system. Its sustainability depends on the ability of the state to raise the funds required to meet ongoing commitments through taxes and social insurance levies. Although Ireland’s population structure is relatively young by European standards, it is aging rapidly. This has led to repeated predictions of a pension-system crisis unless the retirement age is raised significantly and the amount earmarked for pensions from income taxes and social insurance levies is steadily increased. The issue of raising the pension age has proven politically intractable. The state retirement age was scheduled to increase to 67 in 2021, but this decision was reversed by government, amid political controversy, and moved back to 66 years.
Pensions for those employed in the public sector were, until 2009, almost entirely funded from general tax revenue. Significant changes to the funding of public sector pensions were made in 2009 and in the Public Service Pensions Act, 2012. These changes will, over time, help to make the system more sustainable, but a great deal of further adjustment will be required.
Intergenerational equity:
The pension reforms introduced over recent years will eventually increase the equity of the Irish pensions system across generations. At present, inequities arise because those in the current generation of pensioners who enjoy the state pension or public sector pensions did not contribute sufficiently through taxation and direct pension contributions to fund the level of pensions they receive. Those now in the workforce are unlikely to enjoy comparable pension levels when they reach retirement age. Furthermore, the adjustments that have been made to pensions since the crisis of 2008 have been smaller than the adjustments to the after-tax income of those who are in employment.
A package of changes to the rules governing defined benefits schemes was announced toward the end of 2013 and implemented in 2014. This change sought to address the situation of underfunded defined-benefit pension schemes that wind up in deficit or elect to restructure. In the past, pensioners could have received all or most of the pension fund, whereas contributing members who had not yet retired received considerably less than expected. The new rules were designed to ensure a more equal distribution of assets under a limited set of circumstances.
Citations:
CBI (2021) Pension Fund Statistics – Q4 2021, Central Bank of Ireland, 30 March, available at: https://www.centralbank.ie/statistics/data-and-analysis/pension-fund-statistics
CI (2022a) State Pension (Non-Contributory), Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/social_welfare/social_welfare_payments/older_and_retired_people/state_pension_non_contributory.html
CI (2022b) State Pension (Contributory), Citizens Information, available at: https://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/social_welfare/social_welfare_payments/older_and_retired_people/state_pension_contributory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20Pension%20(Contributory)%20is,income%20and%20still%20get%20it.
DSP (2021) Budget 2022, Department of Social Protection, 12 October, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/publication/318a9-budget-2022/#pensioners
Data on poverty levels among the retired are from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions,2011 Results: http://www.cso.ie/en/media/csoie/releasespublications/documents/silc/2011/silc_2011.pdf
Graph View
How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
10
9
9
Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
8
7
6
7
6
Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
2
1
1
Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
In 2021, Ireland’s population reached its highest level since 1851 – more than five million. From being largely homogenous in the 1990s, Ireland’s population now includes approximately 15% who were born abroad after net inward migration flows were recorded in 15 of the last 20 years (Social Justice Ireland, 2021).
The large inflow of immigrants during the boom years after the mid-2000s led to a rapid increase in the foreign-born population resident in Ireland. More than 70% of immigrants to Ireland have the right to reside, work and own property in the country by virtue of their EU citizenship. Despite the resumption of a high rate of emigration among Irish nationals after 2008, inward migration from abroad has continued at a significant rate.
The unemployment rate among non-nationals (especially those from the post-2004 EU member states) is higher than among the native-born population, while many employed immigrants are not in occupations commensurate with their skills and education.
The inflow of families from non-English-speaking countries in the last 15 years has placed a strain on the education system. Additional resources have been provided to help cope with this challenge, but these are widely regarded as inadequate. There are signs of increasing gaps between schools in relatively deprived areas of the main cities, which often have higher concentrations of children holding non-Irish citizenship, and schools in the more affluent areas with lower concentrations.
Forced integration is not an issue. However, some ethnic and religious minorities face difficulties in a country that is still overwhelmingly Irish, while their children face problems in a school system that is still largely under Roman Catholic management.
The treatment of asylum-seekers by the Irish authorities came under scrutiny in 2014, with adverse attention drawn to the system of “direct provision,” which is intended to provide for the welfare of asylum-seekers and their families as they await decisions on their asylum application. The system provides essential services, medical care, accommodation and board, with three meals per day provided at set times. Attention has focused on the poor standards of accommodation and living conditions in the facilities serving this population, as well as the enforced isolation of families waiting for as long as seven years to learn of a decision on their asylum applications. The 2020 Programme for Government included a commitment to end the direct provision system by the end of 2024. A whitepaper published in early 2021 outlines a new system of accommodation and supports that for applicants arriving in Ireland in search of international protection (Gov, 2021).
Ireland has been largely unaffected by the growing immigration/refugee crisis in much of Europe since 2015. Ireland agreed to accept some immigrants/asylum-seekers from Syria and other war-torn countries before the end of 2015. There is no explicitly anti-immigrant political party in Ireland and immigration was not a prominent issue in the most recent 2020 general election.
Citations:
Gov (2021) Minister O’Gorman publishes the White Paper on Ending Direct Provision, Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, 26 February, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/affd6-minister-ogorman-publishes-the-white-paper-on-ending-direct-provision/
Social Justice Ireland (2021), ‘Demographic Change: a key policy issue’, 8 September 2021, https://www.socialjustice.ie/content/policy-issues/demographic-change-key-policy-issue
The large inflow of immigrants during the boom years after the mid-2000s led to a rapid increase in the foreign-born population resident in Ireland. More than 70% of immigrants to Ireland have the right to reside, work and own property in the country by virtue of their EU citizenship. Despite the resumption of a high rate of emigration among Irish nationals after 2008, inward migration from abroad has continued at a significant rate.
The unemployment rate among non-nationals (especially those from the post-2004 EU member states) is higher than among the native-born population, while many employed immigrants are not in occupations commensurate with their skills and education.
The inflow of families from non-English-speaking countries in the last 15 years has placed a strain on the education system. Additional resources have been provided to help cope with this challenge, but these are widely regarded as inadequate. There are signs of increasing gaps between schools in relatively deprived areas of the main cities, which often have higher concentrations of children holding non-Irish citizenship, and schools in the more affluent areas with lower concentrations.
Forced integration is not an issue. However, some ethnic and religious minorities face difficulties in a country that is still overwhelmingly Irish, while their children face problems in a school system that is still largely under Roman Catholic management.
The treatment of asylum-seekers by the Irish authorities came under scrutiny in 2014, with adverse attention drawn to the system of “direct provision,” which is intended to provide for the welfare of asylum-seekers and their families as they await decisions on their asylum application. The system provides essential services, medical care, accommodation and board, with three meals per day provided at set times. Attention has focused on the poor standards of accommodation and living conditions in the facilities serving this population, as well as the enforced isolation of families waiting for as long as seven years to learn of a decision on their asylum applications. The 2020 Programme for Government included a commitment to end the direct provision system by the end of 2024. A whitepaper published in early 2021 outlines a new system of accommodation and supports that for applicants arriving in Ireland in search of international protection (Gov, 2021).
Ireland has been largely unaffected by the growing immigration/refugee crisis in much of Europe since 2015. Ireland agreed to accept some immigrants/asylum-seekers from Syria and other war-torn countries before the end of 2015. There is no explicitly anti-immigrant political party in Ireland and immigration was not a prominent issue in the most recent 2020 general election.
Citations:
Gov (2021) Minister O’Gorman publishes the White Paper on Ending Direct Provision, Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, 26 February, available at: https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/affd6-minister-ogorman-publishes-the-white-paper-on-ending-direct-provision/
Social Justice Ireland (2021), ‘Demographic Change: a key policy issue’, 8 September 2021, https://www.socialjustice.ie/content/policy-issues/demographic-change-key-policy-issue
Graph View
How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
10
9
9
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
8
7
6
7
6
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
2
1
1
Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
Overall, Irish crime rates are relatively low by international standards. However, property crime rates have risen in the last few years and over the past decade there has been an increase in “gangland” crime, including murders involving firearms. Notably, rates for most crimes fell during the pandemic, although offenses against the person, including assaults and sexual crimes, increased in Ireland as COVID-19 restrictions were eased in 2021 (Lally, 2021).
The main police force remains unarmed and, despite a fatal shooting of an on-duty police officer in 2020 (Gallagher & Bowers, 2020), there is no widespread clamor to arm the force. It enjoys a good relationship with the majority of the population.
Cross-border policing cooperation between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland remains good, although the existence of a long land border is an inherent obstacle to effective law enforcement. It is widely acknowledged that paramilitary crime and racketeering are unacceptably high in the Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland border areas. The sensitivities around policing the border and cross-border crime have increased in light of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (Colfer & Diamond, 2022).
Citations:
Colfer, B. & Diamond, P. (2022) ‘Borders and identities in NI after Brexit: remaking Anglo-Irish relations’, Comparative European Politics, forthcoming.
Lally, C. (2021) Assaults and sex crimes spike to previous highs as Covid-19 restrictions eased, The Irish Times, 02 November, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/crime-and-law/assaults-and-sex-crimes-spike-to-previous-highs-as-covid-19-restrictions-eased-1.4717537
Gallagher, C. & Bowers, S. (2021) Det Garda Colm Horkan ‘epitomised’ what members of force should strive to be, funeral told. The Irish Times, 21 June, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/det-garda-colm-horkan-epitomised-what-members-of-force-should-strive-to-be-funeral-told-1.4284667
The main police force remains unarmed and, despite a fatal shooting of an on-duty police officer in 2020 (Gallagher & Bowers, 2020), there is no widespread clamor to arm the force. It enjoys a good relationship with the majority of the population.
Cross-border policing cooperation between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland remains good, although the existence of a long land border is an inherent obstacle to effective law enforcement. It is widely acknowledged that paramilitary crime and racketeering are unacceptably high in the Northern Ireland/Republic of Ireland border areas. The sensitivities around policing the border and cross-border crime have increased in light of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (Colfer & Diamond, 2022).
Citations:
Colfer, B. & Diamond, P. (2022) ‘Borders and identities in NI after Brexit: remaking Anglo-Irish relations’, Comparative European Politics, forthcoming.
Lally, C. (2021) Assaults and sex crimes spike to previous highs as Covid-19 restrictions eased, The Irish Times, 02 November, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/crime-and-law/assaults-and-sex-crimes-spike-to-previous-highs-as-covid-19-restrictions-eased-1.4717537
Gallagher, C. & Bowers, S. (2021) Det Garda Colm Horkan ‘epitomised’ what members of force should strive to be, funeral told. The Irish Times, 21 June, available at: https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/det-garda-colm-horkan-epitomised-what-members-of-force-should-strive-to-be-funeral-told-1.4284667
Graph View
To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
10
9
9
The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
8
7
6
7
6
The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
5
4
3
4
3
The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
2
1
1
The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
Despite the austerity measures introduced to correct the imbalances in public finances in the wake of the country’s bailout by the Troika of the European Union, ECB and IMF in 2010, Ireland has maintained its spending on overseas development assistance (ODA). In 2021, ODA will reach €1,044 billion, with an increase of €140 million in 2022 over 2021. This represents 0.43% of Ireland’s GNI, still way short of the U.N. target of 0.7%, but an increase from the 2020 allocation of €867.5 million in 2020 (0.31% of GNI). This allocation is substantially up on the 2017 allocation of €743 million (Irish Aid, 2020; Social Justice Ireland, 2021). There is a special focus on countries in sub-Saharan Africa, poverty eradication, ending hunger, and encouraging gender equality, good governance and human rights.
Ireland was elected as a member of the U.N. Security Council for 2021 – 2022. Ireland’s priorities on the council focus on peacekeeping, climate and security, and marking the 25th anniversary of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Ireland is also focusing on thematic issues, including the promotion of the voices of women peacebuilders, eradicating hunger, children and armed conflict, and conflict prevention and mediation (DFA, 2021).
Ireland has consistently supported an international agenda that advances social inclusion. Support for a fair global trading system is constrained by the role of the European Union in framing trading policy and to some extent by concerns about domestic self-interest with regard to certain sectors, especially farming.
Citations:
DFA (2021) Ireland’s Priorities for the UN Security Council, 2021-2022, Department of Foreign Affairs, 22 January, available at: https://www.dfa.ie/news-and-media/speeches/speeches-archive/2021/january/irelands-priorities-for-the-un-security-council-2021-2022.php
Irish Aid, (2020). Where the money goes, https://www.irishaid.ie/what-we-do/how-our-aid-works/where-the-money-goes/
Social Justice Ireland (2021) ‘Progress towards ODA target in. Budget 2022’, 8 November 2021, https://www.socialjustice.ie/article/progress-towards-oda-targets-budget-2022
Ireland was elected as a member of the U.N. Security Council for 2021 – 2022. Ireland’s priorities on the council focus on peacekeeping, climate and security, and marking the 25th anniversary of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Ireland is also focusing on thematic issues, including the promotion of the voices of women peacebuilders, eradicating hunger, children and armed conflict, and conflict prevention and mediation (DFA, 2021).
Ireland has consistently supported an international agenda that advances social inclusion. Support for a fair global trading system is constrained by the role of the European Union in framing trading policy and to some extent by concerns about domestic self-interest with regard to certain sectors, especially farming.
Citations:
DFA (2021) Ireland’s Priorities for the UN Security Council, 2021-2022, Department of Foreign Affairs, 22 January, available at: https://www.dfa.ie/news-and-media/speeches/speeches-archive/2021/january/irelands-priorities-for-the-un-security-council-2021-2022.php
Irish Aid, (2020). Where the money goes, https://www.irishaid.ie/what-we-do/how-our-aid-works/where-the-money-goes/
Social Justice Ireland (2021) ‘Progress towards ODA target in. Budget 2022’, 8 November 2021, https://www.socialjustice.ie/article/progress-towards-oda-targets-budget-2022