Executive Accountability
#26Key Findings
With a varied mix of oversight capabilities, Italy falls into the lower-middle ranks (rank 26) in the area of executive accountability. Its score on this measure has improved by 0.5 points relative to 2014.
Parliamentarians have significant resources and executive-oversight powers. The audit court has demonstrated considerable independence from the government, while a Parliamentary Budget Office monitors compliance with European fiscal rules. The data-protection authority has extensive powers and enjoys a high degree of independence.
Media coverage of politics is substantial but often superficial, with newspapers providing the strongest policy information. A minority of citizens say they are interested in politics, but most watch TV news, which does feature political themes significantly. Popular interest in COVID-19 policies has been strong.
Political parties vary widely with regard to decision-making structures, but the Lega and Five Star Movements are dominated by their leaders. Employers’ associations and trade unions draw on expert resources, but are conservative in outlook. A growing number of single-issue movements provide policymaking contributions. Medical associations increased their visibility during the pandemic.
Parliamentarians have significant resources and executive-oversight powers. The audit court has demonstrated considerable independence from the government, while a Parliamentary Budget Office monitors compliance with European fiscal rules. The data-protection authority has extensive powers and enjoys a high degree of independence.
Media coverage of politics is substantial but often superficial, with newspapers providing the strongest policy information. A minority of citizens say they are interested in politics, but most watch TV news, which does feature political themes significantly. Popular interest in COVID-19 policies has been strong.
Political parties vary widely with regard to decision-making structures, but the Lega and Five Star Movements are dominated by their leaders. Employers’ associations and trade unions draw on expert resources, but are conservative in outlook. A growing number of single-issue movements provide policymaking contributions. Medical associations increased their visibility during the pandemic.
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To what extent are citizens informed of public policies?
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Most citizens are well-informed of a broad range of public policies.
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Many citizens are well-informed of individual public policies.
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Few citizens are well-informed of public policies; most citizens have only a rudimental knowledge of public policies.
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Most citizens are not aware of public policies.
Existing public opinion studies indicate that only a minority of citizens (about 35%) are significantly interested in politics and that about a similar percentage talks regularly about politics and follows TV programs featuring political debate. A large majority (85%), however, regularly follows the TV news where political news has a significant weight. While data show that the level of sophistication and knowledge about parties, personnel and composition of government is not low, data concerning levels of information about policies are not easily available. They probably vary greatly depending on the policy field.
In certain areas used by parties to define their positions (especially major economic and fiscal issues, education, healthcare, immigration and foreign policy), levels of information are fairly high. On other policies, the amount knowledge drops significantly. As Italian politics are fast-moving, unstable and strongly personalized, it is naturally difficult for citizens to be well informed about the contents of government policymaking. Television – by far the most significant information source in Italy – does not provide in-depth information. Over the last two years, attention to COVID-19 specific policies has been rather high.
Citations:
Vincenzo Memoli, How Does Political Knowledge Shape Support for Democracy? Some Research Based on the Italian Case, in Bulletin of Italian Politics, Vol. 3, No. 1, 2011, 79-102
In certain areas used by parties to define their positions (especially major economic and fiscal issues, education, healthcare, immigration and foreign policy), levels of information are fairly high. On other policies, the amount knowledge drops significantly. As Italian politics are fast-moving, unstable and strongly personalized, it is naturally difficult for citizens to be well informed about the contents of government policymaking. Television – by far the most significant information source in Italy – does not provide in-depth information. Over the last two years, attention to COVID-19 specific policies has been rather high.
Citations:
Vincenzo Memoli, How Does Political Knowledge Shape Support for Democracy? Some Research Based on the Italian Case, in Bulletin of Italian Politics, Vol. 3, No. 1, 2011, 79-102
Does the government publish data and information in a way that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable?
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The government publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government most of the time publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government publishes data in a limited and not timely or user-friendly way.
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The government publishes (almost) no relevant data.
According to the Freedom of Information principle established in 1990, and further extended in 2013 (Law decree no. 33) (FOIA-Governo), citizens have access to all administrative acts with limited exceptions. A government commission oversees the full application of this right. The frequency of access and the response rate are regularly monitored (Osservatorio FOIA).
The government does not have a systematic and comprehensive policy of making information easily accessible for citizens in such a way as would enable citizens to hold the government accountable. The Presidency of the Council of Ministers and the ministries themselves maintain web pages that publish information about government activities. However, the information published on these websites often provides a sequence of events (e.g., meetings of the ministers and press conferences) rather than data-rich documentation.
Citations:
https://foia.gov.it/normativa/cose-il-foia (accessed 20 December 2021)
https://foia.gov.it/osservatorio/monitoraggio/articolo/monitoraggio-sullattuazione-del-foia-2020 (accessed 20 December 2021).
The government does not have a systematic and comprehensive policy of making information easily accessible for citizens in such a way as would enable citizens to hold the government accountable. The Presidency of the Council of Ministers and the ministries themselves maintain web pages that publish information about government activities. However, the information published on these websites often provides a sequence of events (e.g., meetings of the ministers and press conferences) rather than data-rich documentation.
Citations:
https://foia.gov.it/normativa/cose-il-foia (accessed 20 December 2021)
https://foia.gov.it/osservatorio/monitoraggio/articolo/monitoraggio-sullattuazione-del-foia-2020 (accessed 20 December 2021).
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Do members of parliament have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activity effectively?
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring all government activity effectively.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring a government’s major activities.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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The resources provided to the members of parliament are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
Members of parliament can draw on significant resources of highly qualified personnel to monitor the activities of the government. The permanent staff of both chambers is quite large and is selected through highly competitive mechanisms. Most staff members possess highly qualified legal expertise. The parliamentary staff regularly produces studies on issues and reforms under discussion. A special office of the parliament (the Ufficio Parlamentare di Bilancio, Upb), created in 2015 following the Fiscal Compact Treaty and successive decisions of the European Council, is now responsible for providing parliamentarians with a detailed evaluation of the government’s fiscal proposals. The two chambers have quite extensive libraries. Members of parliament also have at their disposal resources for hiring personal parliamentary assistants. The selection of these assistants is much less merit-based and their quality highly variable. Whether in general members of parliament are really interested in using systematically the available resources for monitoring the government is another matter. Probably only a minority fully utilizes these resources.
Citations:
http://www.upbilancio.it/pubblicato-il-rapporto-sulla-politica-di-bilancio-2022/ (accessed 20 December 2021)
Citations:
http://www.upbilancio.it/pubblicato-il-rapporto-sulla-politica-di-bilancio-2022/ (accessed 20 December 2021)
Are parliamentary committees able to ask for government documents?
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Parliamentary committees may ask for most or all government documents; they are normally delivered in full and within an appropriate time frame.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are slightly limited; some important documents are not delivered or are delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are considerably limited; most important documents are not delivered or delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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Parliamentary committees may not request government documents.
Parliamentary committees are comparatively powerful. They can significantly amend legislation and they have extensive oversight powers. Committees also have the right to ask for documents from the government. Delivery of the documents may not always be prompt, but there is no significant evidence that the government fails to comply.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon ministers for hearings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon ministers. Ministers regularly follow invitations and are obliged to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are slightly limited; ministers occasionally refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are considerably limited; ministers frequently refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon ministers.
Article 143 of the Chamber of Deputies’ rules of procedure enables parliamentary committees to summon ministers or undersecretaries for hearings. Similar rules apply for the Senate. Summoning ministers and undersecretaries is a regular practice, and they normally comply with such requests. From time to time, however, compliance is delayed.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon experts for committee meetings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon experts.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are slightly limited.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are considerably limited.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon experts.
Parliamentary regulations provide for the right of committees to invite any person able to provide important information (art. 143, 144 Regolamento Camera dei deputati). They can also ask the government to command special studies from the National Statistical Office (ISTAT) (art. 145). The rights of committees are not limited, and committees frequently use this opportunity to summon experts. This also reflects the fact that the Italian committee system plays a more prominent role in the legislative process than do committees in other European parliamentary regimes. Special parliamentary commissions may be established to investigate particular topics. These parliamentary commissions can also summon experts to give evidence. Recently, a joint parliamentary commission of inquiry on the banking system was established and senior officials from the Banca d’Italia were summoned.
Are the task areas and structures of parliamentary committees suited to monitor ministries effectively?
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The match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are well-suited to the effective monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are largely suited to the monitoring ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are partially suited to the monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are not at all suited to the monitoring of ministries.
The tasks of committees and ministries mostly coincide. However, there are a few cases where more than one ministry is overseen by a single committee. For instance, this happens with the Presidency of the Council and the Ministry of the Interior, for the Ministry of Cultural Affairs and Ministry Education, and for the Ministry of the Environment and Ministry of Public Works). Parliamentary committees have instruments at their disposal enabling the effective monitoring of ministries’ activities.
Committees meet frequently and their members are assisted by highly qualified technical personnel. However, parliamentarians are not always interested in fully exploiting their monitoring prerogatives. Often, they prefer to concentrate either on issues with high media visibility or of local relevance rather than on the more important administrative processes taking place far from the spotlight.
Committees meet frequently and their members are assisted by highly qualified technical personnel. However, parliamentarians are not always interested in fully exploiting their monitoring prerogatives. Often, they prefer to concentrate either on issues with high media visibility or of local relevance rather than on the more important administrative processes taking place far from the spotlight.
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To what extent do media in your country analyze the rationale and impact of public policies?
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A clear majority of mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies.
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About one-half of the mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies. The rest produces a mix of infotainment and quality information content.
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A clear minority of mass media brands focuses on high-quality information content analyzing public policies. Several mass media brands produce superficial infotainment content only.
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All mass media brands are dominated by superficial infotainment content.
The space allocated to political themes in Italian media is quite significant in the most important mass media brands (the three main national newspapers, Corriere della Sera, la Repubblica and Il Sole 24 Ore, which have print and online versions; the state television channels, RAI1, RAI2, RAI3 and RaiNews; the three Mediaset channels, Canale 5, Italia 1 and Rete 4; and two other private TV channels, Skynews and La7). Television time (both public and private) allocated to political themes is substantial. For instance, the La7 channel alone averages approximately 10 hours per week of political content. A large part of this time is devoted to debates and talk shows involving politicians, journalists and experts, and to covering the most important aspects of current political controversies.
However, detailed, in-depth analysis of government decisions is much rarer, and debates tend to focus on the personality-driven dimensions of power politics. National newspapers provide more in-depth coverage of government decisions, often providing detailed dossiers on their content. Some radio and internet programming gives high-quality information in advance. The broader public has no access or does not seek access to these media.
However, detailed, in-depth analysis of government decisions is much rarer, and debates tend to focus on the personality-driven dimensions of power politics. National newspapers provide more in-depth coverage of government decisions, often providing detailed dossiers on their content. Some radio and internet programming gives high-quality information in advance. The broader public has no access or does not seek access to these media.
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How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes?
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The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are rather open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are largely controlled by the party leadership.
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A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership.
With regard to intra-party democracy, Italy’s major parties differ significantly. At one end of the spectrum lies the Forza Italia (FI) party, which was previously called Popolo della Libertà (the People of Freedom Party), where decision-making and leadership selection are both fundamentally dominated by its leader, Silvio Berlusconi. Requests to adopt primaries to designate candidates for leading positions at national and subnational levels were recurrently aired but have always been stopped by Berlusconi. The situation is rather different in the main center-left party, the Democratic Party, where leadership has in past years been selected through primaries open not only to party members but to anyone willing to subscribe a declaration of support for the center-left coalition. A similar procedure was sometimes adopted for the selection of parliamentary candidates.
The Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Star Movement, M5S) has introduced new mechanisms of online direct consultations for decisions and for candidate selection. At the same time, behind the scenes (and sometimes openly), movement founder Beppe Grillo has maintained a very strong steering and veto role. Internal opponents have found it very difficult to win a platform to voice their positions, and dissidents have frequently been expelled from the party.
Northern League party activists and members selected their current leader, Matteo Salvini, through primaries in 2017. The party is now totally dominated by its leader.
Overall intra-party democracy in Italy’s political system is not well established and shows a large degree of variation across parties. In particular, it seems difficult to balance an increasing personalization of leadership and the preservation of internal debate. Discussions about regulating the internal dynamics of political parties are recurrent, but have not been implemented.
The Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Star Movement, M5S) has introduced new mechanisms of online direct consultations for decisions and for candidate selection. At the same time, behind the scenes (and sometimes openly), movement founder Beppe Grillo has maintained a very strong steering and veto role. Internal opponents have found it very difficult to win a platform to voice their positions, and dissidents have frequently been expelled from the party.
Northern League party activists and members selected their current leader, Matteo Salvini, through primaries in 2017. The party is now totally dominated by its leader.
Overall intra-party democracy in Italy’s political system is not well established and shows a large degree of variation across parties. In particular, it seems difficult to balance an increasing personalization of leadership and the preservation of internal debate. Discussions about regulating the internal dynamics of political parties are recurrent, but have not been implemented.
To what extent are economic interest associations (e.g., employers, industry, labor) capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
The big-interest associations (employers’ associations and trade unions) have developed research units which regularly use experts and rely upon scholarly knowledge. Their proposals are often detailed and based upon substantive policy know-how. However, it must be noted that trade unions generally have a rather conservative outlook, and are reluctant to adopt innovative policies in the areas of labor relations or pensions.
Employers’ associations (the most important of which being Confindustria) in general adopt a more innovative perspective, and are less defensive of the status quo. However, their policies are much more prudent on issues associated with increasing economic competitiveness or reducing government subsidies. In recent years, two of the largest trade unions (CISL and UIL) have shown a somewhat greater willingness to negotiate with the government and employers’ associations over measures designed to increase the flexibility of labor relations.
Employers’ associations (the most important of which being Confindustria) in general adopt a more innovative perspective, and are less defensive of the status quo. However, their policies are much more prudent on issues associated with increasing economic competitiveness or reducing government subsidies. In recent years, two of the largest trade unions (CISL and UIL) have shown a somewhat greater willingness to negotiate with the government and employers’ associations over measures designed to increase the flexibility of labor relations.
To what extent are non-economic interest associations capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
The landscape of non-economic interest organizations is increasingly rich and diversified. But only few of them are able to formulate articulated policy proposals. Most operate in a reactive mode instead. Among the most professional associations, some religious (e.g., Caritas or Comunità di S. Egidio, which deal mainly with poverty and immigration policies), humanitarian (e.g., Emergency) and environmental groups (e.g., Legambiente, FAI and WWF) deserve special mention, and are able to provide well-articulated, expert analysis. An increasing number of single-issue movements are gaining ground in Italy, and are contributing to policymaking in their respective areas.
There are also a series of foundations and think tanks in the field of international affairs (IAI, ISPI), social and economic problems (Censis or Fondazione Agnelli) producing critical studies and conducting oversight activities. With COVID-19, medical field foundations have increased their activity and visibility. Their infrastructure, resources and personnel are in general limited.
There are also a series of foundations and think tanks in the field of international affairs (IAI, ISPI), social and economic problems (Censis or Fondazione Agnelli) producing critical studies and conducting oversight activities. With COVID-19, medical field foundations have increased their activity and visibility. Their infrastructure, resources and personnel are in general limited.
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Does there exist an independent and effective audit office?
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There exists an effective and independent audit office.
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There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an independent and effective audit office.
General auditing functions are conducted in Italy by the Court of Accounts (Corte dei Conti), which oversees all administrative activities. The court regularly reports its findings to the parliament, but cannot be said to be accountable to the parliament as it is an independent judicial body. The court can review ex ante the legitimacy of executive acts (although its decisions can be overruled by the government) and is responsible for the ex post review of the state budget. The court oversees the financial management of publicly funded bodies. It is protected from political influence; its judges remain in office until they are 70 years old and cannot be removed without cause. Judges are nominated through national competitive exams, and members of the court nominate the court president. The court has a highly skilled professional staff. Citizens may access court decisions via the internet, at no cost, shortly after decisions are rendered.
In April 2014, the parliament created the Parliament Budgetary Office (Ufficio parlamentare di bilancio), which is tasked with assessing the government’s macroeconomic and fiscal forecasts and monitoring compliance with national and European fiscal rules. This new body plays a particularly important role during the budgetary session and enables the parliament to have its own independent source of information in evaluating government proposals. Over the years, this office has demonstrated its increased independence by criticizing the budgetary policies of the government and in some cases (as in 2016 and 2018) openly contesting some of the government’s economic forecasts.
Citations:
https://www.upbilancio.it/rapporto-sulla-politica-di-bilancio-2022/
In April 2014, the parliament created the Parliament Budgetary Office (Ufficio parlamentare di bilancio), which is tasked with assessing the government’s macroeconomic and fiscal forecasts and monitoring compliance with national and European fiscal rules. This new body plays a particularly important role during the budgetary session and enables the parliament to have its own independent source of information in evaluating government proposals. Over the years, this office has demonstrated its increased independence by criticizing the budgetary policies of the government and in some cases (as in 2016 and 2018) openly contesting some of the government’s economic forecasts.
Citations:
https://www.upbilancio.it/rapporto-sulla-politica-di-bilancio-2022/
Does there exist an independent and effective ombuds office?
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There exists an effective and independent ombuds office.
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There exists an effective and independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an effective and independent ombuds office.
Italy does not have a national ombuds office. In 1990, a national law provided for the establishment of municipal ombudsman offices, but this provision was abolished in 2010. Some functions are performed by regional ombudsman offices (Difensore civico). Through questions and other oversight instruments, members of parliament perform with significant vigor an analogous advocate’s function with regard to issues and complaints raised by citizens (Russo and Wiberg 2010).
Citations:
Russo, F. & M. Wiberg (2010). Parliamentary Questioning in 17 European parliaments: Some steps toward comparison. The Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 16(2), pp. 215-232
Citations:
Russo, F. & M. Wiberg (2010). Parliamentary Questioning in 17 European parliaments: Some steps toward comparison. The Journal of Legislative Studies, vol. 16(2), pp. 215-232
Is there an independent authority in place that effectively holds government offices accountable for handling issues of data protection and privacy?
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is slightly limited.
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A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are strongly limited.
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There is no effective and independent data protection office.
The Italian data protection authority (Garante per la protezione dei dati personali) is an independent administrative authority set up under the Privacy Law (Law No. 675 of 31 December 1996). It has powers of inquiry and authorization, and can redress grievances. It can moreover inflict pecuniary sanctions.
Its four members are elected by the parliament for non-renewable seven-year terms. They cannot be re-elected. The authority has extensive powers and enjoys a high degree of independence.
Citations:
https://www.garanteprivacy.it/documents/10160/0/Data+Protection+Code.pdf
https://www.garanteprivacy.it/web/guest/home/attivita-e-documenti/documenti/relazioni-annuali
https://www.garanteprivacy.it/documents/10160/0/Annual+report+2017+-+Highlights
Its four members are elected by the parliament for non-renewable seven-year terms. They cannot be re-elected. The authority has extensive powers and enjoys a high degree of independence.
Citations:
https://www.garanteprivacy.it/documents/10160/0/Data+Protection+Code.pdf
https://www.garanteprivacy.it/web/guest/home/attivita-e-documenti/documenti/relazioni-annuali
https://www.garanteprivacy.it/documents/10160/0/Annual+report+2017+-+Highlights