SGI 2022 | Italy | Executive Summary

Executive Summary

Recent Governments Experts

SGI experts on Italy

Giliberto Capano

Giliberto Capano is Professor of Political Science and Public Policy. He has been (2003-2009) the Dean of Bologna University’s II Faculty of Political Sciences (located on the Forlì campus). He has been the Editor of the Rivista Italiana di Politiche Pubbliche (Italian Journal of Public Policy) and he is co-editor of Policy & Society. He has been member of the Executive Committee of the International Political Science Association (2009-2014) and the co-founder of the International Public Policy Association. Actually he is member of the Executive Committee of the European Consortium of Political Research. He has (co-)authored nine monographical studies and (co-)edited twelve books, while his work in English has been published in several books and in journals such as: Journal of Legislative Studies, Higher Education, Higher Education Policy, Higher Education Quarterly, Public Administration, Southern European Society and Politics, Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, Journal of European Public Policy, Comparative Education Review, Policy and Society, Policy Sciences, European Political Science, European Policy Analysis, Public Policy and Administration; Journal of Public Policy; Regulation & Governance; Policy & Politics, Political Science Review.

Luca Pinto

Luca Pinto is associate professor of Political Science at the Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Bologna, Italy. He received his PhD and graduate studies from the University of Milan. His research interests include party competition, governments and legislative studies in general. On these topics he has published several contributions in books and international journals.

From 2011 to 2015 he was a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Bologna, working on a project on legislative behavior, parliamentary fluidity and political representation in Italy. In 2015 he moved to the Institute of Human and Social Sciences at the Scuola Normale Superiore (Florence, Italy) to work on a project on unconventional monetary policies of central banks. In 2018, he became an assistant professor of political science at the University of Bologna. He has been an assistant professor and lecturer at the University of Milan, the University of Bologna and the Free University of Bolzano. He spent time as a visiting student at MIT (USA) and as a visiting fellow at MZES (Germany).

Maurizio Cotta

Maurizio Cotta is professor of political science at the University of Siena and formerly president of the Italian Political Science Association. He was a visiting professor at the University of Texas at Austin, the European University Institute of Fiesole, the IEPs of Lille and Paris, the Central European University of Budapest, and the Minda de Günzburg Center for European Studies of Harvard University. His main areas of interest include the comparative study of political elites and political institutions, as well as Italian politics. He has authored or edited the following publications: Parliaments and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe (Pinter 1990), Party and Government (1996), The Nature of Party Government (Palgrave 2000), Parliamentary Representatives in Europe (Oxford University Press 2000), Democratic Representation. Diversity, Change and Convergence (Oxford University Press 2007), Political Institutions of Italy (Oxford University Press 2007), and Democracia, Partidos e Elites Politicas (Livros Horizonte 2008). He has coordinated the 6th Framework Programme Research project InTune (2005–2009).

César Colino (Coordinator)

César Colino is associate professor at the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at the Spanish National Distance-Learning University (UNED) in Madrid. He has taught at the University of Salamanca and the Autonomous University of Madrid and has been visiting researcher at the Max-Planck Institute for the Study of Society (MPIfG) in Cologne and Research Officer at the Institute for Research in Public Administration (FöV) in Speyer, Germany. His recent research and publications have addressed issues of comparative public policy and administration, comparative federalism, and constitutional reform in federations with a focus on the Spanish, German and Canadian federal systems. He has published in journals such as Policy & Politics; Comparative European Politics; Public Administration; Regional & Federal Studies; and Publius: The Journal of Federalism. He has recently published a book on comparative administration (in Spanish) Gobiernos y administraciones públicas en perspectiva comparada, Valencia: 2013 (with S. Parrado y J. Olmeda), and is the author of the forthcoming chapter “National and European patterns of public administration and governance,” in the Handbook of European Politics, José M. Magone ed. London: Routledge (with Eloísa del Pino).

In early 2022, Italy was led by a national unity government under Mario Draghi, a former president of the European Central Bank. This coalition, comprising parties from across the political spectrum, aimed to tackle the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and implement the EU’s Recovery Fund. Despite initial successes, the government collapsed in July 2022 due to internal conflicts and some coalition parties seeking greater political visibility. The subsequent elections in September 2022 saw a victory for the right-wing coalition, with Giorgia Meloni, leader of Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia, FDI), becoming prime minister. Her government, dominated by far-right, Euroskeptic, and populist parties, represents a significant shift in Italy’s political landscape, impacting the quality of governance and progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Italy has performed relatively well in terms of democratic governance, particularly regarding free and fair elections. However, the country has faced increasing ideological polarization and a rise in populist parties, challenging democratic accountability. The Meloni government has further eroded democratic accountability, especially concerning the freedom of public service media. Its focus on ideological alignment in filling key RAI positions has led to the departure of experienced journalists and a shift in editorial direction favoring the government’s political leanings, exacerbating the close relationship between RAI and politics.

Regarding horizontal accountability, the Meloni government’s decisions have raised concerns about the rights of refugees and migrants. Additionally, despite strong legislative institutions, the government has consolidated executive power, as seen during the 2024 budget process. This trend toward greater executive dominance could further weaken checks and balances in the Italian political system.

While Italy’s democratic government performance remains relatively strong, there are persistent concerns about the influence of populist parties, the erosion of public service media freedom, and the increasing dominance of the executive branch. Italy’s performance in guiding society and the economy toward collective goals – known as the steering dimension – needs improvement in both foresight and sustainable policymaking. Although Italy has a well-established system of coordination mechanisms at the central government level, shifting responsibility for the National Recovery and Resilience Program (NRRP) from the Treasury to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) could reduce the efficiency of the NRRP implementation process due to the PMO’s limited technical and analytical capacities.

Additionally, coordination mechanisms between central and subnational levels of government could be strengthened, and Italy needs a clear policy on minimum standards for public services. This lack of clarity makes it more difficult to hold local governments accountable for service delivery, especially considering the Meloni government’s proposed reform (Autonomia differenziata), which aims to increase the political power and autonomy of regions leveraging this institutional innovation.

The Meloni government’s politicization of policy advice, limited involvement of civil society organizations (CSOs) in policymaking, and lack of units for strategic foresight and anticipatory innovation further undermine government efficiency, effectiveness, and long-term planning.

Italy’s policy outcomes have changed under the Meloni government. Compared to the Draghi administration, Meloni’s government has shown less commitment to sustainability challenges, including the circular economy and decarbonization. It has also made controversial changes to the Basic Income Law.

In an attempt to reduce taxes, the Meloni government has created an unequal tax system that favors the self-employed over employees, and it has not been successful in combating tax evasion. Regarding international cooperation, Italy has generally supported policies to improve financial market regulation and supervision. However, the Meloni government voted against the reform of the European Stability Mechanism in December 2023, which may have undermined Italy’s credibility in Brussels.

The Meloni government has made efforts to adhere to the EU’s fiscal rules, but its budget decisions have been criticized for potentially hindering economic growth and jeopardizing essential services like healthcare. Overall, the Meloni government’s actions have raised concerns about its commitment to democratic accountability, sustainable policymaking, and effective governance. These concerns impact Italy’s ability to address its challenges and achieve satisfactory levels in SDGs.