Executive Accountability
#25Key Findings
With a mixed record on accountability issues, Japan falls into the lower-middle ranks (rank 25) with regard to executive accountability. Its score has improved by 0.6 points relative to its 2014 level.
A substantial amount of policy information is available to citizens. However, levels of public trust in the government are low, and turnout rates are falling. While occasionally critical of government policy, the major traditional media organizations do little to expose major scandals. New online sources of news are gaining influence, but are contributing to the emergence of partisan media.
The parliament has broad oversight powers, and members have substantial policy-assessment resources at their disposal. The Board of Audit successfully plays a watchdog role, though is sometimes ignored by core government institutions. A data-protection entity has been recently established, and helped shape a law requiring firms to improve protections for personal data.
Political parties are insider-oriented, with decisions driven by leading politicians. Economic organizations are well-funded and sophisticated. Civil-society groups have played an increasing role in expressing public concern and organizing mass rallies, if sometimes with little visible effect on policy.
A substantial amount of policy information is available to citizens. However, levels of public trust in the government are low, and turnout rates are falling. While occasionally critical of government policy, the major traditional media organizations do little to expose major scandals. New online sources of news are gaining influence, but are contributing to the emergence of partisan media.
The parliament has broad oversight powers, and members have substantial policy-assessment resources at their disposal. The Board of Audit successfully plays a watchdog role, though is sometimes ignored by core government institutions. A data-protection entity has been recently established, and helped shape a law requiring firms to improve protections for personal data.
Political parties are insider-oriented, with decisions driven by leading politicians. Economic organizations are well-funded and sophisticated. Civil-society groups have played an increasing role in expressing public concern and organizing mass rallies, if sometimes with little visible effect on policy.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent are citizens informed of public policies?
10
9
9
Most citizens are well-informed of a broad range of public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Many citizens are well-informed of individual public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few citizens are well-informed of public policies; most citizens have only a rudimental knowledge of public policies.
2
1
1
Most citizens are not aware of public policies.
A substantial amount of information about policies is available in Japan. For instance, ministries regularly use so-called white papers to explain the current parameters and content of policies in many areas, often in great detail.
However, this does not necessarily mean that citizens feel satisfied with the information available or consider it trustworthy. According to the Edelman Trust Barometer, only 42% of participating Japanese citizens said in 2020 that they trusted the government; only Russia exhibited a lower score among the 26 countries covered. Voter apathy also reflects the public’s lacking confidence in the government to bring about changes. The voting turnout in the most recent lower house election in November 2021 was barely 56%, the third lowest in the postwar history.
Citations:
Edelman, 2020 Edelman Trust Barometer – Japan, https://www.slideshare.net/EdelmanJapan/2020-edelman-trust-barometer-japan-full-version
Japan’s Election Turnout Third Lowest in Postwar Era, Nippon.com, 2 November 2021, https://www.nippon.com/en/japan-data/h01156/
However, this does not necessarily mean that citizens feel satisfied with the information available or consider it trustworthy. According to the Edelman Trust Barometer, only 42% of participating Japanese citizens said in 2020 that they trusted the government; only Russia exhibited a lower score among the 26 countries covered. Voter apathy also reflects the public’s lacking confidence in the government to bring about changes. The voting turnout in the most recent lower house election in November 2021 was barely 56%, the third lowest in the postwar history.
Citations:
Edelman, 2020 Edelman Trust Barometer – Japan, https://www.slideshare.net/EdelmanJapan/2020-edelman-trust-barometer-japan-full-version
Japan’s Election Turnout Third Lowest in Postwar Era, Nippon.com, 2 November 2021, https://www.nippon.com/en/japan-data/h01156/
Does the government publish data and information in a way that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable?
10
9
9
The government publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
8
7
6
7
6
The government most of the time publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
5
4
3
4
3
The government publishes data in a limited and not timely or user-friendly way.
2
1
1
The government publishes (almost) no relevant data.
E-government issues, particularly services aimed at making public information available to citizens in a secure and timely manner, have been on the government agenda since the 2000s. Current efforts are based on the Basic Plan for the Advancement of Utilizing Public and Private Sector Data and the Policy for Open Data, both released in May 2017. The various branches of government make an overwhelming number of statistics, data and reports available, with coordinated access through sites like e-Gov, Data.go.jp and e-Stat.
However, ensuring transparency, usability and security remains an ongoing challenge. In late 2018, it was revealed that the Monthly Labor Survey had used an improper methodology for collecting data since 2004, leading to an overestimation of wage growth. Following this exposure, weaknesses in other government statistical measures also became apparent. In a February 2019 survey, 67% of the population indicated that this incident had eroded their trust in government statistics.
Citations:
Government of Japan, Digital Government in Japan, January 2018, https://de.slideshare.net/hiramoto/170119-digital-government-in-japan
English-language access points to major sites: http://www.e-gov.go.jp/en/, http://www.data.go.jp/?lang=english, https://www.e-stat.go.jp/en/
61% think Abe inadequately handles labor survey scandal, The Asahi Shimbun, 19 February 2019, http://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/AJ201902190053.html
However, ensuring transparency, usability and security remains an ongoing challenge. In late 2018, it was revealed that the Monthly Labor Survey had used an improper methodology for collecting data since 2004, leading to an overestimation of wage growth. Following this exposure, weaknesses in other government statistical measures also became apparent. In a February 2019 survey, 67% of the population indicated that this incident had eroded their trust in government statistics.
Citations:
Government of Japan, Digital Government in Japan, January 2018, https://de.slideshare.net/hiramoto/170119-digital-government-in-japan
English-language access points to major sites: http://www.e-gov.go.jp/en/, http://www.data.go.jp/?lang=english, https://www.e-stat.go.jp/en/
61% think Abe inadequately handles labor survey scandal, The Asahi Shimbun, 19 February 2019, http://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/AJ201902190053.html
Graph View
Do members of parliament have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activity effectively?
10
9
9
The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring all government activity effectively.
8
7
6
7
6
The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring a government’s major activities.
5
4
3
4
3
The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
2
1
1
The resources provided to the members of parliament are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
Parliamentarians have substantial resources at their disposal to independently assess policy proposals. Every member of parliament can employ one policy secretary and two public secretaries paid through an annual fund totaling around JPY 20 million (€153,000 as of February 2022). However, in many cases, these secretaries are primarily used for the purposes of representation at home and in Tokyo. Both houses of parliament have access to a 560-staff-member Research Bureau tasked with supporting committee work and helping in drafting bills. A separate Legislative Bureau for both houses, with around 160 staff members, assists in drafting members’ bills and amendments. The National Diet Library is the country’s premier library, with parliamentary support among its primary objectives. It has a Research and Legislative Reference Bureau with over 190 staff members whose tasks include research and reference services based on requests by policymakers and on topics of more general interest such as decentralization. For such research projects, the library research staff collaborates with Japanese and foreign scholars.
Notably, the substantial available resources are not used in an optimal way for purposes of policymaking and monitoring. The Japanese Diet tends toward being an arena parliament, with little legislative work taking place at the committee level. Bills are traditionally prepared inside the parties with support from the national bureaucracy. Ruling parties can rely on bureaucrats to provide input and information, while opposition parties can at least obtain policy-relevant information from the national bureaucracy.
Citations:
Jun Makita, A Policy Analysis of the Japanese Diet from the Perspective of ‘Legislative Supporting Agencies,’ in Yukio Adachi, Sukehiro Hosono and Iio Jun (eds), Policy Analysis in Japan, Bristol: Policy Press 2015, pp. 123-138
Junko Hirose, Enhancing our Role as the “Brains of the Legislature”: Comprehensive and Interdisciplinary Research at the National Diet Library, Japan, paper for the IFLA Library and Research Services for Parliaments Section Preconference 2014, http://www.ifla.org/files/assets/services-for-parliaments/preconference/2014/hirose_japan_paper.pdf
Notably, the substantial available resources are not used in an optimal way for purposes of policymaking and monitoring. The Japanese Diet tends toward being an arena parliament, with little legislative work taking place at the committee level. Bills are traditionally prepared inside the parties with support from the national bureaucracy. Ruling parties can rely on bureaucrats to provide input and information, while opposition parties can at least obtain policy-relevant information from the national bureaucracy.
Citations:
Jun Makita, A Policy Analysis of the Japanese Diet from the Perspective of ‘Legislative Supporting Agencies,’ in Yukio Adachi, Sukehiro Hosono and Iio Jun (eds), Policy Analysis in Japan, Bristol: Policy Press 2015, pp. 123-138
Junko Hirose, Enhancing our Role as the “Brains of the Legislature”: Comprehensive and Interdisciplinary Research at the National Diet Library, Japan, paper for the IFLA Library and Research Services for Parliaments Section Preconference 2014, http://www.ifla.org/files/assets/services-for-parliaments/preconference/2014/hirose_japan_paper.pdf
Are parliamentary committees able to ask for government documents?
10
9
9
Parliamentary committees may ask for most or all government documents; they are normally delivered in full and within an appropriate time frame.
8
7
6
7
6
The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are slightly limited; some important documents are not delivered or are delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
5
4
3
4
3
The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are considerably limited; most important documents are not delivered or delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
2
1
1
Parliamentary committees may not request government documents.
Government documents can be obtained at the discretion of legislative committees. There are typically no problems in obtaining such papers in a timely manner.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon ministers for hearings?
10
9
9
Parliamentary committees may summon ministers. Ministers regularly follow invitations and are obliged to answer questions.
8
7
6
7
6
The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are slightly limited; ministers occasionally refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
5
4
3
4
3
The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are considerably limited; ministers frequently refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
2
1
1
Parliamentary committees may not summon ministers.
Committees may request the attendance of the prime minister, ministers and lower – ranking top ministry personnel such as senior vice-ministers. When summoned, these ministers often attend the meetings to answer questions.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon experts for committee meetings?
10
9
9
Parliamentary committees may summon experts.
8
7
6
7
6
The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are considerably limited.
2
1
1
Parliamentary committees may not summon experts.
Under Article 62 of the constitution, the Diet and its committees can summon witnesses, including experts. Summoned witnesses have the duty to appear before parliament. The opposition can also ask for witnesses to be called, and under normal circumstances such requests are granted by the government. However, the use of expert testimony in parliamentary committees is not widespread; experts, academic and otherwise, are relied upon more frequently within the context of government advisory committees, in particular at ministerial level.
Are the task areas and structures of parliamentary committees suited to monitor ministries effectively?
10
9
9
The match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are well-suited to the effective monitoring of ministries.
8
7
6
7
6
The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are largely suited to the monitoring ministries.
5
4
3
4
3
The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are partially suited to the monitoring of ministries.
2
1
1
The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are not at all suited to the monitoring of ministries.
The Diet’s standing committees (17 in both chambers) closely correspond to the sectoral responsibility of the government’s major ministries. The portfolios of the ministers of state cover special task areas and are in some cases mirrored by special committees (e.g., consumer affairs). Special committees can and have been setup to deal with current (or recurring) issues. In the lower house, there are currently nine such committees that deal with issues such as disaster management.
Citations:
The House of Representatives, Japan, Committees, n.d. https://www.shugiin.go.jp/internet/itdb_english.nsf/html/statics/guide/committee.htm
Citations:
The House of Representatives, Japan, Committees, n.d. https://www.shugiin.go.jp/internet/itdb_english.nsf/html/statics/guide/committee.htm
Graph View
To what extent do media in your country analyze the rationale and impact of public policies?
10
9
9
A clear majority of mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
About one-half of the mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies. The rest produces a mix of infotainment and quality information content.
5
4
3
4
3
A clear minority of mass media brands focuses on high-quality information content analyzing public policies. Several mass media brands produce superficial infotainment content only.
2
1
1
All mass media brands are dominated by superficial infotainment content.
The Japanese media system has historically been dominated by five major TV networks, including the public broadcaster NHK, along with a handful of major national newspapers. These publications remain widely read even though their circulation is declining, and provide information in a sober style. However, because of their close personal links to political figures, which finds its institutionalized expression in the journalist club system (kisha kurabu), these newspapers rarely expose major scandals while freelancers are often locked out. Investigative journalism is typically undertaken by weekly or monthly publications. While some of these are of high quality, others are more sensationalist in character. Personnel changes at NHK after the Abe-led government took power produced a leadership that openly declared its intention to steer a pro-government course. The government’s assertive approach has also been evident in other media areas. For these reasons, Japan is ranked 67th in the 2021 World Press Freedom Index.
In recent years, social media outlets such as YouTube, Line, Twitter and Facebook, along with the news channels based on them, have gained a considerable following. This also holds true for new online publications such as BuzzFeed Japan and the Huffington Post. While the impact of the new media on the overall quality of information remains unclear, they do seem to be contributing to the emergence of so-called partisan media in Japan.
Citations:
Tomohiro Osaki, Academics, TV journalists slam minister’s threat against ‘biased’ programming, fear media self-censorship, The Japan Times, 2 March 2016, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/03/02/national/tv-journalists-slam-ministers-threat-biased-programs-fear-media-self-censorship/
Philip Brasor, Sticky bonds of the media and government, The Japan Times, 24 June 2017, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2017/06/24/national/media-national/sticky-bonds-media-government/
2021 World Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders, https://rsf.org/en/japan
In recent years, social media outlets such as YouTube, Line, Twitter and Facebook, along with the news channels based on them, have gained a considerable following. This also holds true for new online publications such as BuzzFeed Japan and the Huffington Post. While the impact of the new media on the overall quality of information remains unclear, they do seem to be contributing to the emergence of so-called partisan media in Japan.
Citations:
Tomohiro Osaki, Academics, TV journalists slam minister’s threat against ‘biased’ programming, fear media self-censorship, The Japan Times, 2 March 2016, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/03/02/national/tv-journalists-slam-ministers-threat-biased-programs-fear-media-self-censorship/
Philip Brasor, Sticky bonds of the media and government, The Japan Times, 24 June 2017, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2017/06/24/national/media-national/sticky-bonds-media-government/
2021 World Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders, https://rsf.org/en/japan
Graph View
How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes?
10
9
9
The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open.
8
7
6
7
6
The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are rather open.
5
4
3
4
3
The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are largely controlled by the party leadership.
2
1
1
A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership.
Parties in Japan are fairly insider-oriented, with policy and personnel decisions driven by leading politicians and their networks.
Japan’s strongest party is the LDP (holding 259 of 465 seats in the lower house after the 2021 election). Its coalition partner, Komeito, holds 32 seats. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which has for some time been the LDP’s main rival, suffered a major blow before the 2017 election, when many of its lower house members left to form the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP, 96 seats), an entity primarily devoted to opposing changes to the existing constitution.
The LDP has traditionally revolved around individual politicians, their personal local-level support organizations and the intra-party factions built by key party leaders. Local party chapters may play decisive roles in choosing a parliamentary candidate if there is no “natural” successor to the former incumbent. Ordinary party-member involvement is usually limited to membership in a local-level support organization for a politician, and is mainly (but not solely) based on mutual material interests: While members want tangible support for their communities, politicians want secure “vote banks” for (re-)election.
Party congresses offer little real opportunity for policy input by delegates. However, delegates from regional party branches have participated in party leader elections since the early 2000s. When Fumio Kishida was elected LDP president in September 2021, votes from party members in the various prefectures counted for half the votes cast in the first round of voting. If no candidate can secure majority in the first round, the party’s Diet members decide the contest. While the LDP has also paid some lip service to increased intra-party democracy, it has shied away from major internal reforms.
Citations:
Eric Johnston, The LDP’s leadership race kicks into high gear this week: This is how it will go down, The Japan Times, 14 September 2021, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2021/09/14/national/politics-diplomacy/ldp-presidential-campaign-explainer/
Japan’s strongest party is the LDP (holding 259 of 465 seats in the lower house after the 2021 election). Its coalition partner, Komeito, holds 32 seats. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which has for some time been the LDP’s main rival, suffered a major blow before the 2017 election, when many of its lower house members left to form the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP, 96 seats), an entity primarily devoted to opposing changes to the existing constitution.
The LDP has traditionally revolved around individual politicians, their personal local-level support organizations and the intra-party factions built by key party leaders. Local party chapters may play decisive roles in choosing a parliamentary candidate if there is no “natural” successor to the former incumbent. Ordinary party-member involvement is usually limited to membership in a local-level support organization for a politician, and is mainly (but not solely) based on mutual material interests: While members want tangible support for their communities, politicians want secure “vote banks” for (re-)election.
Party congresses offer little real opportunity for policy input by delegates. However, delegates from regional party branches have participated in party leader elections since the early 2000s. When Fumio Kishida was elected LDP president in September 2021, votes from party members in the various prefectures counted for half the votes cast in the first round of voting. If no candidate can secure majority in the first round, the party’s Diet members decide the contest. While the LDP has also paid some lip service to increased intra-party democracy, it has shied away from major internal reforms.
Citations:
Eric Johnston, The LDP’s leadership race kicks into high gear this week: This is how it will go down, The Japan Times, 14 September 2021, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2021/09/14/national/politics-diplomacy/ldp-presidential-campaign-explainer/
To what extent are economic interest associations (e.g., employers, industry, labor) capable of formulating relevant policies?
10
9
9
Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
2
1
1
Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Japan’s leading business and labor organizations regularly publish policy proposals aimed at influencing public debate and policymaking. The three umbrella business federations – Keidanren, the Japan Association of Corporate Executives (Doyukai), and the Japanese Chamber of Industry and Commerce (Nissho) – as well as Rengo, the leading trade-union federation, try to impact policy by publishing policy papers and participating in government advisory committees. As the business sector’s financial support of political parties has declined and major companies have globalized their operations, politicians may have become less willing to accommodate the views of these interest groups.
While there is an obvious scramble for influence between Rengo and the business organizations, there is also a notable degree of competition among the business organizations themselves. For instance, Keidanren is dominated by large enterprise groups, and has been somewhat slow in demanding further economic opening. Critics also contend that its membership policies are too conservative, de facto keeping startups and tech companies at bay. However, the accession of new members such as Facebook in 2019 may indicate that the federation is trying to adapt. The Doyukai is characterized more by strong independent companies, and has been outspoken in demanding a more open business environment.
Citations:
On 70th anniversary, top business lobby looks at what distance to keep from politics, The Mainichi, 31 May 2017, https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20170531/p2a/00m/0na/021000c
Shigenori Arai, Facebook joins Keidanren, Japan’s leading business lobby, Nkkei Asian Review, 2 July 2019, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Companies/Facebook-joins-Keidanren-Japan-s-leading-business-lobby
While there is an obvious scramble for influence between Rengo and the business organizations, there is also a notable degree of competition among the business organizations themselves. For instance, Keidanren is dominated by large enterprise groups, and has been somewhat slow in demanding further economic opening. Critics also contend that its membership policies are too conservative, de facto keeping startups and tech companies at bay. However, the accession of new members such as Facebook in 2019 may indicate that the federation is trying to adapt. The Doyukai is characterized more by strong independent companies, and has been outspoken in demanding a more open business environment.
Citations:
On 70th anniversary, top business lobby looks at what distance to keep from politics, The Mainichi, 31 May 2017, https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20170531/p2a/00m/0na/021000c
Shigenori Arai, Facebook joins Keidanren, Japan’s leading business lobby, Nkkei Asian Review, 2 July 2019, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Companies/Facebook-joins-Keidanren-Japan-s-leading-business-lobby
To what extent are non-economic interest associations capable of formulating relevant policies?
10
9
9
Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
2
1
1
Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
Civil society organizations with a public-policy focus are rare in Japan. With few exceptions, such organizations in Japan have limited depth and breadth. Japan has only a few well-resourced public policy-oriented think tanks. Some non-profit organizations are used by the government bureaucracy as auxiliary mechanisms in areas where it cannot or does not want to become directly involved.
Following the 3/11 disasters, and more recently in the context of the controversy over the government’s security-law extension, civil society groups have taken on an increased role in expressing public concerns and organizing mass rallies. High levels of engagement on the part of activists notwithstanding, it is difficult for such actors to create professionally operating, sustainable organizations. Among the general population, the idea of NPOs does not enjoy strong support.
Citations:
Susanne Brucksch, Japan’s Civil Society and its Fight against Nuclear Energy, Sustainable Governance Indicators Website, 09.04.2014, http://news.sgi-network.org/news/details/1212/theme-democracy-sustainability/japans-civil society-and-its-fight-against-nuclear-energy/
U.S.-Japan Council, Japan’s NPO Sector Today, Summary of a breakout session of the 2018 Annual Conference, http://www.usjapancouncil.org/japans_npo_sector_today
Following the 3/11 disasters, and more recently in the context of the controversy over the government’s security-law extension, civil society groups have taken on an increased role in expressing public concerns and organizing mass rallies. High levels of engagement on the part of activists notwithstanding, it is difficult for such actors to create professionally operating, sustainable organizations. Among the general population, the idea of NPOs does not enjoy strong support.
Citations:
Susanne Brucksch, Japan’s Civil Society and its Fight against Nuclear Energy, Sustainable Governance Indicators Website, 09.04.2014, http://news.sgi-network.org/news/details/1212/theme-democracy-sustainability/japans-civil society-and-its-fight-against-nuclear-energy/
U.S.-Japan Council, Japan’s NPO Sector Today, Summary of a breakout session of the 2018 Annual Conference, http://www.usjapancouncil.org/japans_npo_sector_today
Graph View
Does there exist an independent and effective audit office?
10
9
9
There exists an effective and independent audit office.
8
7
6
7
6
There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
2
1
1
There does not exist an independent and effective audit office.
The Board of Audit of Japan is considered to be independent of the executive, legislative and judiciary. Its yearly reports to the cabinet are forwarded to the Diet along with the cabinet’s own financial statements. The board is free to direct its own activities but parliament can request audits on special topics. The Board can also present opinions, reports and recommendations in between its annual audit reports. In these reports, the board frequently criticizes improper expenditures or inefficiencies, fulfilling its independent watchdog function.
Citations:
Colin Jones, Japan’s Board of Audit: unlikely guardians of the Constitution?, The Japan Times, 4 December 2016, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2016/12/04/issues/japans-board-audit-unlikely-guardians-constitution/
Citations:
Colin Jones, Japan’s Board of Audit: unlikely guardians of the Constitution?, The Japan Times, 4 December 2016, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2016/12/04/issues/japans-board-audit-unlikely-guardians-constitution/
Does there exist an independent and effective ombuds office?
10
9
9
There exists an effective and independent ombuds office.
8
7
6
7
6
There exists an effective and independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
There exists an independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is considerably limited.
2
1
1
There does not exist an effective and independent ombuds office.
While there is no national-level ombuds office as such, both houses of parliament handle petitions received through their committees on audit and administrative oversight. Citizens and organized groups also frequently submit petitions to individual parliamentarians.
An important petition mechanism is located in the Administrative Evaluation Bureau of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. The bureau runs an administrative counseling service with around 50 local field offices that can handle public complaints, with some 220 civil servants engaged in administrative counseling. About 5,000 volunteer administrative counselors serve as go-betweens. A related mechanism is the Administrative Grievance Resolution Promotion Council, which includes non-governmental experts.
Citations:
Administrative Evaluation Bureau, News from Japan, accessed in November 2018 from Asian Ombudsman Association website http://asianombudsman.com/
Administrative Evaluation Bureau, Japanese Ombudsman System, March 2018
An important petition mechanism is located in the Administrative Evaluation Bureau of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. The bureau runs an administrative counseling service with around 50 local field offices that can handle public complaints, with some 220 civil servants engaged in administrative counseling. About 5,000 volunteer administrative counselors serve as go-betweens. A related mechanism is the Administrative Grievance Resolution Promotion Council, which includes non-governmental experts.
Citations:
Administrative Evaluation Bureau, News from Japan, accessed in November 2018 from Asian Ombudsman Association website http://asianombudsman.com/
Administrative Evaluation Bureau, Japanese Ombudsman System, March 2018
Is there an independent authority in place that effectively holds government offices accountable for handling issues of data protection and privacy?
10
9
9
An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
8
7
6
7
6
An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are strongly limited.
2
1
1
There is no effective and independent data protection office.
Based on the Act on the Protection of Personal Information, a Personal Information Protection Commission was established in January 2016. The commission is a cross-sectoral, independent government body overseeing the implementation of the act. The body’s chairperson and commissioners are appointed by the prime minister, with the consent of both chambers of parliament. It is still difficult to judge whether this commission will be able to maintain independence from the government and, ultimately, whether it will prove effective. A tightening of existing rules proposed by the commission found its way into the mid-2020 revision of the Personal Information Protection Law. The amended law requires firms and the like to better take into account the personal data protection interests and preferences of Japanese citizens.
Citations:
Akemi Suzuki and Tomohiro Sekiguchi, Data Protection & Privacy Japan, Getting the Deal Through lawyer and law firm network, September 2018, https://gettingthedealthrough.com/area/52/jurisdiction/36/data-protection-privacy-japan/
A step toward the restoration of privacy (Editorial), The Japan Times, 30 May 2018, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2018/05/30/editorials/step-toward-restoration-privacy/
Fumiko Kuribayashi, Users in Japan to get more rights to stop abuse of personal data, The Asahi Shimbun, 26 April 2019, http://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/AJ201904260045.html
Hiroyuki Tanaka and Noboru Kitayama, Japan enacts Amendments to the Act on the Protection of Personal Information, International Association of Privacy Professionals, https://iapp.org/news/a/japan-enacts-the-act-on-the-protection-of-personal-information/
Citations:
Akemi Suzuki and Tomohiro Sekiguchi, Data Protection & Privacy Japan, Getting the Deal Through lawyer and law firm network, September 2018, https://gettingthedealthrough.com/area/52/jurisdiction/36/data-protection-privacy-japan/
A step toward the restoration of privacy (Editorial), The Japan Times, 30 May 2018, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2018/05/30/editorials/step-toward-restoration-privacy/
Fumiko Kuribayashi, Users in Japan to get more rights to stop abuse of personal data, The Asahi Shimbun, 26 April 2019, http://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/AJ201904260045.html
Hiroyuki Tanaka and Noboru Kitayama, Japan enacts Amendments to the Act on the Protection of Personal Information, International Association of Privacy Professionals, https://iapp.org/news/a/japan-enacts-the-act-on-the-protection-of-personal-information/