Executive Accountability
#37Key Findings
With notable oversight weaknesses, Latvia falls into the bottom ranks (rank 37) with regard to executive accountability. Its score on this measure has improved by 0.5 points relative to its 2014 level.
Parliamentarians’ resources are very limited, despite adequate formal oversight powers. A parliamentary research unit was recently created. The audit office primarily focuses on the executive and local governments, while the extra-parliamentary ombuds office has played an influential role in raising guaranteed minimum income levels.
Citizens are slow to engage with the political process, with few belonging to political parties. Media quality has improved in recent years, with increasing quantities of high-quality content available. The proliferation of pro-Russian narratives in the media and online has become a challenge.
Political party members have little input on most organizational decisions. Economic associations are sophisticated, influencing policy through the Tripartite Council. Noneconomic NGOs have joined together to seek a greater voice in the government’s budget-planning process.
Parliamentarians’ resources are very limited, despite adequate formal oversight powers. A parliamentary research unit was recently created. The audit office primarily focuses on the executive and local governments, while the extra-parliamentary ombuds office has played an influential role in raising guaranteed minimum income levels.
Citizens are slow to engage with the political process, with few belonging to political parties. Media quality has improved in recent years, with increasing quantities of high-quality content available. The proliferation of pro-Russian narratives in the media and online has become a challenge.
Political party members have little input on most organizational decisions. Economic associations are sophisticated, influencing policy through the Tripartite Council. Noneconomic NGOs have joined together to seek a greater voice in the government’s budget-planning process.
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To what extent are citizens informed of public policies?
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Most citizens are well-informed of a broad range of public policies.
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Many citizens are well-informed of individual public policies.
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Few citizens are well-informed of public policies; most citizens have only a rudimental knowledge of public policies.
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Most citizens are not aware of public policies.
There is no local survey data specifically indicating the extent to which citizens are informed of government policymaking decisions. NGOs (which are predisposed to participation) are able to obtain the information and knowledge required to understand the motives, objectives, effects, and implications of policy proposals; and make their opinions known through the existing system. However, that same information may not be made available to the general public.
According to USAID’s 2019 CSO Sustainability Index for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia, the government has a positive attitude toward NGOs and NGOs provide significant input to the policymaking process. Latvia scored 2.6 and its CSO sustainability was described as “enhanced.”
A 2015 Democracy Audit, conducted by researchers at the University of Latvia, noted that overall civic activism in Latvia can be described as poor. The report found that citizens are passive, skeptical, and slow to engage with the political process, and are increasingly alienated from democratic institutions and processes.
The rise of social media and the increasing use of the internet has placed new tools at the disposal of citizens wishing to participate in the political process. An e-petition tool, manabalss.lv, lets any group of 10,000 or more citizens place issues on the parliamentary agenda. In addition, many state institutions are actively using social media channels for communication with the general public.
Citations:
1. Rozenvalds, J. (2015) How Democratic is Latvia? Audit of Democracy 2005-2014, Available at: https://www.szf.lu.lv/fileadmin/user_upload/szf_faili/Petnieciba/sppi/demokratija/ENG_Audit_of_Democracy_2015.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Latvian Civic Alliance (2021), Public Participation in the Decision-Making Process (2021). Available at: https://nvo.lv/lv/portfelis/petijumi/public_participation_in_the_decisionmaking_process_20212021-11-04.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
3. ManaBalss (2021), Progress data, Available at: https://manabalss.lv/page/progress, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
According to USAID’s 2019 CSO Sustainability Index for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia, the government has a positive attitude toward NGOs and NGOs provide significant input to the policymaking process. Latvia scored 2.6 and its CSO sustainability was described as “enhanced.”
A 2015 Democracy Audit, conducted by researchers at the University of Latvia, noted that overall civic activism in Latvia can be described as poor. The report found that citizens are passive, skeptical, and slow to engage with the political process, and are increasingly alienated from democratic institutions and processes.
The rise of social media and the increasing use of the internet has placed new tools at the disposal of citizens wishing to participate in the political process. An e-petition tool, manabalss.lv, lets any group of 10,000 or more citizens place issues on the parliamentary agenda. In addition, many state institutions are actively using social media channels for communication with the general public.
Citations:
1. Rozenvalds, J. (2015) How Democratic is Latvia? Audit of Democracy 2005-2014, Available at: https://www.szf.lu.lv/fileadmin/user_upload/szf_faili/Petnieciba/sppi/demokratija/ENG_Audit_of_Democracy_2015.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Latvian Civic Alliance (2021), Public Participation in the Decision-Making Process (2021). Available at: https://nvo.lv/lv/portfelis/petijumi/public_participation_in_the_decisionmaking_process_20212021-11-04.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
3. ManaBalss (2021), Progress data, Available at: https://manabalss.lv/page/progress, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
Does the government publish data and information in a way that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable?
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The government publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government most of the time publishes data and information in a comprehensive, timely and user-friendly way.
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The government publishes data in a limited and not timely or user-friendly way.
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1
The government publishes (almost) no relevant data.
Latvia joined the Open Government Partnership in 2011, with the State Chancellery as the assigned contact point. The government has made efforts to ensure Latvia complies with the partnership requirements. Four National Action Plans have been published since joining the partnership, monitoring the progress and proposing future improvements in the field of open government.
Following these recommendations, an online platform was set up in 2017 (https://data.gov.lv) to serve as a single point of public access to government data. At the time of writing, the portal contained 581 datasets from 90 data publishers (compared to 33 datasets from 13 data publishers in 2017). However, it is not mandatory for government data to be published on the platform. Instead, data is only published on a voluntary basis. The Latvian Open Data Portal is linked with the European Data Portal, which means that all data published is also available on the European Data Portal.
In 2017, Latvia ranked 14 (up from 31 in 2015) in the Global Open Data Index. Open public sector data in Latvia is evaluated as meeting the basic criteria of the Open Data Index, but fails when it comes to more advanced criteria, especially when it comes to usability of the data (e.g., publishing documents in a machine-readable format, offering bulk-download options and using open license statements). Importantly, although the law (updated in 2018) regulates what information should be published online by governmental institutions, no unified approach is used when it comes to structuring the information, which often makes locating information difficult, although this could potentially be improved by the new unified state and local government website platform (see “Digitalization for Interministerial Coordination”).
Citations:
1. State Chancellery (2017), National Action Plan 2017-2019, Available at: https://www.opengovpartnership.org/sites/default/files/Latvia_National-Action-Plan_2017-2019_LAT.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Latvian Open Data Portal, Available at: https://data.gov.lv/lv
4. Cabinet of Ministers (2020) Open Government, Available at: https://www.mk.gov.lv/en/open-government, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
5. Global Open Data Index (2017), Available at: https://index.okfn.org/place/, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
Following these recommendations, an online platform was set up in 2017 (https://data.gov.lv) to serve as a single point of public access to government data. At the time of writing, the portal contained 581 datasets from 90 data publishers (compared to 33 datasets from 13 data publishers in 2017). However, it is not mandatory for government data to be published on the platform. Instead, data is only published on a voluntary basis. The Latvian Open Data Portal is linked with the European Data Portal, which means that all data published is also available on the European Data Portal.
In 2017, Latvia ranked 14 (up from 31 in 2015) in the Global Open Data Index. Open public sector data in Latvia is evaluated as meeting the basic criteria of the Open Data Index, but fails when it comes to more advanced criteria, especially when it comes to usability of the data (e.g., publishing documents in a machine-readable format, offering bulk-download options and using open license statements). Importantly, although the law (updated in 2018) regulates what information should be published online by governmental institutions, no unified approach is used when it comes to structuring the information, which often makes locating information difficult, although this could potentially be improved by the new unified state and local government website platform (see “Digitalization for Interministerial Coordination”).
Citations:
1. State Chancellery (2017), National Action Plan 2017-2019, Available at: https://www.opengovpartnership.org/sites/default/files/Latvia_National-Action-Plan_2017-2019_LAT.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Latvian Open Data Portal, Available at: https://data.gov.lv/lv
4. Cabinet of Ministers (2020) Open Government, Available at: https://www.mk.gov.lv/en/open-government, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
5. Global Open Data Index (2017), Available at: https://index.okfn.org/place/, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
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Do members of parliament have adequate personnel and structural resources to monitor government activity effectively?
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring all government activity effectively.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for monitoring a government’s major activities.
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The members of parliament as a group can draw on a set of resources suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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The resources provided to the members of parliament are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
Parliament does not have adequate resources to monitor government activity effectively. Some limited expertise is available from the parliamentary committee, legal office, personal administrative support, and parliamentary library staff. However, this has not allowed for substantive policy analysis or the independent production of information. Until 2017, the Latvian parliament was the only legislature in the Baltic Sea region with no institutional research capacity.
In 2017, the parliament created a new parliamentary research unit. As of May 2017, it is in its startup phase, with a director and staff of three. The 2018 budget for the unit is expected to include resources for outsourcing expertise. To date, the unit has produced 19 studies and reports.
In 2017, the parliament created a new parliamentary research unit. As of May 2017, it is in its startup phase, with a director and staff of three. The 2018 budget for the unit is expected to include resources for outsourcing expertise. To date, the unit has produced 19 studies and reports.
Are parliamentary committees able to ask for government documents?
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Parliamentary committees may ask for most or all government documents; they are normally delivered in full and within an appropriate time frame.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are slightly limited; some important documents are not delivered or are delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to ask for government documents are considerably limited; most important documents are not delivered or delivered incomplete or arrive too late to enable the committee to react appropriately.
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Parliamentary committees may not request government documents.
The parliament has the right to obtain documents from the government. No problems have been observed in the exercise of this right.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon ministers for hearings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon ministers. Ministers regularly follow invitations and are obliged to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are slightly limited; ministers occasionally refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon ministers are considerably limited; ministers frequently refuse to follow invitations or to answer questions.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon ministers.
Members of parliament have the right to pose questions to ministers and summon them to answer questions before parliament. At least five signatories are required for such a request. Ministers generally comply with parliamentary requests.
Parliamentary committees have the right to request information from ministries as well as to summon ministers to committee meetings.
Parliamentary committees have the right to request information from ministries as well as to summon ministers to committee meetings.
Are parliamentary committees able to summon experts for committee meetings?
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Parliamentary committees may summon experts.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are slightly limited.
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The rights of parliamentary committees to summon experts are considerably limited.
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Parliamentary committees may not summon experts.
Parliamentary committees are able to invite experts to committee meetings but have no power to make attendance mandatory. The parliament largely relies on the pro bono participation of experts to compensate for its own lack of substantive capacities and resources. However, committee chairs do have some discretion to pay modest honorariums to external experts.
Are the task areas and structures of parliamentary committees suited to monitor ministries effectively?
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The match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are well-suited to the effective monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are largely suited to the monitoring ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are partially suited to the monitoring of ministries.
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The match/mismatch between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries as well as other relevant committee structures are not at all suited to the monitoring of ministries.
The task areas of the parliamentary committees poorly match the task areas of the ministries. Only the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Justice have an equivalent parliamentary committee. These committees being the Budget and Finance Committee, the Foreign Affairs Committee and the Committee of Justice. While the Ministry of Agriculture reports to only a single committee, this committee oversees three other ministries. In all other cases, ministries report to multiple committees and committees oversee multiple ministries’ task areas.
Citations:
1. List of Parliamentary Committees: https://titania.saeima.lv/Personal/Deputati/Saeima13_DepWeb_Public.nsf/structureview?readform&type=3&lang=LV
2. Composition of the Cabinet of Ministers: https://www.mk.gov.lv/en/amatpersonas
Citations:
1. List of Parliamentary Committees: https://titania.saeima.lv/Personal/Deputati/Saeima13_DepWeb_Public.nsf/structureview?readform&type=3&lang=LV
2. Composition of the Cabinet of Ministers: https://www.mk.gov.lv/en/amatpersonas
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To what extent do media in your country analyze the rationale and impact of public policies?
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A clear majority of mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies.
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About one-half of the mass media brands focus on high-quality information content analyzing the rationale and impact of public policies. The rest produces a mix of infotainment and quality information content.
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A clear minority of mass media brands focuses on high-quality information content analyzing public policies. Several mass media brands produce superficial infotainment content only.
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All mass media brands are dominated by superficial infotainment content.
While in the past, only a minority of the 10 most important mass-media brands in Latvia provided high-quality information, the situation has improved somewhat in recent years, with Latvian Television, Radio and LSM, as well as weekly magazine IR and investigative journalism center Re:Baltica all providing timely and contextualized information and analysis concerning public policy.
The financial constraints on the media brought about by audience and advertising shifts to internet-based sources, along with the limited budgets for public broadcasting, have a negative effect on the provision of high-quality content in Latvia. Additional challenges include the proliferation of pro-Russian narratives in the media, which are broadcast by both Russian and Latvian outlets, and are shared through social networks.
Nevertheless, some media organizations have succeeded in meeting a high standard of quality. In particular, the weekly magazine IR, established in 2010, provides in-depth information on government policy plans and publishes leaked information of broad political significance. Similarly, sustained analytical focus on issues of public concern is provided by the non-profit investigative journalism center Re:Baltica, founded in August 2011, which has often fulfilled a watchdog function. It has focused on issues such as the social costs of economic austerity, corruption, consumer protection and drug-money flows. By cooperating with the mainstream media, it has succeeded in moving these issues onto the public agenda.
New concerns have arisen about the influence of Russia’s “hybrid warfare” on the media environment in Latvia, especially for Russian-language media consumers. While a new LSM Russian-language multimedia platform has been established, Russian commercial media in Latvia can be described as stagnant. Misinformation from Russian media channels flows into the general information space, not just the Russian-language media.
The overall situation regarding media reporting in Latvia is not encouraging, due to a lack of funding and professionalism, and a general inability to adapt to the rapid changes in the media market. Even though there are some platforms producing high-quality journalism, Latvian journalism generally lacks explanatory and analytical journalism, which is the main stumbling block in reporting on public-policy-related topics.
Citations:
1. Rožukalne A. (2010), Research Paper on Hidden Advertising Issues in the Media, Available at (in Latvian): http://providus.lv/article_files/2117/original/slepta_reklama_mediju_prakse.pdf?1343212009, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Vita Zelce (2018), The Diversity of the Media Environment in Latvia (in Latvian, with and annotation in English), Available at: https://www.km.gov.lv/uploads/ckeditor/files/mediju_politika/petijumi/Latvijas-mediju-vides-daudzveidiba-small.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
The financial constraints on the media brought about by audience and advertising shifts to internet-based sources, along with the limited budgets for public broadcasting, have a negative effect on the provision of high-quality content in Latvia. Additional challenges include the proliferation of pro-Russian narratives in the media, which are broadcast by both Russian and Latvian outlets, and are shared through social networks.
Nevertheless, some media organizations have succeeded in meeting a high standard of quality. In particular, the weekly magazine IR, established in 2010, provides in-depth information on government policy plans and publishes leaked information of broad political significance. Similarly, sustained analytical focus on issues of public concern is provided by the non-profit investigative journalism center Re:Baltica, founded in August 2011, which has often fulfilled a watchdog function. It has focused on issues such as the social costs of economic austerity, corruption, consumer protection and drug-money flows. By cooperating with the mainstream media, it has succeeded in moving these issues onto the public agenda.
New concerns have arisen about the influence of Russia’s “hybrid warfare” on the media environment in Latvia, especially for Russian-language media consumers. While a new LSM Russian-language multimedia platform has been established, Russian commercial media in Latvia can be described as stagnant. Misinformation from Russian media channels flows into the general information space, not just the Russian-language media.
The overall situation regarding media reporting in Latvia is not encouraging, due to a lack of funding and professionalism, and a general inability to adapt to the rapid changes in the media market. Even though there are some platforms producing high-quality journalism, Latvian journalism generally lacks explanatory and analytical journalism, which is the main stumbling block in reporting on public-policy-related topics.
Citations:
1. Rožukalne A. (2010), Research Paper on Hidden Advertising Issues in the Media, Available at (in Latvian): http://providus.lv/article_files/2117/original/slepta_reklama_mediju_prakse.pdf?1343212009, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Vita Zelce (2018), The Diversity of the Media Environment in Latvia (in Latvian, with and annotation in English), Available at: https://www.km.gov.lv/uploads/ckeditor/files/mediju_politika/petijumi/Latvijas-mediju-vides-daudzveidiba-small.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
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How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes?
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The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are rather open.
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The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are largely controlled by the party leadership.
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A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and issue agendas are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership.
The Law on Political Parties mandates that certain political-party decisions be made in the context of full-membership meetings or by elected officials of the parties. These include party officer elections as well as decisions on party governing statutes and party programs. Other decisions must be taken in accordance with party statutes, but are not subject to regulation. Regulations allow for little input from party members. By comparison, commercial law provides more rights to shareholders than rights accorded to party members in their own party.
In the run-up to the 2018 parliamentary election, three new parties emerged and gained substantial support: the nationalist-conservative New Conservative Party (Jauna Konservativa Partija, JKP), the center-left-liberal Development/For! (Attīstībai/PAR, AP) and the populist “Who Owns the State?” (Kam pieder valsts?, KPV LV) party. In their statutes, all three parties indicated a decision-making procedure in which power lies with the party’s general assembly and is directed by the board of the party. In the case of JKP, there is also an intermediate body of the party council. Since these parties have been elected to the Saeima, with the exception of KPV LV, there has been no indication that party guidelines have been seriously mismanaged.
In the run-up to the 2018 parliamentary election, three new parties emerged and gained substantial support: the nationalist-conservative New Conservative Party (Jauna Konservativa Partija, JKP), the center-left-liberal Development/For! (Attīstībai/PAR, AP) and the populist “Who Owns the State?” (Kam pieder valsts?, KPV LV) party. In their statutes, all three parties indicated a decision-making procedure in which power lies with the party’s general assembly and is directed by the board of the party. In the case of JKP, there is also an intermediate body of the party council. Since these parties have been elected to the Saeima, with the exception of KPV LV, there has been no indication that party guidelines have been seriously mismanaged.
To what extent are economic interest associations (e.g., employers, industry, labor) capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
The National Tripartite Cooperation Council (Nacionālā trīspusējās sadarbības padome, NTSP), which links employers’ associations, business associations and trade unions, provides a good example of effective association involvement in policy formulation. The members of the NTSP are all capable of proposing concrete measures, and work with academic figures in order to ensure quality inputs into the policy dialogue.
Employers’ and business associations are continually engaged with the policy process on specific issues such as energy policy, formulation of the national development plan and tax policy. The Latvian Chamber of Commerce (LTRK) engages in ongoing dialogue with the government, and along with the slightly less influential Employers’ Confederation of Latvia (LDDK), forms a part of the tripartite council.
The Foreign Investors’ Council (FICIL) has a strong capacity for presenting well-formulated policy proposals. FICIL conducts an annual structured dialogue at the prime-ministerial level. The actions that come out of these dialogues are subsequently implemented and monitored. The 2018 council meeting focused attention on labor availability and quality, governance issues within the education and transport sectors, public sector effectiveness (including digitalization, rule of law, and combating economic and financial crimes), and developments in the energy sector.
Citations:
1. The Foreign Investors’ Council in Latvia, Information available: http://www.ficil.lv/index.php/home/, Last accessed: 12.01.2022.
2. National Tripartite Cooperation Council, Agenda available at (in Latvian): https://www.mk.gov.lv/lv/content/nacionalas-trispusejas-sadarbibas-padomes-sedes, 12.01.2022.
Employers’ and business associations are continually engaged with the policy process on specific issues such as energy policy, formulation of the national development plan and tax policy. The Latvian Chamber of Commerce (LTRK) engages in ongoing dialogue with the government, and along with the slightly less influential Employers’ Confederation of Latvia (LDDK), forms a part of the tripartite council.
The Foreign Investors’ Council (FICIL) has a strong capacity for presenting well-formulated policy proposals. FICIL conducts an annual structured dialogue at the prime-ministerial level. The actions that come out of these dialogues are subsequently implemented and monitored. The 2018 council meeting focused attention on labor availability and quality, governance issues within the education and transport sectors, public sector effectiveness (including digitalization, rule of law, and combating economic and financial crimes), and developments in the energy sector.
Citations:
1. The Foreign Investors’ Council in Latvia, Information available: http://www.ficil.lv/index.php/home/, Last accessed: 12.01.2022.
2. National Tripartite Cooperation Council, Agenda available at (in Latvian): https://www.mk.gov.lv/lv/content/nacionalas-trispusejas-sadarbibas-padomes-sedes, 12.01.2022.
To what extent are non-economic interest associations capable of formulating relevant policies?
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Most interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Many interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Few interest associations are highly capable of formulating relevant policies.
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Most interest associations are not capable of formulating relevant policies.
A number of environmental interest groups have the capacity to propose concrete policy measures and provide capable analysis of policy effects, often in cooperation with their international networks or academic bodies. Environmental organizations engage in structured policy dialogue with the relevant ministries, which supports sustained involvement in decision-making and has contributed to further capacity development.
Social interest groups are very diverse. However, most lack the capacity to propose concrete policy measures or analyze likely policy outcomes. While the government consults regularly with some social interest groups, such as the Pensioners’ Federation, these groups do not produce high-quality policy analysis. Groups representing patients’ rights or reproductive health interests are skilled at producing policy proposals, but most lack the resources to engage in sustained advocacy or policy development.
Religious communities have until recently remained largely outside of the public-policy development process, but have now become more vocal in their defense of “traditional Christian values,” especially in the context of LGBTQ+ and reproductive rights.
The Civic Alliance is an umbrella group of NGOs that serves as a platform for common issues. In 2017, the alliance galvanized a group of influential NGOs to call for increased transparency and participatory opportunities for NGOs in the government’s budget planning process. The NGOs are demanding the type of access and consultation already in place for other social partners, such as the National Tripartite Cooperation Council (NTSP). Unlike the social dialogue process, civic dialogue in Latvia has no official status and does not receive special support from the state or the EU structural forums. As a result, the vast majority of organizations participate in structures such as the Memorandum Council in their spare time, without remuneration. There is therefore an imbalance in the decision-making process, with local and economic lobbies participating in the process actively, but civil society organizations only occasionally.
Social interest groups are very diverse. However, most lack the capacity to propose concrete policy measures or analyze likely policy outcomes. While the government consults regularly with some social interest groups, such as the Pensioners’ Federation, these groups do not produce high-quality policy analysis. Groups representing patients’ rights or reproductive health interests are skilled at producing policy proposals, but most lack the resources to engage in sustained advocacy or policy development.
Religious communities have until recently remained largely outside of the public-policy development process, but have now become more vocal in their defense of “traditional Christian values,” especially in the context of LGBTQ+ and reproductive rights.
The Civic Alliance is an umbrella group of NGOs that serves as a platform for common issues. In 2017, the alliance galvanized a group of influential NGOs to call for increased transparency and participatory opportunities for NGOs in the government’s budget planning process. The NGOs are demanding the type of access and consultation already in place for other social partners, such as the National Tripartite Cooperation Council (NTSP). Unlike the social dialogue process, civic dialogue in Latvia has no official status and does not receive special support from the state or the EU structural forums. As a result, the vast majority of organizations participate in structures such as the Memorandum Council in their spare time, without remuneration. There is therefore an imbalance in the decision-making process, with local and economic lobbies participating in the process actively, but civil society organizations only occasionally.
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Does there exist an independent and effective audit office?
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There exists an effective and independent audit office.
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There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is slightly limited.
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There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
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There does not exist an independent and effective audit office.
The State Audit Office is Latvia’s independent and collegial supreme audit institution. The office is constitutionally independent of parliament and the executive. It primarily audits the executive and local governments, and reports to parliament, which has full access to all audit findings.
In order to promote the responsibility of officials and company managers for their decisions, the State Audit Office has frequently called for amendments to the law, which would enable the State Audit Office to impose financial penalties on officials who have wasted state funds. The law has been under discussion in the parliament since 2015, with repeated calls from the State Audit Office to solve the issue.
In addition, in 2019, the State Audit office made an announcement emphasizing the urgent need to marshal the state guarantee and debt discharge accounting. It was noted that if the ministries were unable to cooperate, the State Audit Office would refuse to give an opinion on the state’s annual report for the financial year and call on the respective officials to take responsibility for the consequences.
Citations:
1. State Audit Office (2019) The Reluctance of Ministries Can Lead to the State Audit Office Refusing to Express an Opinion on the Annual Report of the State for Financial Year 2019, Available at:http://www.lrvk.gov.lv/en/the-reluctance-of-ministries-can-lead-to-the-state-audit-office-refusing-to-express-an-opinion-on-the-annual-report-of-the-state-for-financial-year-2019/, Last assessed: 05.11.2019.
2. OECD (2009), Review on Budgeting in Latvia, p. 204 and 223, Available at: http://www.oecd.org/countries/latvia/46051679.pdf, Last assessed: 05.11.2019
3. http://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/pub/national_integrity_system_assessment_latvia, Last assessed: 05.11.2019
In order to promote the responsibility of officials and company managers for their decisions, the State Audit Office has frequently called for amendments to the law, which would enable the State Audit Office to impose financial penalties on officials who have wasted state funds. The law has been under discussion in the parliament since 2015, with repeated calls from the State Audit Office to solve the issue.
In addition, in 2019, the State Audit office made an announcement emphasizing the urgent need to marshal the state guarantee and debt discharge accounting. It was noted that if the ministries were unable to cooperate, the State Audit Office would refuse to give an opinion on the state’s annual report for the financial year and call on the respective officials to take responsibility for the consequences.
Citations:
1. State Audit Office (2019) The Reluctance of Ministries Can Lead to the State Audit Office Refusing to Express an Opinion on the Annual Report of the State for Financial Year 2019, Available at:http://www.lrvk.gov.lv/en/the-reluctance-of-ministries-can-lead-to-the-state-audit-office-refusing-to-express-an-opinion-on-the-annual-report-of-the-state-for-financial-year-2019/, Last assessed: 05.11.2019.
2. OECD (2009), Review on Budgeting in Latvia, p. 204 and 223, Available at: http://www.oecd.org/countries/latvia/46051679.pdf, Last assessed: 05.11.2019
3. http://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/pub/national_integrity_system_assessment_latvia, Last assessed: 05.11.2019
Does there exist an independent and effective ombuds office?
10
9
9
There exists an effective and independent ombuds office.
8
7
6
7
6
There exists an effective and independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
There exists an independent ombuds office, but its advocacy role is considerably limited.
2
1
1
There does not exist an effective and independent ombuds office.
An independent ombuds office was created in 2007 following the reorganization of the Latvian National Human Rights Office. The ombuds office is charged with investigating citizens’ complaints, monitoring human rights and proposing governmental action to address systemic issues. Since 2011, the ombuds office has been active in monitoring social care facilities for the disabled, closed institutions, access-to-justice failings, issues of equal access to free education, and discrimination against women. It has also worked to raise public awareness on the issue of hate speech. In 2020, the ombuds office received 1,617 complaints.
In 2020, the Ombuds office turned to the Constitutional Court on several occasions to challenge the regulation on minimum income, which it argued was unconstitutional. The court agreed in several cases, for example ruling that the procedure for determining income subject to personal income tax did not comply with the constitution.
Citations:
1. Ombudsman of Latvia Annual report (2020) Available at (in Latvian): https://www.tiesibsargs.lv/uploads/content/tiesibsargs_2020_gada_zinojums_final_1613044295.pdf, Last accessed 12.01.2022.
In 2020, the Ombuds office turned to the Constitutional Court on several occasions to challenge the regulation on minimum income, which it argued was unconstitutional. The court agreed in several cases, for example ruling that the procedure for determining income subject to personal income tax did not comply with the constitution.
Citations:
1. Ombudsman of Latvia Annual report (2020) Available at (in Latvian): https://www.tiesibsargs.lv/uploads/content/tiesibsargs_2020_gada_zinojums_final_1613044295.pdf, Last accessed 12.01.2022.
Is there an independent authority in place that effectively holds government offices accountable for handling issues of data protection and privacy?
10
9
9
An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
8
7
6
7
6
An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is slightly limited.
5
4
3
4
3
A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are strongly limited.
2
1
1
There is no effective and independent data protection office.
The Data State Inspectorate, established in 2001, operates in accordance with the Personal Data Protection Law and is based on a cabinet regulation of 2013, Regulations on the Data State Inspectorate. A new version of the law was proclaimed in 2018. The main goal of the inspectorate is to protect the fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens, particularly the privacy of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data. The law describes the Data State Inspectorate as an independent institution. Nevertheless, the inspectorate is subject to the supervision of the Ministry of Justice and the Cabinet of Ministers, and is financed from the state budget.
Citations:
1. Personal Data Processing Law (2018) Available at:https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/300099, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Data State Inspectorate (2018) Annual Report 2018, Available at: https://www.dvi.gov.lv/en/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Annual_report_DVI_2018.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
Citations:
1. Personal Data Processing Law (2018) Available at:https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/300099, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.
2. Data State Inspectorate (2018) Annual Report 2018, Available at: https://www.dvi.gov.lv/en/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Annual_report_DVI_2018.pdf, Last accessed: 10.01.2022.