Social Policies
#9Key Findings
With good educational attainments and a well-performing health system, New Zealand receives high rankings internationally (rank 9) with regard to social policies. Its score on this measure has fallen by 0.2 points relative to its 2014 level.
Despite limited healthcare resources, the healthcare system performed well during the pandemic thanks to lockdowns and other policy interventions. Waiting lists in the public healthcare system drive many to private “queue jumping” insurance, but this has increased inequality. Pension benefits are comparatively low, but keep most people out of poverty.
The education system performs generally well, but is unequal, with outcomes generally poorer for Māori and Pacific Islander students. A strong dependence on international student fees produced pandemic-era financial difficulties for the university system. Migrants are in general well-integrated.
Inequality is an increasing problem, with high housing costs a growing problem for the poor. Policies aimed at easing the housing crisis have yet to produce a discernable effect. Recently passed family support policies give mothers more flexibility in deciding whether and when to return to employment. Several recent terrorist attacks have prompted gun buybacks and expanded policing powers.
Despite limited healthcare resources, the healthcare system performed well during the pandemic thanks to lockdowns and other policy interventions. Waiting lists in the public healthcare system drive many to private “queue jumping” insurance, but this has increased inequality. Pension benefits are comparatively low, but keep most people out of poverty.
The education system performs generally well, but is unequal, with outcomes generally poorer for Māori and Pacific Islander students. A strong dependence on international student fees produced pandemic-era financial difficulties for the university system. Migrants are in general well-integrated.
Inequality is an increasing problem, with high housing costs a growing problem for the poor. Policies aimed at easing the housing crisis have yet to produce a discernable effect. Recently passed family support policies give mothers more flexibility in deciding whether and when to return to employment. Several recent terrorist attacks have prompted gun buybacks and expanded policing powers.
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To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
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Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
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Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
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Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
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Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
New Zealand’s education system performs well on a number of indicators. According to the 2021 OECD Education at a Glance report, New Zealand spent the OECD’s fourth-highest proportion of its GDP on primary to tertiary educational institutions (6.2% of GDP, compared to 4.9% on average across OECD countries). A total of 90% of three- to five-year-olds were enrolled in early childhood education, care programs or primary education in New Zealand, compared to 88% on average across OECD countries. The percentage of 25- to 64-year-olds who have attained a bachelor’s or equivalent tertiary education degree is among the OECD’s highest (29.1%, rank 3/46) (OECD 2021).
However, at the same time, New Zealand has one of the most unequal education systems in the industrialized world. According to UNICEF’s 2018 Innocenti Report Card, which analyses the gaps between the highest and lowest performing pupils in OECD countries, New Zealand ranks 33rd of 38 for educational equality across preschool, primary school and secondary school levels. The reading gap at age 10 for New Zealand’s best and worst readers puts the country at 230 points, compared to 153 points for the Netherlands – the country with the smallest gap (UNICEF 2018). More recently, UNICEF’s 2020 Innocenti Report Card found that only 65% of 15 year olds in New Zealand have basic proficiency in reading and maths, well below the top performers, Estonia (79%), Ireland (78%) and Finland (78%) (UNICEF 2020).
The inequality of the education system has a strong ethnic component, as education outcomes are generally poorer for Māori and Pasifika (Pacific Islander) students. In particular, Māori and Pasifika students are significantly less likely than Pākehā (New Zealanders of European descent) students to leave the education system with a degree. In the 2018 census, 80.6% of Māori and 83% of Pasifika 15- to 24-year-olds had at least a level 1 qualification or equivalent, compared with 85.8% of 15- to 24-year-olds nationally. Older age groups show an even larger difference, with 73% of Māori and 72.1% of Pasifika 45- to 54-year-olds having at least a level 1 qualification or equivalent, compared with 84.6% of 45- to 54-year-olds nationally (Stats NZ 2020)
Meanwhile, expenditure on tertiary educational institutions as a percentage of GDP is comparatively high (1.7%, rank 7 out of 37 countries) (OECD 2021), although public expenditure is only 0.9%, making it 15th place in the OECD rankings. Moreover, New Zealand’s tertiary education system stands out by having one of the largest proportions of international or students enrolled in tertiary education among OECD and partner countries (20.8%, rank 3 out of 44 countries) although this data is from 2018 in the pre-pandemic era (OECD 2021). At that time, international students pumped around $5 billion into the economy annually, making the university sector New Zealand’s fifth-largest export earner. However, this dependence on international tuition fees means that the COVID-19 pandemic – and the government’s strict border rules – put a real strain on universities’ finances (Kenny et al. 2021).
Citations:
Kenny et al. (2021) “How Covid has hit our $5 billion international education sector - and what universities are doing about it.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/education/123922679/how-covid-has-hit-our-5-billion-international-education-sector–and-what-universities-are-doing-about-it
OECD (2021) Education at a Glance. https://www.oecd.org/education/education-at-a-glance/
Stats NZ (2020) Education outcomes improving for Māori and Pacific peoples. https://www.stats.govt.nz/news/education-outcomes-improving-for-maori-and-pacific-peoples
UNICEF (2018)Innocenti Report Card 15 – An Unfair Start: Inequality in Children’s Education in Rich Countries. https://www.unicef-irc.org/unfairstart
UNICEF (2020) Innocenti Report Card 16 – Worlds of Influence: Understanding What Shapes Child
Well-being in Rich Countries. https://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/1140-worlds-of-influence-understanding-what-shapes-child-well-being-in-rich-countries.html
However, at the same time, New Zealand has one of the most unequal education systems in the industrialized world. According to UNICEF’s 2018 Innocenti Report Card, which analyses the gaps between the highest and lowest performing pupils in OECD countries, New Zealand ranks 33rd of 38 for educational equality across preschool, primary school and secondary school levels. The reading gap at age 10 for New Zealand’s best and worst readers puts the country at 230 points, compared to 153 points for the Netherlands – the country with the smallest gap (UNICEF 2018). More recently, UNICEF’s 2020 Innocenti Report Card found that only 65% of 15 year olds in New Zealand have basic proficiency in reading and maths, well below the top performers, Estonia (79%), Ireland (78%) and Finland (78%) (UNICEF 2020).
The inequality of the education system has a strong ethnic component, as education outcomes are generally poorer for Māori and Pasifika (Pacific Islander) students. In particular, Māori and Pasifika students are significantly less likely than Pākehā (New Zealanders of European descent) students to leave the education system with a degree. In the 2018 census, 80.6% of Māori and 83% of Pasifika 15- to 24-year-olds had at least a level 1 qualification or equivalent, compared with 85.8% of 15- to 24-year-olds nationally. Older age groups show an even larger difference, with 73% of Māori and 72.1% of Pasifika 45- to 54-year-olds having at least a level 1 qualification or equivalent, compared with 84.6% of 45- to 54-year-olds nationally (Stats NZ 2020)
Meanwhile, expenditure on tertiary educational institutions as a percentage of GDP is comparatively high (1.7%, rank 7 out of 37 countries) (OECD 2021), although public expenditure is only 0.9%, making it 15th place in the OECD rankings. Moreover, New Zealand’s tertiary education system stands out by having one of the largest proportions of international or students enrolled in tertiary education among OECD and partner countries (20.8%, rank 3 out of 44 countries) although this data is from 2018 in the pre-pandemic era (OECD 2021). At that time, international students pumped around $5 billion into the economy annually, making the university sector New Zealand’s fifth-largest export earner. However, this dependence on international tuition fees means that the COVID-19 pandemic – and the government’s strict border rules – put a real strain on universities’ finances (Kenny et al. 2021).
Citations:
Kenny et al. (2021) “How Covid has hit our $5 billion international education sector - and what universities are doing about it.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/education/123922679/how-covid-has-hit-our-5-billion-international-education-sector–and-what-universities-are-doing-about-it
OECD (2021) Education at a Glance. https://www.oecd.org/education/education-at-a-glance/
Stats NZ (2020) Education outcomes improving for Māori and Pacific peoples. https://www.stats.govt.nz/news/education-outcomes-improving-for-maori-and-pacific-peoples
UNICEF (2018)Innocenti Report Card 15 – An Unfair Start: Inequality in Children’s Education in Rich Countries. https://www.unicef-irc.org/unfairstart
UNICEF (2020) Innocenti Report Card 16 – Worlds of Influence: Understanding What Shapes Child
Well-being in Rich Countries. https://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/1140-worlds-of-influence-understanding-what-shapes-child-well-being-in-rich-countries.html
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To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
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Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
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For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
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Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
Social inequality is a growing concern in New Zealand.
The blame for New Zealand’s inequality has partly been put on the overheated housing market. New Zealand’s price-to-rent ratio (i.e., the difference between buying a house and renting one) is running more than double its long-term average – the highest among all OECD countries. New Zealand also outdoes its OECD peers in terms of the “housing cost overburden” rate (i.e., the proportion of people spending more than 40% of their disposable income on housing costs). For the lowest income earners (bottom quintile), 56% of renters and 43% of homeowners are overburdened, with this share being higher than in any other OECD nation (Mitchell 2021).
The current Labour-led government has taken a number of steps to ease the housing crisis. In early 2021, the Ardern administration announced that, to dissuade speculation, it would phase out the ability of investors to claim mortgage interest as a tax-deductible expense, and extend the period in which profits on the sale of investment property are taxed from five years to 10 years. These policy measures have yet to produce a discernible effect. For example, during the delta lockdown between August and November 2021, Auckland house prices rose by an average of $113,000, or 8.3% (Bond 2021).
The Māori population is disproportionately affected by socioeconomic inequality. On average, working Māori earn $105 less per week than the average New Zealander. Māori are working the same hours as the New Zealand average, but only 16% of Māori hold an advanced qualification (compared to 30% of the country’s workforce) (Stats NZ 2020). The Labour government has been criticized for attempting to tackle these issues through universal development schemes rather than allocating funding to Māori-specific programs. For example, the government’s 2019 “well-being” budget aims to reduce child poverty without including specific Māori-targets – despite the fact that Māori children and youth are twice as likely to be in poverty than New Zealanders of European descent (Walters 2018).
Citations:
Sources:
Bond (2021) “House value growth during three months adds $113k to Auckland prices.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/business/457464/house-value-growth-during-three-months-adds-113k-to-auckland-prices
Mitchell (2021) “The housing affordability crisis is likely worse than you think.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/life-style/home-property/300339165/the-housing-affordability-crisis-is-likely-worse-than-you-think
Nadkarni (2018) “Who does the foreign buyer ban affect and will it make housing more affordable?” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/106307986/explainer-who-does-the-foreign-buyer-ban-really-affect
Stats NZ (2018) Wealth of top 20 percent rises by $394,000. https://www.stats.govt.nz/news/wealth-of-top-20-percent-rises-by-394000
Stats NZ (2020) Labour market statistics (income): June 2020 quarter. https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/labour-market-statistics-income-june-2020-quarter
The Guardian (2019) “New Zealand scraps ‘overly ambitious’ plan to tackle housing crisis.” https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/04/new-zealand-scraps-overly-ambitious-plan-to-tackle-housing-crisis
Walters (2018) “Fact check: Disparities between Māori and Pākehā.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/101231280/fact-check-disparities-between-mori-and-pkeh
The blame for New Zealand’s inequality has partly been put on the overheated housing market. New Zealand’s price-to-rent ratio (i.e., the difference between buying a house and renting one) is running more than double its long-term average – the highest among all OECD countries. New Zealand also outdoes its OECD peers in terms of the “housing cost overburden” rate (i.e., the proportion of people spending more than 40% of their disposable income on housing costs). For the lowest income earners (bottom quintile), 56% of renters and 43% of homeowners are overburdened, with this share being higher than in any other OECD nation (Mitchell 2021).
The current Labour-led government has taken a number of steps to ease the housing crisis. In early 2021, the Ardern administration announced that, to dissuade speculation, it would phase out the ability of investors to claim mortgage interest as a tax-deductible expense, and extend the period in which profits on the sale of investment property are taxed from five years to 10 years. These policy measures have yet to produce a discernible effect. For example, during the delta lockdown between August and November 2021, Auckland house prices rose by an average of $113,000, or 8.3% (Bond 2021).
The Māori population is disproportionately affected by socioeconomic inequality. On average, working Māori earn $105 less per week than the average New Zealander. Māori are working the same hours as the New Zealand average, but only 16% of Māori hold an advanced qualification (compared to 30% of the country’s workforce) (Stats NZ 2020). The Labour government has been criticized for attempting to tackle these issues through universal development schemes rather than allocating funding to Māori-specific programs. For example, the government’s 2019 “well-being” budget aims to reduce child poverty without including specific Māori-targets – despite the fact that Māori children and youth are twice as likely to be in poverty than New Zealanders of European descent (Walters 2018).
Citations:
Sources:
Bond (2021) “House value growth during three months adds $113k to Auckland prices.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/business/457464/house-value-growth-during-three-months-adds-113k-to-auckland-prices
Mitchell (2021) “The housing affordability crisis is likely worse than you think.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/life-style/home-property/300339165/the-housing-affordability-crisis-is-likely-worse-than-you-think
Nadkarni (2018) “Who does the foreign buyer ban affect and will it make housing more affordable?” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/106307986/explainer-who-does-the-foreign-buyer-ban-really-affect
Stats NZ (2018) Wealth of top 20 percent rises by $394,000. https://www.stats.govt.nz/news/wealth-of-top-20-percent-rises-by-394000
Stats NZ (2020) Labour market statistics (income): June 2020 quarter. https://www.stats.govt.nz/information-releases/labour-market-statistics-income-june-2020-quarter
The Guardian (2019) “New Zealand scraps ‘overly ambitious’ plan to tackle housing crisis.” https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/04/new-zealand-scraps-overly-ambitious-plan-to-tackle-housing-crisis
Walters (2018) “Fact check: Disparities between Māori and Pākehā.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/101231280/fact-check-disparities-between-mori-and-pkeh
Graph View
To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
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Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
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Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
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Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
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Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
New Zealand’s public healthcare policies achieve high-quality and inclusive healthcare for most citizens but, similar to other OECD countries, cost efficiency and long-term public spending pressures remain an issue. The public healthcare system is already showing signs of being overburdened. Reports of chronically understaffed hospitals abound, large numbers of specialist referrals are declined due to a lack of resources, and waiting lists for surgical procedures have become a serious issue. Mainly due to lengthy waiting lists in the state healthcare system, a large number of New Zealanders (around 1.4 million) now have private “queue jumping” health insurance. In recent years, however, premiums for such products have increased continuously, thereby fueling income-related inequality in healthcare (Jones and Akoorie 2018)
Despite problems of under-resourcing (there are only around 150 ICU beds and just over 500 ventilators across the whole country), lockdowns and other policy interventions prevented the public healthcare system from being overwhelmed during the COVID-19 pandemic. The health system also played an important role in successfully delivering the COVID-19 testing and vaccination programs.
The Labour government (2017-) has identified public health as a policy priority. In the 2019 “well-being” budget, mental health received the biggest funding and investment boost on record. Of a total of $1.9 billion, half a billion dollars were funneled toward the “missing middle” – that is, the mild-to-moderate anxiety and depressive disorders that do not require hospitalization (McCullough 2019). The 2020 budget gave districh health boards (DHBs) an extra $3.92 billion over four years and a one-off $282.5 million to catch up on elective surgery after the COVID-19 disruption (RNZ 2020). In April 2021, the government announced that it would embark on a major shake-up of the health system, abolishing all DHBs and replacing them with a central agency and a Māori Health Authority alongside it. The 2021 budget allocated $486 million for these reforms, and health boards are set to receive $2.7 billion over the coming four years to manage cost and population pressures (Manch 2021).
A particular policy challenge is the persistent gap in health status between Māori and non-Māori parts of the population. For one, Māori life expectancy is lower than that for non-Māori, according to 2013 Ministry of Health figures. Life expectancy at birth was 73.0 years for Māori males and 77.1 years for Māori females; it was 80.3 years for non-Māori males and 83.9 years for non-Māori females. In addition, the 2017–2021 Ministry of Health and Addiction Workforce Action Plan finds that, while Māori make up approximately 16% of New Zealand’s population, they account for 26% of all mental health service users (Walters 2018). Moreover, Māori and Pasifika have been at higher risk of catching COVID-19; as of late 2021, most current cases and hospitalizations were among Māori and Pacific New Zealanders, despite the fact those groups make up less than 30% of the total population (McClure 2021).
Citations:
Jones and Akoorie (2018) “Unfair care: What’s going wrong in the health system?” New Zealand Herald. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/unfair-care-whats-going-wrong-in-the-health-system/4JJTACITSOT272KJNJUMVWESYY/?c_id=1&objectid=12174249
McClure (2021) “Māori party warns reopening New Zealand amid Covid outbreak would be ‘modern genocide’.” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/oct/11/maori-party-warns-reopening-new-zealand-amid-covid-outbreak-would-be-modern-genocide
McCullough (2019) “Budget 2019 invests $1.9bn in mental health, $1bn to rebuild rail.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/budget-2019/390893/budget-2019-invests-1-point-9bn-in-mental-health-1bn-to-rebuild-rail
Manch (2021) “Budget 2021: The winners and losers in a welfare-focused Budget.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/125190608/budget-2021-the-winners-and-losers-in-a-welfarefocused-budget
Moir (2018) “Budget 2018: Health the big winner in Labour-NZ First Budget.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/industries/103972720/health-the-big-winner-in-labournz-first-budget
OECD (2015) How does health spending in New Zealand compare? https://www.oecd.org/els/health-systems/Country-Note-NEW%20ZEALAND-OECD-Health-Statistics-2015.pdf
RNZ (2020) “District Health Boards to get $3.9b increase over four years in 2020 Budget.” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/416402/district-health-boards-to-get-3-point-9b-increase-over-four-years-in-2020-budget
Walters (2018) “Fact check: Disparities between Māori and Pākehā.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/101231280/fact-check-disparities-between-mori-and-pkeh
Despite problems of under-resourcing (there are only around 150 ICU beds and just over 500 ventilators across the whole country), lockdowns and other policy interventions prevented the public healthcare system from being overwhelmed during the COVID-19 pandemic. The health system also played an important role in successfully delivering the COVID-19 testing and vaccination programs.
The Labour government (2017-) has identified public health as a policy priority. In the 2019 “well-being” budget, mental health received the biggest funding and investment boost on record. Of a total of $1.9 billion, half a billion dollars were funneled toward the “missing middle” – that is, the mild-to-moderate anxiety and depressive disorders that do not require hospitalization (McCullough 2019). The 2020 budget gave districh health boards (DHBs) an extra $3.92 billion over four years and a one-off $282.5 million to catch up on elective surgery after the COVID-19 disruption (RNZ 2020). In April 2021, the government announced that it would embark on a major shake-up of the health system, abolishing all DHBs and replacing them with a central agency and a Māori Health Authority alongside it. The 2021 budget allocated $486 million for these reforms, and health boards are set to receive $2.7 billion over the coming four years to manage cost and population pressures (Manch 2021).
A particular policy challenge is the persistent gap in health status between Māori and non-Māori parts of the population. For one, Māori life expectancy is lower than that for non-Māori, according to 2013 Ministry of Health figures. Life expectancy at birth was 73.0 years for Māori males and 77.1 years for Māori females; it was 80.3 years for non-Māori males and 83.9 years for non-Māori females. In addition, the 2017–2021 Ministry of Health and Addiction Workforce Action Plan finds that, while Māori make up approximately 16% of New Zealand’s population, they account for 26% of all mental health service users (Walters 2018). Moreover, Māori and Pasifika have been at higher risk of catching COVID-19; as of late 2021, most current cases and hospitalizations were among Māori and Pacific New Zealanders, despite the fact those groups make up less than 30% of the total population (McClure 2021).
Citations:
Jones and Akoorie (2018) “Unfair care: What’s going wrong in the health system?” New Zealand Herald. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/unfair-care-whats-going-wrong-in-the-health-system/4JJTACITSOT272KJNJUMVWESYY/?c_id=1&objectid=12174249
McClure (2021) “Māori party warns reopening New Zealand amid Covid outbreak would be ‘modern genocide’.” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/oct/11/maori-party-warns-reopening-new-zealand-amid-covid-outbreak-would-be-modern-genocide
McCullough (2019) “Budget 2019 invests $1.9bn in mental health, $1bn to rebuild rail.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/budget-2019/390893/budget-2019-invests-1-point-9bn-in-mental-health-1bn-to-rebuild-rail
Manch (2021) “Budget 2021: The winners and losers in a welfare-focused Budget.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/125190608/budget-2021-the-winners-and-losers-in-a-welfarefocused-budget
Moir (2018) “Budget 2018: Health the big winner in Labour-NZ First Budget.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/industries/103972720/health-the-big-winner-in-labournz-first-budget
OECD (2015) How does health spending in New Zealand compare? https://www.oecd.org/els/health-systems/Country-Note-NEW%20ZEALAND-OECD-Health-Statistics-2015.pdf
RNZ (2020) “District Health Boards to get $3.9b increase over four years in 2020 Budget.” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/416402/district-health-boards-to-get-3-point-9b-increase-over-four-years-in-2020-budget
Walters (2018) “Fact check: Disparities between Māori and Pākehā.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/101231280/fact-check-disparities-between-mori-and-pkeh
Graph View
To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
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Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
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Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
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Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
The 2021 Women in Work Index (published by consultancy firm PwC) rates New Zealand third in the OECD, behind Iceland and Sweden (PwC 2021). Employment rates for women are well above the OECD average – even though mothers with young children have lower employment rates and women are also more likely to work part-time than in most OECD countries. The gender pay gap is significantly lower than the OECD average. The gap has fallen from 16.3% (1998) to 9.1% (2021), but has stalled in the last decade (Ministry for Women 2021). On the other hand, a research report commissioned by the Ministry for Women finds that the wage gap between men and women widens to 12.5% when they become parents. When women become mothers, they are less likely to be employed and, if they do work, they work fewer hours and have lower earnings – even 10 years later. Mothers earn 4.4% less on average than non-mothers, with the gap widening the longer they are off not in employment (Ministry for Women 2017). Moreover, the Māori Women’s Welfare League and the Equal Employment Opportunities Commissioner have raised the issue that these figures mask significant disparities experienced by Māori and Pacific Islander women. For example, Pacific Islander women earn 27.4% less than the average Pākehā (European-descent) man (RNZ, 2021).
A number of family support policies have been passed under the government of Jacinda Ardern that are designed to enable mothers to decide freely whether they want to return to employment. Most importantly, a new Families Package has been rolled out since mid-2018 (Bennett 2018). Its provisions include: increasing the rate of paid parental leave from 22 to 26 weeks from July 2020; the introduction of a Winter Energy Payment for beneficiaries including pensioners; a weekly $60 payment to low and middle-income families with babies and toddlers; reinstating the Independent Earner Tax Credit; and increasing benefits for orphans, unsupported children and foster careers. It is estimated that 384,000 families will benefit from the policy package.
In the government’s 2019 “well-being” budget, measures to combat family violence received a record investment of $320 million, in a bid to tackle the New Zealand’s entrenched family and sexual violence statistics, which see the police respond to a domestic violence incident every four minutes (Owen 2019). The 2020 budget spent $220.6 million on extending the free school lunch program (Dreaver 2019), while the 2021 budget boosted working-age benefits by $36/week for single parents and $55/week for couples with children (Manch 2021).
Citations:
Sources:
Bennett (2018) “Government’s Families Package takes effect today: More cash for families.” New Zealand Herald. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/governments-families-package-takes-effect-today-more-cash-for-families/HGXZCJM6EUQLIYMF6EKHNEYJXU/
Dreaver (2019) “Budget 2020: What you need to know.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/budget-2020/416634/budget-2020-what-you-need-to-know
Manch (2021) “Budget 2021: The winners and losers in a welfare-focused Budget.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/125190608/budget-2021-the-winners-and-losers-in-a-welfarefocused-budget
Ministry for Women (2017) Empirical evidence of the gender pay gap in New Zealand. https://bit.ly/2IBVuIA
Ministry for Women (2021) Gender pay gap. https://women.govt.nz/work-skills/income/gender-pay-gap
Owen (2019) “$320m to tackle family and sexual violence in New Zealand.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/112832628/320m-to-tackle-family-and-sexual-violence-in-new-zealand
PwC (2021) Women in Work Index 2021. https://www.pwc.co.uk/services/economics/insights/women-in-work-index.html
Radio NZ (2021) https://www.rnz.co.nz/national/programmes/middayreport/audio/2018816053/pay-gap-for-pasifika-women-largest-in-nz#:~:text=Figures%20from%20the%20Council%20of,Sumeo%20spoke%20to%20Mani%20Dunlop
A number of family support policies have been passed under the government of Jacinda Ardern that are designed to enable mothers to decide freely whether they want to return to employment. Most importantly, a new Families Package has been rolled out since mid-2018 (Bennett 2018). Its provisions include: increasing the rate of paid parental leave from 22 to 26 weeks from July 2020; the introduction of a Winter Energy Payment for beneficiaries including pensioners; a weekly $60 payment to low and middle-income families with babies and toddlers; reinstating the Independent Earner Tax Credit; and increasing benefits for orphans, unsupported children and foster careers. It is estimated that 384,000 families will benefit from the policy package.
In the government’s 2019 “well-being” budget, measures to combat family violence received a record investment of $320 million, in a bid to tackle the New Zealand’s entrenched family and sexual violence statistics, which see the police respond to a domestic violence incident every four minutes (Owen 2019). The 2020 budget spent $220.6 million on extending the free school lunch program (Dreaver 2019), while the 2021 budget boosted working-age benefits by $36/week for single parents and $55/week for couples with children (Manch 2021).
Citations:
Sources:
Bennett (2018) “Government’s Families Package takes effect today: More cash for families.” New Zealand Herald. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/governments-families-package-takes-effect-today-more-cash-for-families/HGXZCJM6EUQLIYMF6EKHNEYJXU/
Dreaver (2019) “Budget 2020: What you need to know.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/budget-2020/416634/budget-2020-what-you-need-to-know
Manch (2021) “Budget 2021: The winners and losers in a welfare-focused Budget.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/125190608/budget-2021-the-winners-and-losers-in-a-welfarefocused-budget
Ministry for Women (2017) Empirical evidence of the gender pay gap in New Zealand. https://bit.ly/2IBVuIA
Ministry for Women (2021) Gender pay gap. https://women.govt.nz/work-skills/income/gender-pay-gap
Owen (2019) “$320m to tackle family and sexual violence in New Zealand.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/112832628/320m-to-tackle-family-and-sexual-violence-in-new-zealand
PwC (2021) Women in Work Index 2021. https://www.pwc.co.uk/services/economics/insights/women-in-work-index.html
Radio NZ (2021) https://www.rnz.co.nz/national/programmes/middayreport/audio/2018816053/pay-gap-for-pasifika-women-largest-in-nz#:~:text=Figures%20from%20the%20Council%20of,Sumeo%20spoke%20to%20Mani%20Dunlop
Graph View
To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
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9
9
Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
8
7
6
7
6
Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
2
1
1
Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
New Zealand’s pension system is tax-based. There is no retirement age, but 65 is the current age of eligibility for New Zealand Superannuation. The level of NZ Super payments is reviewed annually, taking into account inflation and average wages. Any eligible New Zealander receives NZ Super regardless of how much they earn through paid work or what assets they own. While universally accessible, NZ Super is one of the least generous pensions relative to the working wage in the industrialized world: New Zealand pension recipients get just 40% of the average working wage, which is considerably lower than the OECD average (OECD 2021). However, the system operates as a form of universal basic income and is relatively efficient: just 7.7% of those between 65 and 75 in New Zealand are considered to be living in poverty, compared to the OECD average of 11.6% – even though the figure rises to 15.2% for those 76 and over (16.2% across the OECD) (OECD 2019).
Due to demographic changes, the cost of NZ Super is projected to rise from $13 billion in 2016 to $76 billion by 2050. The percentage of GDP that goes toward paying for NZ Super would increase from about 4% in 2001 to 7.1% in 2049 and 7.9% by 2059 (Stuff 2017). Nevertheless, the recent review of retirement income policy recommends retaining the government’s scheme and has resisted recommending the introduction of a raised age of retirement or a means test (Retirement Commission 2019). There remains pressure on the government to raise the age of eligibility for NZ Super to 67, and the 2022 Retirement Commission’s Review of Retirement Income Policy is likely to make some recommendations on this issue.
To encourage private savings as a means to relieve the pressure on the state pension system, New Zealand introduced KiwiSaver in 2007 – a publicly subsidized private pension plan offered on a voluntary basis. However, limited attention has been paid to the penalties faced by women workers who are more likely to take breaks from the labor market to care for children and older family members. While Care Credits have been discussed as a way to offset this disadvantage, there has been little movement by the government on this issue (Huang and Curtin, 2019; RNZ, 2021).
Citations:
Huang, Y. and Curtin, J. (2019). A review of gender differences in retirement income. Auckland, New Zealand: Public Policy Institute. DOI:10.17608/k6.auckland.9699443
OECD (2019) Old-age income poverty. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/fb958d50-en/index.html?itemId=/content/component/fb958d50-en
OECD (2021) Pensions at a glance: New Zealand. https://www.oecd.org/els/public-pensions/PAG2021-country-profile-New-Zealand.pdf
Retirement Commission (2019) 2019 Review of Retirement Income Policies. https://retirement.govt.nz/policy-and-research/2019-review-of-retirement-income-policies/
Radio New Zealand (RNZ, 2021). “Bad then, worse now: How Covid-19 will hurt retired women” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/in-depth/458102/bad-then-worse-now-how-covid-19-will-hurt-retired-women
Robson (2021) “Government’s winter energy payment due to kick in - but it’s still not enough, some say.” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/441420/government-s-winter-energy-payment-due-to-kick-in-but-it-s-still-not-enough-some-say
Stock (2020) “State helps nearly 45,000 retirees struggling to pay their rent.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/money/122400764/state-helps-nearly-45000-retirees-struggling-to-pay-their-rent
Stuff (2017) “How much does NZ Superannuation cost the Government?” https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/industries/97281269/chart-how-much-nz-superannuation-costs-the-government
Due to demographic changes, the cost of NZ Super is projected to rise from $13 billion in 2016 to $76 billion by 2050. The percentage of GDP that goes toward paying for NZ Super would increase from about 4% in 2001 to 7.1% in 2049 and 7.9% by 2059 (Stuff 2017). Nevertheless, the recent review of retirement income policy recommends retaining the government’s scheme and has resisted recommending the introduction of a raised age of retirement or a means test (Retirement Commission 2019). There remains pressure on the government to raise the age of eligibility for NZ Super to 67, and the 2022 Retirement Commission’s Review of Retirement Income Policy is likely to make some recommendations on this issue.
To encourage private savings as a means to relieve the pressure on the state pension system, New Zealand introduced KiwiSaver in 2007 – a publicly subsidized private pension plan offered on a voluntary basis. However, limited attention has been paid to the penalties faced by women workers who are more likely to take breaks from the labor market to care for children and older family members. While Care Credits have been discussed as a way to offset this disadvantage, there has been little movement by the government on this issue (Huang and Curtin, 2019; RNZ, 2021).
Citations:
Huang, Y. and Curtin, J. (2019). A review of gender differences in retirement income. Auckland, New Zealand: Public Policy Institute. DOI:10.17608/k6.auckland.9699443
OECD (2019) Old-age income poverty. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/fb958d50-en/index.html?itemId=/content/component/fb958d50-en
OECD (2021) Pensions at a glance: New Zealand. https://www.oecd.org/els/public-pensions/PAG2021-country-profile-New-Zealand.pdf
Retirement Commission (2019) 2019 Review of Retirement Income Policies. https://retirement.govt.nz/policy-and-research/2019-review-of-retirement-income-policies/
Radio New Zealand (RNZ, 2021). “Bad then, worse now: How Covid-19 will hurt retired women” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/in-depth/458102/bad-then-worse-now-how-covid-19-will-hurt-retired-women
Robson (2021) “Government’s winter energy payment due to kick in - but it’s still not enough, some say.” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/441420/government-s-winter-energy-payment-due-to-kick-in-but-it-s-still-not-enough-some-say
Stock (2020) “State helps nearly 45,000 retirees struggling to pay their rent.” Stuff. https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/money/122400764/state-helps-nearly-45000-retirees-struggling-to-pay-their-rent
Stuff (2017) “How much does NZ Superannuation cost the Government?” https://www.stuff.co.nz/business/industries/97281269/chart-how-much-nz-superannuation-costs-the-government
Graph View
How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
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9
9
Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
8
7
6
7
6
Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
2
1
1
Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
New Zealand has long been a prime destination for immigrants. The latest census (2018) shows that 27.4% of people counted were not born in New Zealand, up from 25.2% in 2013 (Stats NZ 2019).
Integration of immigrants is promoted through settlement support. There is more intensive support for refugees, but other migrants also have access to high-quality information services (online and through the Citizens Advice Bureau network) as well as ongoing language and employment programs. New legislation was enacted in 2015 to ensure that migrant workers had the same employment rights as all other workers in New Zealand (New Zealand Immigration n.d.).
Empirical data suggests that these policies are effective: immigrants are less likely to claim benefits, more likely to be employed, and their children have better education outcomes than do native-born New Zealanders. Moreover, there is relatively little ethnic or migrant clustering, and where concentrations do occur there is no indication of high unemployment (Krupp and Hodder 2017). Surveys show that New Zealanders generally have a positive view of migrants, and value the contribution they make to the economy and the cultural diversity they bring. For example, a global survey conducted by Ipsos showed that 47% of New Zealanders think immigration has a positive effect, the second-highest such result among the 23 countries surveyed (RNZ 2017).
Citations:
Krupp and Hodder (2017) “The new New Zealanders: why migrants make good kiwis.” The New Zealand Initiative. https://www.nzinitiative.org.nz/reports-and-media/reports/the-new-new-zealanders/
Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (2013) Labour Market Outcomes of
Recent Migrants to New Zealand. https://www.mbie.govt.nz/dmsdocument/2677-labour-market-outcomes-recent-migrants-nz-pdf
New Zealand Immigration (n.d.) Immigration law. https://www.immigration.govt.nz/about-us/policy-and-law/legal-framework-for-immigration
RNZ (2017) “NZ’s mixed attitudes to immigration revealed.” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/321686/nz’s-mixed-attitudes-to-immigration-revealed
Stats NZ (2019) New Zealand’s population reflects growing diversity. https://www.stats.govt.nz/news/new-zealands-population-reflects-growing-diversity
Integration of immigrants is promoted through settlement support. There is more intensive support for refugees, but other migrants also have access to high-quality information services (online and through the Citizens Advice Bureau network) as well as ongoing language and employment programs. New legislation was enacted in 2015 to ensure that migrant workers had the same employment rights as all other workers in New Zealand (New Zealand Immigration n.d.).
Empirical data suggests that these policies are effective: immigrants are less likely to claim benefits, more likely to be employed, and their children have better education outcomes than do native-born New Zealanders. Moreover, there is relatively little ethnic or migrant clustering, and where concentrations do occur there is no indication of high unemployment (Krupp and Hodder 2017). Surveys show that New Zealanders generally have a positive view of migrants, and value the contribution they make to the economy and the cultural diversity they bring. For example, a global survey conducted by Ipsos showed that 47% of New Zealanders think immigration has a positive effect, the second-highest such result among the 23 countries surveyed (RNZ 2017).
Citations:
Krupp and Hodder (2017) “The new New Zealanders: why migrants make good kiwis.” The New Zealand Initiative. https://www.nzinitiative.org.nz/reports-and-media/reports/the-new-new-zealanders/
Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (2013) Labour Market Outcomes of
Recent Migrants to New Zealand. https://www.mbie.govt.nz/dmsdocument/2677-labour-market-outcomes-recent-migrants-nz-pdf
New Zealand Immigration (n.d.) Immigration law. https://www.immigration.govt.nz/about-us/policy-and-law/legal-framework-for-immigration
RNZ (2017) “NZ’s mixed attitudes to immigration revealed.” https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/321686/nz’s-mixed-attitudes-to-immigration-revealed
Stats NZ (2019) New Zealand’s population reflects growing diversity. https://www.stats.govt.nz/news/new-zealands-population-reflects-growing-diversity
Graph View
How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
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9
9
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
8
7
6
7
6
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
2
1
1
Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
New Zealand has traditionally had a remarkable internal security record. However, the terrorist attack on a Christchurch mosque in March 2019, when a right-wing extremist killed 51 people and injured 49, shook the country’s sense of security. The government responded to the politically motivated mass shooting by passing a new gun lawn in April that bans military-style semi-automatic weapons and parts that can be used to assemble prohibited firearms. More than $208 million were set aside for a gun buyback scheme that compensated owners for up to 95% of the original price of their weapons. A second buyback was rolled out in early 2021, aimed at removing firearms and items that were prohibited and restricted through the Arms Legislation Act 2020 (Stuff 2021).
In September 2021, New Zealand lawmakers made it a crime to plan a terrorist attack following a mass stabbing in Auckland earlier that month (carried out by a Sri Lankan national who had recently been released from prison and placed under 24-hour police surveillance). The new law, which also gives police greater power to conduct warrantless searches, has been criticized for its potential impact on civil liberties (Corlett 2021). Alongside this, the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (DPMC) has been leading work to develop a new government-funded National Center of Research Excellence for Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism. The plan is to build a “hybrid” model run by a director and program manager from a New Zealand-based university or research institute, in collaboration with other universities and organizations; the group would undertake independent New Zealand-specific research on the causes of violent extremism and terrorism, while also assessing possible preventive measures (DPMC, 2021).
While government expenditure on public order and safety is relatively high and growing, crime continues to be a salient issue for New Zealanders. Although recent statistics show a considerable decline in criminal offenses, the 2020 New Zealand Crime & Victims Survey reveals that nearly a third of all adults became victims of crime in the previous 12 months – but that only a quarter of all crimes were ever reported to the police. The survey also found that 76,000 adults were sexually assaulted, but only 8% reported it (Ministry of Justice 2021).
Citations:
Corlett (2021) “New Zealand: rushing anti-terror law could lead to surveillance overreach, minor parties say.” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/sep/22/new-zealand-rushing-anti-terror-law-could-lead-to-surveillance-overreach-minor-parties-say
Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (DPMC) 2021. https://dpmc.govt.nz/our-programmes/national-security/counter-terrorism/national-centre-research-excellence
Ministry of Justice (2021) The New Zealand Crime and Victims Survey: Key Findings. https://www.justice.govt.nz/assets/Documents/Publications/NZCVS-Cycle3-A5-20210611-v1.0-fin.pdf
Stuff (2021) “Government set to roll out fresh firearms buy-back scheme.” https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/124028255/government-set-to-roll-out-fresh-firearms-buyback-scheme
In September 2021, New Zealand lawmakers made it a crime to plan a terrorist attack following a mass stabbing in Auckland earlier that month (carried out by a Sri Lankan national who had recently been released from prison and placed under 24-hour police surveillance). The new law, which also gives police greater power to conduct warrantless searches, has been criticized for its potential impact on civil liberties (Corlett 2021). Alongside this, the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (DPMC) has been leading work to develop a new government-funded National Center of Research Excellence for Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism. The plan is to build a “hybrid” model run by a director and program manager from a New Zealand-based university or research institute, in collaboration with other universities and organizations; the group would undertake independent New Zealand-specific research on the causes of violent extremism and terrorism, while also assessing possible preventive measures (DPMC, 2021).
While government expenditure on public order and safety is relatively high and growing, crime continues to be a salient issue for New Zealanders. Although recent statistics show a considerable decline in criminal offenses, the 2020 New Zealand Crime & Victims Survey reveals that nearly a third of all adults became victims of crime in the previous 12 months – but that only a quarter of all crimes were ever reported to the police. The survey also found that 76,000 adults were sexually assaulted, but only 8% reported it (Ministry of Justice 2021).
Citations:
Corlett (2021) “New Zealand: rushing anti-terror law could lead to surveillance overreach, minor parties say.” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/sep/22/new-zealand-rushing-anti-terror-law-could-lead-to-surveillance-overreach-minor-parties-say
Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (DPMC) 2021. https://dpmc.govt.nz/our-programmes/national-security/counter-terrorism/national-centre-research-excellence
Ministry of Justice (2021) The New Zealand Crime and Victims Survey: Key Findings. https://www.justice.govt.nz/assets/Documents/Publications/NZCVS-Cycle3-A5-20210611-v1.0-fin.pdf
Stuff (2021) “Government set to roll out fresh firearms buy-back scheme.” https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/124028255/government-set-to-roll-out-fresh-firearms-buyback-scheme
Graph View
To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
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9
9
The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
8
7
6
7
6
The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
5
4
3
4
3
The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
2
1
1
The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
New Zealand has – generally speaking – long underdelivered on its international aid commitments. The 2018 budget pledged a further $714.2 million to New Zealand’s official development assistance over a four-year timeframe, bringing official development assistance (ODA) to 0.28% of gross national income (GNI) by 2021 (up from 0.25% in 2016), but still falling short of New Zealand’s promise to spend 0.7% of GNI on aid. What is more, the allocation is heavily prioritized toward the South Pacific. Amid concerns about China’s growing influence in the region, around 60% of New Zealand’s total aid spending goes to its small-island neighbors (Bramwell 2018).
The 2020 COVID-19 budget delivered $55.6 million in additional funding for ODA, which translates to almost 0.33% of forecast GNI in 2021. A total of $10 million of this money was earmarked to supporting Pacific island nations in efforts to contain the spread of COVID-19 (Small 2020). In the 2021 budget, aid is projected to increase by just 0.7% over the next year (NZADD 2021).
New Zealand is a signatory to a number of multilateral free trade agreements that include developing countries, such as the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand free trade agreement (AANZFTA) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The Pacer Plus Agreement was signed in December 2020 (MFAT). In addition, New Zealand has ratified the South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Co-operation Agreement (SPARTECA) – a non-reciprocal trade agreement in which New Zealand (together with Australia) offers preferential tariff treatment for specified products that are produced or manufactured by the Pacific Islands Forum countries. In November 2021, New Zealand ratified the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement, which is designed to eliminate tariffs on 91% of goods, as well as to standardize rules on investment and intellectual property between New Zealand, Australia and various Asian countries.
Citations:
Bramwell (2018) “NZ to increase aid to the Pacific – Peters.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/351594/nz-to-increase-aid-to-the-pacific-peters
Heritage Foundation (2021) 2021 Index of Economic Freedom. https://www.heritage.org/index/
MFAT, https://www.mfat.govt.nz/en/trade/free-trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements-in-force/pacer-plus/overview/
NZADD (2021) “What happened to aid in Budget 2021/22?” https://nzadds.org.nz/2021/05/20/what-happened-to-aid-in-budget-2021-22/
Small (2020) “Budget 2020: $50bn cash-splash includes wage subsidy extension, free trades training and infrastructure boost.” Newshub. https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/politics/2020/05/budget-2020-50bn-cash-splash-includes-wage-subsidy-extension-free-trades-training-and-infrastructure-boost.html
The 2020 COVID-19 budget delivered $55.6 million in additional funding for ODA, which translates to almost 0.33% of forecast GNI in 2021. A total of $10 million of this money was earmarked to supporting Pacific island nations in efforts to contain the spread of COVID-19 (Small 2020). In the 2021 budget, aid is projected to increase by just 0.7% over the next year (NZADD 2021).
New Zealand is a signatory to a number of multilateral free trade agreements that include developing countries, such as the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand free trade agreement (AANZFTA) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The Pacer Plus Agreement was signed in December 2020 (MFAT). In addition, New Zealand has ratified the South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Co-operation Agreement (SPARTECA) – a non-reciprocal trade agreement in which New Zealand (together with Australia) offers preferential tariff treatment for specified products that are produced or manufactured by the Pacific Islands Forum countries. In November 2021, New Zealand ratified the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement, which is designed to eliminate tariffs on 91% of goods, as well as to standardize rules on investment and intellectual property between New Zealand, Australia and various Asian countries.
Citations:
Bramwell (2018) “NZ to increase aid to the Pacific – Peters.” RNZ. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/351594/nz-to-increase-aid-to-the-pacific-peters
Heritage Foundation (2021) 2021 Index of Economic Freedom. https://www.heritage.org/index/
MFAT, https://www.mfat.govt.nz/en/trade/free-trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements-in-force/pacer-plus/overview/
NZADD (2021) “What happened to aid in Budget 2021/22?” https://nzadds.org.nz/2021/05/20/what-happened-to-aid-in-budget-2021-22/
Small (2020) “Budget 2020: $50bn cash-splash includes wage subsidy extension, free trades training and infrastructure boost.” Newshub. https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/politics/2020/05/budget-2020-50bn-cash-splash-includes-wage-subsidy-extension-free-trades-training-and-infrastructure-boost.html