Executive Summary
The period under review (January 15, 2022 – January 15, 2024) was marked by significant turbulence in the Slovak Republic. The performance of the OĽaNO government began to deteriorate in the summer of 2022 due to internal conflicts within the ruling coalition, particularly between Igor Matovič, leader of OĽaNO, and Richard Sulík of the Freedom and Solidarity party (SaS). This tension led to the SaS leaving the coalition on August 31, 2022, with all its ministers resigning in early September. Consequently, the government lost its majority in parliament, holding only 68 of 150 seats. Although Sulík initially promised his party’s support for reforms, the SaS and Pellegrini’s Hlas (Voice) party initiated a successful no-confidence vote on December 15, 2022, which passed with 78 votes. Sulík justified this action by accusing Finance Minister Igor Matovič of reneging on his offer to resign, which had been intended to prevent the no-confidence vote and enable the government to continue functioning.
The Heger government did not stay in office until the early elections; it was replaced on May 15, 2023, by a caretaker government led by Prime Minister Ľudovít Ódor. This government did not receive a vote of confidence from parliament and was therefore commissioned to rule with limited powers. In the national elections held on September 30, 2023, Robert Fico’s political party, Smer, won with 23% of the vote and formed a government with Pellegrini’s Hlas and the Slovak National Party (SNS). Analysts widely agree that the primary cause for the fall of the OĽaNO government was Igor Matovič’s extremely low capacity for strategic and collaborative leadership.
During this period of political instability, Slovakia also faced significant external challenges. The “third” phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in the winter of 2021-2022 left the country among the most affected. Additionally, the Ukraine war resulted in a massive inflow of Ukrainian refugees, and the concurrent energy crisis contributed to severe inflation.
These turbulent times severely impacted the quality of governance, particularly in terms of foresight and sustainable policymaking. Political conflicts within the ruling coalition and the urgent need to address the poly-crisis further diminished the already limited capacity of Heger’s government for strategic and evidence-based policymaking. Despite preparing the National Recovery and Resilience Plan, approved by the European Union in spring 2022, the government’s measures, particularly in healthcare and judicial reforms, faced significant delays. Ódor’s government made efforts to improve governance by preparing white papers, but its proposals were rejected by both former coalition members and the opposition.
The new Fico government has taken steps to stabilize the critically unstable national public finances. However, its initial actions have shown signs of revanchism and a limited commitment to fighting corruption. The first months of this government have been characterized by strong polarization between the new coalition and the opposition.
Slovakia exemplifies a typical post-transition country. While it has largely constructed new structures and aligned its legal and institutional systems with international best practices, implementation remains limited or absent. The most critical barriers to progress are the prioritization of politics over evidence-based policy, non-collaborative governance, and systemic corruption.