Social Policies
#12Key Findings
With a largely effective social benefits system, the United Kingdom scores well overall (rank 12) with regard to social policies. Its score on this measure has declined by 0.3 points since 2014.
The universal healthcare system remains strong, but service provision has been unable to keep pace with rising demand. Shortages of protective equipment and inadequate testing facilities marred the initial response to the pandemic, but the early rollout of vaccines helped sustain the system. COVID-19 death rates were relatively high.
Education is handled separately by the UK’s four constituent nations, leading to different policies and outcomes. Test results have improved in recent years, and school spending has risen. The government has followed strict immigration policies since Brexit. However, while incidents of discrimination do occur, public policy and societal norms are oriented toward the inclusion of minorities.
Cuts in welfare spending have been particularly difficult for single mothers. Pandemic-era lockdowns disproportionately affected women, who bore the brunt of added childcare burdens. Pension eligibility ages have risen. The pension system is fiscally sustainable. Global development aid has been cut, though the country remains a major aid contributor.
The universal healthcare system remains strong, but service provision has been unable to keep pace with rising demand. Shortages of protective equipment and inadequate testing facilities marred the initial response to the pandemic, but the early rollout of vaccines helped sustain the system. COVID-19 death rates were relatively high.
Education is handled separately by the UK’s four constituent nations, leading to different policies and outcomes. Test results have improved in recent years, and school spending has risen. The government has followed strict immigration policies since Brexit. However, while incidents of discrimination do occur, public policy and societal norms are oriented toward the inclusion of minorities.
Cuts in welfare spending have been particularly difficult for single mothers. Pandemic-era lockdowns disproportionately affected women, who bore the brunt of added childcare burdens. Pension eligibility ages have risen. The pension system is fiscally sustainable. Global development aid has been cut, though the country remains a major aid contributor.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent does education policy deliver high-quality, equitable and efficient education and training?
10
9
9
Education policy fully achieves the criteria.
8
7
6
7
6
Education policy largely achieves the criteria.
5
4
3
4
3
Education policy partially achieves the criteria.
2
1
1
Education policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
Education is a competence devolved to the four constituent nations of the United Kingdom, an assignment that long pre-dates the more recent devolutions of power that established the devolved national administrations. In Scotland, for example, the school curriculum, the exam system and the structure of undergraduate university degrees have long differed markedly from those in England. Consequently, it makes little sense to talk in terms of UK education policy and performance. Specifically, the Department for Education (DfE) in the UK government covers only England. In Scotland, a delegated agency of the Scottish government, Education Scotland, is responsible for delivering education and there is a similar agency in Northern Ireland, although local authorities have a primary role in implementation.
The latest PISA results for 2018 showed some improvement for the United Kingdom, with the UK ranking jumping from 22nd to 14th in reading, from 27th to 18th in science and from 15th to 14th in mathematics, and a widening of its advantage compared with the OECD average. Scotland has seen some decline from its previous PISA levels, leading to criticism of the SNP, which has been in power for well over a decade. This is a sensitive matter, because, as an OECD report commissioned by the Scottish government observes, “Scotland has an historic high regard for education.”
The last two decades have seen a succession of initiatives to enable non-governmental organizations – such as foundations, businesses and parent-teacher corporations – to set up their own schools, while also strengthening government powers to intervene in “failing” schools and turn them into sponsored academies. The core of this policy was to improve performance by boosting interschool competition, as measured by performance tables administered by the regulator, Ofsted (the Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills). Ongoing programs, such as Pupil Premium, are designed to simultaneously improve educational outcomes and strengthen social cohesion by encouraging well-performing schools to accept disadvantaged children. However, the socioeconomic composition of many of the United Kingdom’s schools still poses a significant challenge for students from disadvantaged and immigrant backgrounds. A Children’s Commission on Poverty inquiry suggested that interschool competition has increased financial costs for pupils and their families, as many schools try to stand out by introducing fancier uniforms, new textbooks or extravagant field trips.
The increasing political salience of education in recent years has seen a concerted effort to improve the quality of education in schools, including the development of new curricula in Wales and Scotland. In England, the DfE and Ofsted were jointly tasked with ensuring the quality of the educational system. In 2015, the DfE proclaimed its intentions to support underperforming schools in England, which was followed by the Education and Adoption Bill that planned to convert failing schools into academies. The Educational Excellence Everywhere whitepaper also extends this to primary schools in England, which were to have been converted into academies by 2020. The government introduced a spending program of £4.3 billion by 2022. This measure aims to reverse the trend of declining education spending, which had fallen by 9% in real terms per pupil between 2009/10 and 2019/20. In addition, the government will focus on further and technical education, and establish 20 institutes of technology. The institutes will offer higher technical education and training in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM subjects).
In the higher education sector, the substantial increase in tuition fees, from £3,300 to levels now in excess of £9,250 per student per year, has been contentious, and there have been suggestions both that fees should fall and that the student loan system needs to be reformed. This could put students off from studying in the most expensive parts of the country, such as London and Oxford. However, so far, there has been no discernible effect on overall student enrollment rates or on access to higher education for students from poorer backgrounds. Though concerns about the level of student debt have prompted renewed debate over the funding of tertiary education.
International students make up about 20% of students and are thus a considerable source of income for the higher education sector in the country. About 30% of them come from EU member states. As the United Kingdom has left the European Union (which implies a substantial rise in student fees for EU citizens to the level paid by international students), it remains to be seen how these numbers will develop. A 40% fall in applications in 2021 might be influenced by the coronavirus pandemic, but – if it were to stabilize afterward – this would be a substantial loss of income that UK universities will struggle to make up for. Further problems may come from EU nationals finding working for British universities less attractive.
Citations:
WEF ranks quality of UK education system as 15th in Global Competitiveness Report 2017/18 (Singapore 1st, USA 20th, GER 25th, F 28th).
https://www.theguardian.com/education/2018/aug/06/restore-grant-system-for-poor-students-urges-russell-group-chief
https://ifs.org.uk/uploads/publications/bns/BN283-Drop-in-international-students-would-imperil-university-finances.pdf
https://ifs.org.uk/publications/15858
The latest PISA results for 2018 showed some improvement for the United Kingdom, with the UK ranking jumping from 22nd to 14th in reading, from 27th to 18th in science and from 15th to 14th in mathematics, and a widening of its advantage compared with the OECD average. Scotland has seen some decline from its previous PISA levels, leading to criticism of the SNP, which has been in power for well over a decade. This is a sensitive matter, because, as an OECD report commissioned by the Scottish government observes, “Scotland has an historic high regard for education.”
The last two decades have seen a succession of initiatives to enable non-governmental organizations – such as foundations, businesses and parent-teacher corporations – to set up their own schools, while also strengthening government powers to intervene in “failing” schools and turn them into sponsored academies. The core of this policy was to improve performance by boosting interschool competition, as measured by performance tables administered by the regulator, Ofsted (the Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills). Ongoing programs, such as Pupil Premium, are designed to simultaneously improve educational outcomes and strengthen social cohesion by encouraging well-performing schools to accept disadvantaged children. However, the socioeconomic composition of many of the United Kingdom’s schools still poses a significant challenge for students from disadvantaged and immigrant backgrounds. A Children’s Commission on Poverty inquiry suggested that interschool competition has increased financial costs for pupils and their families, as many schools try to stand out by introducing fancier uniforms, new textbooks or extravagant field trips.
The increasing political salience of education in recent years has seen a concerted effort to improve the quality of education in schools, including the development of new curricula in Wales and Scotland. In England, the DfE and Ofsted were jointly tasked with ensuring the quality of the educational system. In 2015, the DfE proclaimed its intentions to support underperforming schools in England, which was followed by the Education and Adoption Bill that planned to convert failing schools into academies. The Educational Excellence Everywhere whitepaper also extends this to primary schools in England, which were to have been converted into academies by 2020. The government introduced a spending program of £4.3 billion by 2022. This measure aims to reverse the trend of declining education spending, which had fallen by 9% in real terms per pupil between 2009/10 and 2019/20. In addition, the government will focus on further and technical education, and establish 20 institutes of technology. The institutes will offer higher technical education and training in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM subjects).
In the higher education sector, the substantial increase in tuition fees, from £3,300 to levels now in excess of £9,250 per student per year, has been contentious, and there have been suggestions both that fees should fall and that the student loan system needs to be reformed. This could put students off from studying in the most expensive parts of the country, such as London and Oxford. However, so far, there has been no discernible effect on overall student enrollment rates or on access to higher education for students from poorer backgrounds. Though concerns about the level of student debt have prompted renewed debate over the funding of tertiary education.
International students make up about 20% of students and are thus a considerable source of income for the higher education sector in the country. About 30% of them come from EU member states. As the United Kingdom has left the European Union (which implies a substantial rise in student fees for EU citizens to the level paid by international students), it remains to be seen how these numbers will develop. A 40% fall in applications in 2021 might be influenced by the coronavirus pandemic, but – if it were to stabilize afterward – this would be a substantial loss of income that UK universities will struggle to make up for. Further problems may come from EU nationals finding working for British universities less attractive.
Citations:
WEF ranks quality of UK education system as 15th in Global Competitiveness Report 2017/18 (Singapore 1st, USA 20th, GER 25th, F 28th).
https://www.theguardian.com/education/2018/aug/06/restore-grant-system-for-poor-students-urges-russell-group-chief
https://ifs.org.uk/uploads/publications/bns/BN283-Drop-in-international-students-would-imperil-university-finances.pdf
https://ifs.org.uk/publications/15858
Graph View
To what extent does social policy prevent exclusion and decoupling from society?
10
9
9
Policies very effectively enable societal inclusion and ensure equal opportunities.
8
7
6
7
6
For the most part, policies enable societal inclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
5
4
3
4
3
For the most part, policies fail to prevent societal exclusion effectively and ensure equal opportunities.
2
1
1
Policies exacerbate unequal opportunities and exclusion from society.
A traditional system of social class has long been a feature of British society. Since 1997, successive governments have sought, through a variety of policy instruments and initiatives, to overcome these divisions and to promote social mobility and inclusion. Most recently, Boris Johnson has emphasized his “one-nation” Tory stance and committed to pursuing a “leveling-up” agenda aimed at reducing socioeconomic disparities across geographic regions in the country. A recent major social policy reform – the introduction of Universal Credit, which replaced a series of targeted welfare payments with a single payment mechanism – was beset by implementation difficulties, although these difficulties have gradually been resolved.
While applauding the efforts made by the government during the pandemic, the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission’s 2021 State of the Nation observes that “social mobility, already stagnant, could move backwards,” adding a plea to the government to maintain social spending. The commission’s report noted the persistence of divisions around various social criteria, including class, geography and race, and – despite what it refers to as “some symbolic steps to try to address equality and social mobility” – implies that government responses have been too limited. One of these responses was the enactment of an obligation – known as socioeconomic duty – in both Scotland and Wales, which requires public authorities to consider socioeconomic impact when making decisions.
Although the United Kingdom’s Gini coefficient has fallen significantly – a common phenomenon after a grave recession – it remains relatively high compared to other OECD countries and the distribution of wealth has become more unequal. The youth unemployment rate (11.9%) is still almost three times that of the overall unemployment rate (4.0%). A recent policy innovation has been the creation of a social mobility index. Over a long-term perspective, the proportion of “NEETs” (people who are not in employment, education or training) is decreasing, although the rate has remained stable over recent years.
Despite persistent economic inequalities, the United Kingdom has a relatively good record in promoting the inclusion of disadvantaged groups and ethnic minorities, and has a relatively good record on gender equality. There has been a discernible social shift against forms of discriminatory language and action, with a number of public figures being ostracized as a result of inappropriate comments. Legislation allowing same-sex marriage came into force in 2014 in England and a law allowing heterosexual civil partnerships was passed in 2019. Even Northern Ireland, hitherto socially very conservative, passed legislation in 2020 allowing for same-sex marriage. While reservations regarding multiculturalism and anti-immigrant sentiments remain common, with some surfacing around Brexit, immigrants tend to be more socially integrated than in many other countries. Policy initiatives over several governments have contributed to a social climate in which discrimination is seen as unacceptable.
A promise of “leveling-up” those parts of the United Kingdom which have been seen as disadvantaged was a cornerstone of the Conservative manifesto in 2019, and in September 2021 the Johnson government renamed the Ministry for Housing the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities to emphasize the centrality of this topic. Headed by a political heavyweight, Michael Gove, details of its plans will be named in a whitepaper whose publication has repeatedly been delayed.
Citations:
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1003977/State_of_the_nation_2021_-_Social_mobility_and_the_pandemic.pdf
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/532793/Main_text_SFR22_2016.pdf
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/social-mobility-index
https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/statement-from-the-new-prime-minister- theresa-may
https://data.oecd.org/emp/employment-rate-by-age-group.htm
https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peoplenotinwork/unemployment/bulletins/youngpeoplenotineducationemploymentortrainingneet/august2019
While applauding the efforts made by the government during the pandemic, the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission’s 2021 State of the Nation observes that “social mobility, already stagnant, could move backwards,” adding a plea to the government to maintain social spending. The commission’s report noted the persistence of divisions around various social criteria, including class, geography and race, and – despite what it refers to as “some symbolic steps to try to address equality and social mobility” – implies that government responses have been too limited. One of these responses was the enactment of an obligation – known as socioeconomic duty – in both Scotland and Wales, which requires public authorities to consider socioeconomic impact when making decisions.
Although the United Kingdom’s Gini coefficient has fallen significantly – a common phenomenon after a grave recession – it remains relatively high compared to other OECD countries and the distribution of wealth has become more unequal. The youth unemployment rate (11.9%) is still almost three times that of the overall unemployment rate (4.0%). A recent policy innovation has been the creation of a social mobility index. Over a long-term perspective, the proportion of “NEETs” (people who are not in employment, education or training) is decreasing, although the rate has remained stable over recent years.
Despite persistent economic inequalities, the United Kingdom has a relatively good record in promoting the inclusion of disadvantaged groups and ethnic minorities, and has a relatively good record on gender equality. There has been a discernible social shift against forms of discriminatory language and action, with a number of public figures being ostracized as a result of inappropriate comments. Legislation allowing same-sex marriage came into force in 2014 in England and a law allowing heterosexual civil partnerships was passed in 2019. Even Northern Ireland, hitherto socially very conservative, passed legislation in 2020 allowing for same-sex marriage. While reservations regarding multiculturalism and anti-immigrant sentiments remain common, with some surfacing around Brexit, immigrants tend to be more socially integrated than in many other countries. Policy initiatives over several governments have contributed to a social climate in which discrimination is seen as unacceptable.
A promise of “leveling-up” those parts of the United Kingdom which have been seen as disadvantaged was a cornerstone of the Conservative manifesto in 2019, and in September 2021 the Johnson government renamed the Ministry for Housing the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities to emphasize the centrality of this topic. Headed by a political heavyweight, Michael Gove, details of its plans will be named in a whitepaper whose publication has repeatedly been delayed.
Citations:
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1003977/State_of_the_nation_2021_-_Social_mobility_and_the_pandemic.pdf
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/532793/Main_text_SFR22_2016.pdf
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/social-mobility-index
https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/statement-from-the-new-prime-minister- theresa-may
https://data.oecd.org/emp/employment-rate-by-age-group.htm
https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peoplenotinwork/unemployment/bulletins/youngpeoplenotineducationemploymentortrainingneet/august2019
Graph View
To what extent do health care policies provide high-quality, inclusive and cost-efficient health care?
10
9
9
Health care policy achieves the criteria fully.
8
7
6
7
6
Health care policy achieves the criteria largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Health care policy achieves the criteria partly.
2
1
1
Health care policy does not achieve the criteria at all.
The National Health Service (NHS) remains a cornerstone of the United Kingdom’s universal welfare state and is widely regarded as a core, and treasured, public institution. Most healthcare provided by the NHS is free at the point of delivery. However, there are charges for prescriptions and dental treatment, though specific demographic groups (e.g., prescriptions for pensioners and dental care for the poor) are exempt from these charges. There is a limited private healthcare system.
Despite consistent real increases in public funding for healthcare by governments of all colors, provision has been unable to keep pace with rising demand. Winter healthcare “crises” have occurred repeatedly as hospitals struggle to cope with emergency admissions and have to cancel routine operations to free bedspace. This is partly because of population aging, but it also highlights inadequacies in funding and in organization of care services for the elderly. Social care is funded by local authorities and has been financially squeezed, resulting in more costly hospital care having to be used. Reports regularly refer to a service that, while offering excellent clinical care, often struggles to cope. The quality of NHS services, monitored by the independent Care Quality Commission, is high, as reported by the Human Development Index (HDI) health indicator. The financial position of a number of hospital trusts is rather precarious and has been the subject of concern in recent years, with more hospitals struggling to maintain standards and missing targets for patient waiting times.
As a universal service, the NHS scores very highly in terms of inclusion. The Health and Social Act 2012 allows patients to choose a general practitioner without geographic restrictions. Quality is generally high. However, input and outcome indicators of healthcare, such as how quickly cancer patients are seen by specialists or the incidence of “bed-blocking” (i.e., where complementary social care is difficult to arrange and so patients are kept in hospital), vary considerably across localities. A report by the Commission on the Future of Health and Social Care in England recommended that health and social care services should be much more closely integrated. However, there has, to date, been little improvement, although the government has now earmarked an increase in national insurance to pay for enhancements in social care once the pandemic-induced backlog in healthcare is dealt with.
The NHS is invariably at the center of heated public debates, with competing narratives again evident in the 2019 election campaign. The pandemic posed substantial challenges to the NHS, although the NHS coped and its popularity was used to leverage the government’s lockdown message (“stay home, protect the NHS, save lives”). In spite of sizable increases in funding, elective surgery had to be postponed for many conditions, and delays in referrals and diagnoses for other diseases risked poorer health outcomes. In the early stages of the pandemic, shortages of personal protective equipment, inadequate testing capacities, and limited “track and trace” capabilities added to the pressure on the service. But subsequently, the early rollout of vaccinations, a high vaccine take-up rate and rapid innovation in methods for treating COVID-19 patients enabled the NHS to avoid being overwhelmed. Nonetheless, the United Kingdom suffered a comparatively high rate of deaths of 2,574 per million inhabitants. This rate is a little lower than in Belgium or Italy, but around a quarter higher than that seen in countries such as Austria or France.
The end of “free movement” after leaving the European Union has negatively affected the retention and recruitment of healthcare workers from EU member states, which UK healthcare services at all levels relied on in the past. There is also a dependence on workers from elsewhere in the world. Although plans to boost the training of indigenous staff are being developed, it will be some time before they do much to reduce the dependence on foreign-trained staff.
Citations:
http://hdr.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/GBR
https://www.theguardian.com/society/2019/jun/26/junior-doctors-agree-to-82-pay-riseending-four-year-dispute
https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/whitehall-monitor-2021_1.pdf
https://www.statista.com/statistics/1104709/coronavirus-deaths-worldwide-per-million-inhabitants/
Despite consistent real increases in public funding for healthcare by governments of all colors, provision has been unable to keep pace with rising demand. Winter healthcare “crises” have occurred repeatedly as hospitals struggle to cope with emergency admissions and have to cancel routine operations to free bedspace. This is partly because of population aging, but it also highlights inadequacies in funding and in organization of care services for the elderly. Social care is funded by local authorities and has been financially squeezed, resulting in more costly hospital care having to be used. Reports regularly refer to a service that, while offering excellent clinical care, often struggles to cope. The quality of NHS services, monitored by the independent Care Quality Commission, is high, as reported by the Human Development Index (HDI) health indicator. The financial position of a number of hospital trusts is rather precarious and has been the subject of concern in recent years, with more hospitals struggling to maintain standards and missing targets for patient waiting times.
As a universal service, the NHS scores very highly in terms of inclusion. The Health and Social Act 2012 allows patients to choose a general practitioner without geographic restrictions. Quality is generally high. However, input and outcome indicators of healthcare, such as how quickly cancer patients are seen by specialists or the incidence of “bed-blocking” (i.e., where complementary social care is difficult to arrange and so patients are kept in hospital), vary considerably across localities. A report by the Commission on the Future of Health and Social Care in England recommended that health and social care services should be much more closely integrated. However, there has, to date, been little improvement, although the government has now earmarked an increase in national insurance to pay for enhancements in social care once the pandemic-induced backlog in healthcare is dealt with.
The NHS is invariably at the center of heated public debates, with competing narratives again evident in the 2019 election campaign. The pandemic posed substantial challenges to the NHS, although the NHS coped and its popularity was used to leverage the government’s lockdown message (“stay home, protect the NHS, save lives”). In spite of sizable increases in funding, elective surgery had to be postponed for many conditions, and delays in referrals and diagnoses for other diseases risked poorer health outcomes. In the early stages of the pandemic, shortages of personal protective equipment, inadequate testing capacities, and limited “track and trace” capabilities added to the pressure on the service. But subsequently, the early rollout of vaccinations, a high vaccine take-up rate and rapid innovation in methods for treating COVID-19 patients enabled the NHS to avoid being overwhelmed. Nonetheless, the United Kingdom suffered a comparatively high rate of deaths of 2,574 per million inhabitants. This rate is a little lower than in Belgium or Italy, but around a quarter higher than that seen in countries such as Austria or France.
The end of “free movement” after leaving the European Union has negatively affected the retention and recruitment of healthcare workers from EU member states, which UK healthcare services at all levels relied on in the past. There is also a dependence on workers from elsewhere in the world. Although plans to boost the training of indigenous staff are being developed, it will be some time before they do much to reduce the dependence on foreign-trained staff.
Citations:
http://hdr.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/GBR
https://www.theguardian.com/society/2019/jun/26/junior-doctors-agree-to-82-pay-riseending-four-year-dispute
https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/whitehall-monitor-2021_1.pdf
https://www.statista.com/statistics/1104709/coronavirus-deaths-worldwide-per-million-inhabitants/
Graph View
To what extent do family support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market?
10
9
9
Family support policies effectively enable women to combine parenting with employment.
8
7
6
7
6
Family support policies provide some support for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
5
4
3
4
3
Family support policies provide only few opportunities for women who want to combine parenting and employment.
2
1
1
Family support policies force most women to opt for either parenting or employment.
Over the last 20 years, policy initiatives to improve the work-life balance and opportunities for women’s participation in the labor market have included expanding the provision of childcare facilities, extending maternity leave and the introduction of paternity leave. More recently, there have been public calls for companies to increase the number of women on their board of directors, while the possibility of introducing quotas for company boards has been raised.
The Cameron government emphasized the Troubled Families program, established in 2011. The program aims to help families in precarious situations with personal mentoring and support from local social workers. A 2016 evaluation from the National Institute for Economic and Social Research revealed mixed results. The increased spending did not result in any statistically significant betterment in the living conditions of the supported families, though time the subjective reporting of the supported families did improve. However, an internal evaluation by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government in 2019 found much more positive results, paving the way for the program to be renewed.
Cuts in welfare spending, associated with the central policy of reducing the budget deficit, negatively affected some core family policy measures, especially for single mothers who rely disproportionately on social benefits. Initial difficulties around the introduction of Universal Credit have had negative effects on some families, not least by lowering support for larger families.
The lockdown during the pandemic presented a considerable challenge to families, as schools closed, and parents were furloughed or worked from home. This particularly affected women, while men increased their relative share in paid work. As a study by the Institute of Fiscal Studies shows, compared to fathers, mothers were 47% more likely to lose their jobs, were more likely to be furloughed and 50% more likely to have their work hours cut. It seems that – during the lockdown – the government mainly responded to this with remote working solutions, which proved inconsistent with adequate childcare, thus widening the UK gender pay gap and worsening policy goals compared with the pre-pandemic situation. However, a temporary £20 per week increase in Universal Credit payments was seen as a valuable support, although there was dismay when it was then ended in the autumn of 2021.
Citations:
https://www.workingfamilies.org.uk/articles/universal-credit/
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/786889/National_evaluation_of_the_Troubled_Families_Programme_2015_to_2020_evaluation_overview_policy_report.pdf
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jul/07/how-coronavirus-is-widening-the-uk-gender-pay-gap
https://ifs.org.uk/publications/14861
The Cameron government emphasized the Troubled Families program, established in 2011. The program aims to help families in precarious situations with personal mentoring and support from local social workers. A 2016 evaluation from the National Institute for Economic and Social Research revealed mixed results. The increased spending did not result in any statistically significant betterment in the living conditions of the supported families, though time the subjective reporting of the supported families did improve. However, an internal evaluation by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government in 2019 found much more positive results, paving the way for the program to be renewed.
Cuts in welfare spending, associated with the central policy of reducing the budget deficit, negatively affected some core family policy measures, especially for single mothers who rely disproportionately on social benefits. Initial difficulties around the introduction of Universal Credit have had negative effects on some families, not least by lowering support for larger families.
The lockdown during the pandemic presented a considerable challenge to families, as schools closed, and parents were furloughed or worked from home. This particularly affected women, while men increased their relative share in paid work. As a study by the Institute of Fiscal Studies shows, compared to fathers, mothers were 47% more likely to lose their jobs, were more likely to be furloughed and 50% more likely to have their work hours cut. It seems that – during the lockdown – the government mainly responded to this with remote working solutions, which proved inconsistent with adequate childcare, thus widening the UK gender pay gap and worsening policy goals compared with the pre-pandemic situation. However, a temporary £20 per week increase in Universal Credit payments was seen as a valuable support, although there was dismay when it was then ended in the autumn of 2021.
Citations:
https://www.workingfamilies.org.uk/articles/universal-credit/
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/786889/National_evaluation_of_the_Troubled_Families_Programme_2015_to_2020_evaluation_overview_policy_report.pdf
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jul/07/how-coronavirus-is-widening-the-uk-gender-pay-gap
https://ifs.org.uk/publications/14861
Graph View
To what extent does pension policy realize goals of poverty prevention, intergenerational equity and fiscal sustainability?
10
9
9
Pension policy achieves the objectives fully.
8
7
6
7
6
Pension policy achieves the objectives largely.
5
4
3
4
3
Pension policy achieves the objectives partly.
2
1
1
Pension policy does not achieve the objectives at all.
The United Kingdom has a three-pillar pension system in which the second (employer-based) is the mainstay. Private pension funds were adversely affected by the financial crisis as investment yields fell, and some needed capital injections from employers. However, this has not had a significant effect on the incomes of those already retired. New entrants into private pension schemes are being offered less attractive terms than their predecessors. Successive pensions acts since 2016 have increased the state pension age to 66 for both men and women, as of April 2021. Certain reforms have shifted pressure from pension funds to individual pensioners. These reforms will change the pensioners’ living conditions substantially in the years to come. However, compared with many other countries, the UK public pension system is fiscally sustainable and guarantees the maintenance of a minimum income for pensioners through a “triple lock” of raising the basic state pension by the highest rate of inflation, average wages or 2% per annum. Successive governments, perhaps fearing a backlash from “gray” voters, have pledged to maintain this policy, despite some criticism about the growing burden on the “millennial” generation. However, faced with an exceptional increase in average earnings in 2021, explained by the statistical quirk of a bounce-back from a fall in 2020, the government suspended the triple lock for one year, resulting in a much lower nominal increase of 3.1%. Unsurprisingly, this decision provoked an outcry, not least from government supporters who deplored the breaking of a manifesto commitment.
The United Kingdom used to have a comparatively high degree of poverty among the elderly compared to other European countries. Older people lacking earnings-related pensions are at a comparatively high risk of poverty. This has improved as pension provision has expanded, an increase in the proportion of pensioners owning mortgage-free properties and through specific additional payments, such as winter heating. The overall figures disguise some inequalities among groups of pensioners. For example, lifelong housewives fare much worse than those who have the benefit of adding occupational or private pensions to their income from the state pension system. Most pensioners are, however, on reasonably comfortable incomes. If anything, recent debate has been about cutting some of the fringe benefits of better-off pensioners, such as free bus travel, because of fears about an undue burden on younger generations.
Citations:
Ebbinghaus, Bernhard (2019): Pension reforms and old age inequalities in Europe: From old to new social risks?, Conference Paper, European Sociological Association Conference, Manchester 2019
The United Kingdom used to have a comparatively high degree of poverty among the elderly compared to other European countries. Older people lacking earnings-related pensions are at a comparatively high risk of poverty. This has improved as pension provision has expanded, an increase in the proportion of pensioners owning mortgage-free properties and through specific additional payments, such as winter heating. The overall figures disguise some inequalities among groups of pensioners. For example, lifelong housewives fare much worse than those who have the benefit of adding occupational or private pensions to their income from the state pension system. Most pensioners are, however, on reasonably comfortable incomes. If anything, recent debate has been about cutting some of the fringe benefits of better-off pensioners, such as free bus travel, because of fears about an undue burden on younger generations.
Citations:
Ebbinghaus, Bernhard (2019): Pension reforms and old age inequalities in Europe: From old to new social risks?, Conference Paper, European Sociological Association Conference, Manchester 2019
Graph View
How effectively do policies support the integration of migrants into society?
10
9
9
Cultural, education and social policies effectively support the integration of migrants into society.
8
7
6
7
6
Cultural, education and social policies seek to integrate migrants into society, but have failed to do so effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Cultural, education and social policies do not focus on integrating migrants into society.
2
1
1
Cultural, education and social policies segregate migrant communities from the majority society.
Due to the country’s colonial history, the United Kingdom has a large share of ethnic minorities (approximately 14% of the population), and integration has long been an important area of government policy. However, while the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 imposed the general duty to promote race equality on all public authorities, the United Kingdom has not developed a formal integration program. Policy has focused more on preventing discrimination against minorities than on their integration, reflecting a preference for multiculturalism. Nevertheless, even though there are still incidents of overt discrimination, both public policy and societal norms are very much oriented toward the inclusion of minorities. There are, however, both regional and ethnic differences in integration, with some cities and smaller towns having concentrations of populations of distinct ethnic groups, and tensions over access to public housing and public services in localities where recent immigrants have concentrated.
The Equality Act 2006 merged three existing bodies (including the Commission for Racial Equality) into the new Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC). The EHRC is an umbrella organization, which attempts to enforce integration and equality across several dimensions, such as ethnicity. In recent years, attempts to create a national narrative around “Britishness” aimed to change the United Kingdom’s ethnocentric concept of citizenship to a more civic one.
Attempts to increase diversity in parliament and in government have been successfully promoted by both major parties. As a consequence, those holding public office are more reflective of British society now than they were two decades ago. This is true also at the cabinet level, with the office of the chancellor and the home secretary positions held by politicians of South Asian descent. Nadhim Zahawi, a who was politician recently promoted to the cabinet, arrived in the United Kingdom at the age of nine as a Kurdish refugee. However, in some public bodies, such as the police, concerns remain that minority ethnic groups are under-represented.
During and shortly after the Brexit referendum in 2016, there was an increase in anti-immigrant rhetoric and racially motivated crimes. Although it subsequently declined, it then rose again after the terrorist attacks in London and Manchester in 2017. Bodies such as the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), and Human Rights Watch have expressed concern. Equally, it is striking how rapidly public figures deemed to have made discriminatory statements – even carelessly – can be ostracized.
A distinction has to be made between the openness to diversity in British society, culture and institutions, which undoubtedly surpasses that of many other European countries, and the stance of UK governments over the last decade toward immigration. As home secretary, Theresa May introduced a target of keeping net migration to “tens of thousands,” although this target was consistently missed by a wide margin. In pursuit of this target, the Home Office adopted a “hostile environment policy” to deter immigration to the United Kingdom. A direct result of the hostile environment policy was the so-called Windrush scandal in 2018. Home Office employees had destroyed the legal documents of citizens who originally came to the United Kingdom as Commonwealth citizens before the 1970s, resulting in a number of unjustified deportations or withdrawals of rights to re-enter the United Kingdom. The public and political outcry, itself a manifestation of societal attitudes, led to rapid action to overturn evident injustices, but introduced no major legislative changes.
Home Secretary Priti Patel promised to curb immigration after Brexit, and signaled that there would be no distinction between EU and non-EU citizens, raising concerns about a hardline immigration policy and the status of immigrants in the United Kingdom. The Nationality and Borders Bill aims to implement a tougher stance by making it a criminal offense to arrive in the United Kingdom without permission (with a sentence of up to four years) and allowing the government to strip people of their British citizenship. The latter is highly controversial, because it would give enormous powers to the home secretary and deprive citizens of citizenship without notice. Even so, it is important to separate the policy toward illegal immigration (a high-profile political issue in light of the growth in crossings of the English Channel and the apparent inability of the authorities to curb it) from the approach to minorities already in the country. It is worth noting that a UK government response to the troubles in Hong Kong was to offer to allow Hong Kong citizens entry to the United Kingdom.
Citations:
National Police Chiefs’ Council Report 08. Jul 2016.
United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: CERD/C/GBR/CO/21-23.
European Commission against Racism and Intolerance: ECRI Report on the United Kingdom, 4 October 2016.
Priti Patel’s Conservative Party Conference speech: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p1mJFJDPdOQ
https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3023
https://theconversation.com/stripping-british-citizenship-the-governments-new-bill-explained-173547
The Equality Act 2006 merged three existing bodies (including the Commission for Racial Equality) into the new Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC). The EHRC is an umbrella organization, which attempts to enforce integration and equality across several dimensions, such as ethnicity. In recent years, attempts to create a national narrative around “Britishness” aimed to change the United Kingdom’s ethnocentric concept of citizenship to a more civic one.
Attempts to increase diversity in parliament and in government have been successfully promoted by both major parties. As a consequence, those holding public office are more reflective of British society now than they were two decades ago. This is true also at the cabinet level, with the office of the chancellor and the home secretary positions held by politicians of South Asian descent. Nadhim Zahawi, a who was politician recently promoted to the cabinet, arrived in the United Kingdom at the age of nine as a Kurdish refugee. However, in some public bodies, such as the police, concerns remain that minority ethnic groups are under-represented.
During and shortly after the Brexit referendum in 2016, there was an increase in anti-immigrant rhetoric and racially motivated crimes. Although it subsequently declined, it then rose again after the terrorist attacks in London and Manchester in 2017. Bodies such as the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), and Human Rights Watch have expressed concern. Equally, it is striking how rapidly public figures deemed to have made discriminatory statements – even carelessly – can be ostracized.
A distinction has to be made between the openness to diversity in British society, culture and institutions, which undoubtedly surpasses that of many other European countries, and the stance of UK governments over the last decade toward immigration. As home secretary, Theresa May introduced a target of keeping net migration to “tens of thousands,” although this target was consistently missed by a wide margin. In pursuit of this target, the Home Office adopted a “hostile environment policy” to deter immigration to the United Kingdom. A direct result of the hostile environment policy was the so-called Windrush scandal in 2018. Home Office employees had destroyed the legal documents of citizens who originally came to the United Kingdom as Commonwealth citizens before the 1970s, resulting in a number of unjustified deportations or withdrawals of rights to re-enter the United Kingdom. The public and political outcry, itself a manifestation of societal attitudes, led to rapid action to overturn evident injustices, but introduced no major legislative changes.
Home Secretary Priti Patel promised to curb immigration after Brexit, and signaled that there would be no distinction between EU and non-EU citizens, raising concerns about a hardline immigration policy and the status of immigrants in the United Kingdom. The Nationality and Borders Bill aims to implement a tougher stance by making it a criminal offense to arrive in the United Kingdom without permission (with a sentence of up to four years) and allowing the government to strip people of their British citizenship. The latter is highly controversial, because it would give enormous powers to the home secretary and deprive citizens of citizenship without notice. Even so, it is important to separate the policy toward illegal immigration (a high-profile political issue in light of the growth in crossings of the English Channel and the apparent inability of the authorities to curb it) from the approach to minorities already in the country. It is worth noting that a UK government response to the troubles in Hong Kong was to offer to allow Hong Kong citizens entry to the United Kingdom.
Citations:
National Police Chiefs’ Council Report 08. Jul 2016.
United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: CERD/C/GBR/CO/21-23.
European Commission against Racism and Intolerance: ECRI Report on the United Kingdom, 4 October 2016.
Priti Patel’s Conservative Party Conference speech: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p1mJFJDPdOQ
https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3023
https://theconversation.com/stripping-british-citizenship-the-governments-new-bill-explained-173547
Graph View
How effectively does internal security policy protect citizens against security risks?
10
9
9
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks very effectively.
8
7
6
7
6
Internal security policy protects citizens against security risks more or less effectively.
5
4
3
4
3
Internal security policy does not effectively protect citizens against security risks.
2
1
1
Internal security policy exacerbates the security risks.
Objectively speaking, citizens of the United Kingdom have enjoyed improved security over the last 15 years as the crime rate has dropped significantly and consistently (although it continues to be relatively high in absolute terms when compared to other OECD countries). This is not reflected, however, in increased subjective perception of security, since British citizens (probably influenced by media reporting) perceive crime to be on the rise. The issue thus remains in the public spotlight, and cuts in the budgets of the Home Office and the Ministry of Justice – in line with overall budget cuts to fight the deficit – have therefore been politically contentious. The most recent figures do, nevertheless, suggest a further fall in crime, although questions have been raised about whether “new” crimes like cybercrime are being adequately recorded. Moreover, even in higher crime areas, there are few signs that citizens consider the environment to be unsafe. However, there has been some concern about the impact of the substantial reduction in police numbers on the ability of the police to respond. Doubts have also surfaced about the effectiveness of elected Police and Crime Commissioners.
The coalition government abolished some of the harsh counterterrorism laws introduced by earlier Labour governments in an attempt to correct the balance in favor of civil rights. A new National Crime Agency started work in the autumn of 2013 as a central body for crime fighting. Certain high-profile revelations of police malpractice, including the recently exposed falsification of records in the Hillsborough football disaster of 1989, have led to disquiet about police behavior, but have not conspicuously undermined confidence. There is some concern about inadequate responses to cybercrime, with significant increases reported in crime statistics.
The 2015 Conservative government – and its Home Secretary Theresa May – reformed the police disciplinary and complaint system to improve trust between citizens and the police. Furthermore, it has made the Police Federation subject to the Freedom of Information Act to improve transparency in the police force. Criticisms of the police have been voiced, not least after a heavy-handed response to people demonstrating against the abduction, rape and murder of a young woman in London.
There is continuing concern about terrorist threats, accentuated by the renewed difficulties in the Middle East and the evidence of the involvement of UK-born jihadis and, as in many other EU member states, sporadic terrorist attacks. There is concern about the threat posed by returning fighters from the Middle East, which has led to an increase in resources for the security services. There are occasional briefings from these services about “plots disrupted.” The Nationality and Borders Bill, currently before Parliament, aims to improve security by inter alia increasing the home secretary’s powers to strip suspects of their British citizenship.
Citations:
https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN06820/SN06820.pdf
The coalition government abolished some of the harsh counterterrorism laws introduced by earlier Labour governments in an attempt to correct the balance in favor of civil rights. A new National Crime Agency started work in the autumn of 2013 as a central body for crime fighting. Certain high-profile revelations of police malpractice, including the recently exposed falsification of records in the Hillsborough football disaster of 1989, have led to disquiet about police behavior, but have not conspicuously undermined confidence. There is some concern about inadequate responses to cybercrime, with significant increases reported in crime statistics.
The 2015 Conservative government – and its Home Secretary Theresa May – reformed the police disciplinary and complaint system to improve trust between citizens and the police. Furthermore, it has made the Police Federation subject to the Freedom of Information Act to improve transparency in the police force. Criticisms of the police have been voiced, not least after a heavy-handed response to people demonstrating against the abduction, rape and murder of a young woman in London.
There is continuing concern about terrorist threats, accentuated by the renewed difficulties in the Middle East and the evidence of the involvement of UK-born jihadis and, as in many other EU member states, sporadic terrorist attacks. There is concern about the threat posed by returning fighters from the Middle East, which has led to an increase in resources for the security services. There are occasional briefings from these services about “plots disrupted.” The Nationality and Borders Bill, currently before Parliament, aims to improve security by inter alia increasing the home secretary’s powers to strip suspects of their British citizenship.
Citations:
https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN06820/SN06820.pdf
Graph View
To what extent does the government demonstrate an active and coherent commitment to promoting equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries?
10
9
9
The government actively and coherently engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. It frequently demonstrates initiative and responsibility, and acts as an agenda-setter.
8
7
6
7
6
The government actively engages in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. However, some of its measures or policies lack coherence.
5
4
3
4
3
The government shows limited engagement in international efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries. Many of its measures or policies lack coherence.
2
1
1
The government does not contribute (and often undermines) efforts to promote equal socioeconomic opportunities in low- and middle-income countries.
Despite regular objections from politicians, the United Kingdom has been one of the few OECD countries, which has maintained a commitment to devote 0.7% of GNI to foreign aid. In 2020, the United Kingdom was one of only seven countries that reported to the OECD that it had met the target. Under the coalition government, this spending was ring-fenced against cuts and the recent spending review has reaffirmed the commitment, despite frequent criticism from some populist politicians.
Until 2020, development assistance spending was coordinated by the Department for International Development, whose work was scrutinized by the Independent Commission for Aid Impact.
In general, the United Kingdom is a proponent of open markets and fair access for developing countries, although an attempt in the late 1990s to espouse an ethical trade policy was subsequently quietly dropped.
While accepting its formal duty of care to asylum-seekers, the United Kingdom has been reluctant to join efforts by certain other EU member states to accommodate refugees and maintains tough border controls, including in the English Channel, which has emerged as an entry point for displaced persons and economic migrants over the last two years.
In the November 2020 Spending Review, the government announced that it was cutting the overseas aid budget by a third and ended the commitment to spend 0.7% of GNI on aid, even though this broke a manifesto commitment. This would be a temporary measure. Chancellor Sunak explained that this reflected “people’s priorities” in a time of unprecedented economic emergency. Earlier in the year, the Department of International Development had been merged into the Foreign and Commonwealth Office to create the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. The decision provoked criticism from all living former prime ministers and many Conservative members of parliament amid concerns that it would disrupt key programs. Despite the cut, the United Kingdom is still a major aid contributor.
Citations:
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/nov/25/uk-foreign-aid-budget-cut-chancellor-announces
https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN03714/SN03714.pdf
https://www.gov.uk/government/news/prime-minister-announces-merger-of-department-for-international-development-and-foreign-office
Until 2020, development assistance spending was coordinated by the Department for International Development, whose work was scrutinized by the Independent Commission for Aid Impact.
In general, the United Kingdom is a proponent of open markets and fair access for developing countries, although an attempt in the late 1990s to espouse an ethical trade policy was subsequently quietly dropped.
While accepting its formal duty of care to asylum-seekers, the United Kingdom has been reluctant to join efforts by certain other EU member states to accommodate refugees and maintains tough border controls, including in the English Channel, which has emerged as an entry point for displaced persons and economic migrants over the last two years.
In the November 2020 Spending Review, the government announced that it was cutting the overseas aid budget by a third and ended the commitment to spend 0.7% of GNI on aid, even though this broke a manifesto commitment. This would be a temporary measure. Chancellor Sunak explained that this reflected “people’s priorities” in a time of unprecedented economic emergency. Earlier in the year, the Department of International Development had been merged into the Foreign and Commonwealth Office to create the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. The decision provoked criticism from all living former prime ministers and many Conservative members of parliament amid concerns that it would disrupt key programs. Despite the cut, the United Kingdom is still a major aid contributor.
Citations:
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/nov/25/uk-foreign-aid-budget-cut-chancellor-announces
https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN03714/SN03714.pdf
https://www.gov.uk/government/news/prime-minister-announces-merger-of-department-for-international-development-and-foreign-office