Vertical Accountability
#26Key Findings
Canada performs relatively poorly in international comparison (rank 26) with regard to vertical accountability.
Regular elections are held at all levels of government, and are deemed free and fair. Citizens and political parties can freely express their views, organize and participate in politics. Campaign financing is transparent, with reforms aimed at limiting private and corporate donations.
Voting is free and inclusive, with universal adult suffrage. Elections are overseen by bodies with some distance from the government. Early voting and mail voting are possible. Information is provided in both official languages, English and French, to avoid language barriers.
Political parties face no barriers to formation, but competition favors well-established parties. The first-past-the-post electoral system discourages cross-party cooperation. Federal and provincial freedom of information laws exist, but exempt many government records.
Regular elections are held at all levels of government, and are deemed free and fair. Citizens and political parties can freely express their views, organize and participate in politics. Campaign financing is transparent, with reforms aimed at limiting private and corporate donations.
Voting is free and inclusive, with universal adult suffrage. Elections are overseen by bodies with some distance from the government. Early voting and mail voting are possible. Information is provided in both official languages, English and French, to avoid language barriers.
Political parties face no barriers to formation, but competition favors well-established parties. The first-past-the-post electoral system discourages cross-party cooperation. Federal and provincial freedom of information laws exist, but exempt many government records.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
Canada holds regular elections at the federal, provincial/territorial, and municipal levels and is generally considered to have a system that allows for free and fair political competition among candidates and political parties. Citizens and political parties are generally free to express their views, organize political activities, and participate in the political process without undue interference.
Laws and regulations governing elections aim to ensure fairness and equality among political actors. Each major jurisdiction has an independent election authority responsible to the legislature and the public for overseeing elections and ensuring that they are conducted transparently and according to established rules.
Electoral boundary commissions, typically staffed by judges and academics, review census data and set the boundaries for individual (single) member plurality constituencies (Qualter 1970). The Chief Electoral Officer must be satisfied that the information in the application is accurate and that the organization is a political party and may ask for additional documents, including the party’s constitution, by-laws, and program, if deemed necessary.
Several checks exist to ensure this system remains open and fair. First, Canada has a multiparty system with several political parties representing a range of ideologies and viewpoints, each monitoring compliance with election rules and regulations. A party that meets minimal administrative requirements is eligible for registration, and its registered status is granted when it nominates at least one candidate in an election. Second, the media are also open and free and monitor election conduct and results. Third, Canada has a strong tradition of protecting political freedoms, including freedom of speech, assembly, and association; these basic freedoms are incorporated into the federal Charter of Rights.
Funding and arrangements governing campaign and party expenses are generally transparent, equitable, and well-policed. Reforms to campaign finance regulations have been implemented in many jurisdictions to reduce the influence of private, especially corporate, donations in elections. These regulations limit individual donations and often ban corporate funding, replacing it with public funds provided to political parties to offset expenses.
However, parties and party leaders control candidate nominations in their constituencies and may block individuals from running for election for any reason they choose. This power is often exercised to silence internal critics within the party. Those individuals may still run for office under other party labels but have a very small chance of winning without major party support or having lost it. Finally, independent candidates (i.e., those not affiliated with a major political party) face a strong electoral disadvantage at both the federal and provincial levels and, under most conditions, are rarely elected.
Citations:
Qualter, T. 1970. The Election Process in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Laws and regulations governing elections aim to ensure fairness and equality among political actors. Each major jurisdiction has an independent election authority responsible to the legislature and the public for overseeing elections and ensuring that they are conducted transparently and according to established rules.
Electoral boundary commissions, typically staffed by judges and academics, review census data and set the boundaries for individual (single) member plurality constituencies (Qualter 1970). The Chief Electoral Officer must be satisfied that the information in the application is accurate and that the organization is a political party and may ask for additional documents, including the party’s constitution, by-laws, and program, if deemed necessary.
Several checks exist to ensure this system remains open and fair. First, Canada has a multiparty system with several political parties representing a range of ideologies and viewpoints, each monitoring compliance with election rules and regulations. A party that meets minimal administrative requirements is eligible for registration, and its registered status is granted when it nominates at least one candidate in an election. Second, the media are also open and free and monitor election conduct and results. Third, Canada has a strong tradition of protecting political freedoms, including freedom of speech, assembly, and association; these basic freedoms are incorporated into the federal Charter of Rights.
Funding and arrangements governing campaign and party expenses are generally transparent, equitable, and well-policed. Reforms to campaign finance regulations have been implemented in many jurisdictions to reduce the influence of private, especially corporate, donations in elections. These regulations limit individual donations and often ban corporate funding, replacing it with public funds provided to political parties to offset expenses.
However, parties and party leaders control candidate nominations in their constituencies and may block individuals from running for election for any reason they choose. This power is often exercised to silence internal critics within the party. Those individuals may still run for office under other party labels but have a very small chance of winning without major party support or having lost it. Finally, independent candidates (i.e., those not affiliated with a major political party) face a strong electoral disadvantage at both the federal and provincial levels and, under most conditions, are rarely elected.
Citations:
Qualter, T. 1970. The Election Process in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
10
9
9
There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
Voting in Canada is free and fair, having been conducted with a universal adult franchise since the 1960s, with female suffrage established at the beginning of the 20th century. Election agencies operate at arm’s length from the government and are deemed to be of high quality. Significant efforts are made to facilitate voting through early voting, mail-in ballots, and widespread rural polling in public buildings within small communities.
In Canada, citizens generally enjoy both de jure (legal) and de facto (practical) rights to vote. The most important de jure aspect is universal suffrage. Although earlier in its history the vote was limited to adult male literate property owners, Canada now practices universal suffrage. This means that all citizens who meet certain minimum requirements regarding age and citizenship have the right to vote in federal, provincial/territorial, and municipal elections. The legal voting age in Canada is 18 years old. Citizens who have reached this age are eligible to vote in federal, provincial, and municipal elections. Generally, only Canadian citizens are eligible to vote in federal elections. In some provinces and territories, there are also residency requirements for voting in provincial or territorial elections. Voters are usually required to be residents of the electoral district in which they wish to vote, and sometimes must have resided in a particular location for a set period of time (Blais et al. 2003).
To vote, citizens must be registered on the electoral roll. Registration processes vary by jurisdiction but are generally designed to ensure all eligible voters are included. Registration can usually be completed up to and including the day of voting.
Other de facto (or practical) aspects of the franchise exist. These include efforts to ensure that polling stations are accessible to all citizens, including those with disabilities, and that accommodations are provided in terms of poll locations to facilitate voting in rural and other widespread areas. To accommodate different schedules and situations, provisions for early voting and absentee voting are typically available in some jurisdictions.
Governments and election authorities conduct voter education campaigns to inform citizens about the electoral process, registration procedures, and voting methods through traditional and extensive social media information campaigns.
At the federal level, Canada recognizes both English and French as official languages, and citizens have the right to receive election information in either language. This helps ensure that language barriers do not impede the exercise of voting rights.
While Canada makes significant efforts to ensure broad and inclusive participation, challenges or barriers may still exist and can vary by region. Some groups, such as Indigenous communities or those facing socioeconomic challenges, may encounter unique obstacles to fully exercising their voting rights, including language issues and difficulties voting in thinly populated rural areas.
Citations:
Blais, André, Louis Massicotte, and Antoine Yoshinaka. 2003. Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies. 2nd ed. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
In Canada, citizens generally enjoy both de jure (legal) and de facto (practical) rights to vote. The most important de jure aspect is universal suffrage. Although earlier in its history the vote was limited to adult male literate property owners, Canada now practices universal suffrage. This means that all citizens who meet certain minimum requirements regarding age and citizenship have the right to vote in federal, provincial/territorial, and municipal elections. The legal voting age in Canada is 18 years old. Citizens who have reached this age are eligible to vote in federal, provincial, and municipal elections. Generally, only Canadian citizens are eligible to vote in federal elections. In some provinces and territories, there are also residency requirements for voting in provincial or territorial elections. Voters are usually required to be residents of the electoral district in which they wish to vote, and sometimes must have resided in a particular location for a set period of time (Blais et al. 2003).
To vote, citizens must be registered on the electoral roll. Registration processes vary by jurisdiction but are generally designed to ensure all eligible voters are included. Registration can usually be completed up to and including the day of voting.
Other de facto (or practical) aspects of the franchise exist. These include efforts to ensure that polling stations are accessible to all citizens, including those with disabilities, and that accommodations are provided in terms of poll locations to facilitate voting in rural and other widespread areas. To accommodate different schedules and situations, provisions for early voting and absentee voting are typically available in some jurisdictions.
Governments and election authorities conduct voter education campaigns to inform citizens about the electoral process, registration procedures, and voting methods through traditional and extensive social media information campaigns.
At the federal level, Canada recognizes both English and French as official languages, and citizens have the right to receive election information in either language. This helps ensure that language barriers do not impede the exercise of voting rights.
While Canada makes significant efforts to ensure broad and inclusive participation, challenges or barriers may still exist and can vary by region. Some groups, such as Indigenous communities or those facing socioeconomic challenges, may encounter unique obstacles to fully exercising their voting rights, including language issues and difficulties voting in thinly populated rural areas.
Citations:
Blais, André, Louis Massicotte, and Antoine Yoshinaka. 2003. Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies. 2nd ed. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Graph View
To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
2
1
1
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
In Canada, political parties are free-forming and open to competition. There are no barriers to their creation, although creation does not imply success in electing candidates in future elections, where incumbents and party loyalties favor older, more well-established parties (Cross et al. 2022).
In the modern era in Canada, parties are not ethnically, religiously, or race-based, although some are regional. Currently, this is the case with the Bloc Québécois, a federal party that runs candidates only in the province of Quebec and supports its independence from the rest of Canada.
In general, political parties in Canada, both federal and provincial, make a determined effort to have a diverse candidate pool. This is due to the country’s significant regional and ethno-racial diversity. Parties also pay attention to the gender diversity of candidates; however, federally and provincially, legislative assemblies are currently male-dominated. For instance, in the federal House of Commons, only about 30% of the MPs are women. However, since late 2015, gender parity has been enforced within the federal ministerial cabinet.
Federal political parties are known for their “brokerage” qualities, especially as they seek to reconcile perspectives from English and French Canada. Nevertheless, there are modest programmatic differences between these parties, which can be seen in their publicly accessible manifestos.
Citations:
HOUSE OF COMMONS PROCEDURE AND PRACTICE
Edited by Robert Marleau and Camille Montpetit
https://www.ourcommons.ca/marleaumontpetit/DocumentViewer.aspx?Sec=Ch04&Seq=3&Language=E
Cross, William P., Scott Pruysers, and Rob Currie-Wood. 2022. The Political Party in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.
In the modern era in Canada, parties are not ethnically, religiously, or race-based, although some are regional. Currently, this is the case with the Bloc Québécois, a federal party that runs candidates only in the province of Quebec and supports its independence from the rest of Canada.
In general, political parties in Canada, both federal and provincial, make a determined effort to have a diverse candidate pool. This is due to the country’s significant regional and ethno-racial diversity. Parties also pay attention to the gender diversity of candidates; however, federally and provincially, legislative assemblies are currently male-dominated. For instance, in the federal House of Commons, only about 30% of the MPs are women. However, since late 2015, gender parity has been enforced within the federal ministerial cabinet.
Federal political parties are known for their “brokerage” qualities, especially as they seek to reconcile perspectives from English and French Canada. Nevertheless, there are modest programmatic differences between these parties, which can be seen in their publicly accessible manifestos.
Citations:
HOUSE OF COMMONS PROCEDURE AND PRACTICE
Edited by Robert Marleau and Camille Montpetit
https://www.ourcommons.ca/marleaumontpetit/DocumentViewer.aspx?Sec=Ch04&Seq=3&Language=E
Cross, William P., Scott Pruysers, and Rob Currie-Wood. 2022. The Political Party in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
2
1
1
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
Parties in Canada rarely cooperate. This is inherent in the adversarial nature – government and opposition – found in Westminster-style systems. Formal cooperation is uncommon and occurs only when minority governments are elected, typically lasting only for a short period until a new election is held. This is considered normal and proper (Lindquist and Eichbaum 2016).
In a Westminster system, the government is typically formed by the party that holds the majority of seats in the lower house of Parliament (e.g., the House of Commons in the UK). This majority is achieved by winning the most seats in general elections. Party cooperation is only required when the winning party holds a minority or plurality of seats in the legislature, not a majority.
The opposition exists to hold the government accountable for its actions and decisions and is expected to challenge the government party whenever possible. In the Westminster system, the opposition often forms a “shadow cabinet” that mirrors the structure of the government cabinet. Members of the shadow cabinet are assigned specific portfolios and are responsible for critiquing and developing alternative policies to those proposed by the government. Members of the opposition scrutinize government policies, challenge decisions, and provide an alternative viewpoint on legislation and policy to the public and media.
In a parliamentary democracy, if the government loses the confidence of the majority in the lower house, it may be replaced by the opposition. This can happen through a vote of no confidence or if the government fails to pass key legislation. The opposition thus serves as a potential alternative government if the existing government fails.
The first-past-the-post electoral system undermines cross-party cooperation by creating reasonable expectations of parliamentary majorities. When these majorities frequently occur, the governing party has no incentive to seek input from opposition parties.
Citations:
Lindquist, Evert A., and Chris Eichbaum. 2016. “Remaking Government in Canada: Dares, Resilience, and Civility in Westminster Systems.” Governance 29 (4): 553–71.
In a Westminster system, the government is typically formed by the party that holds the majority of seats in the lower house of Parliament (e.g., the House of Commons in the UK). This majority is achieved by winning the most seats in general elections. Party cooperation is only required when the winning party holds a minority or plurality of seats in the legislature, not a majority.
The opposition exists to hold the government accountable for its actions and decisions and is expected to challenge the government party whenever possible. In the Westminster system, the opposition often forms a “shadow cabinet” that mirrors the structure of the government cabinet. Members of the shadow cabinet are assigned specific portfolios and are responsible for critiquing and developing alternative policies to those proposed by the government. Members of the opposition scrutinize government policies, challenge decisions, and provide an alternative viewpoint on legislation and policy to the public and media.
In a parliamentary democracy, if the government loses the confidence of the majority in the lower house, it may be replaced by the opposition. This can happen through a vote of no confidence or if the government fails to pass key legislation. The opposition thus serves as a potential alternative government if the existing government fails.
The first-past-the-post electoral system undermines cross-party cooperation by creating reasonable expectations of parliamentary majorities. When these majorities frequently occur, the governing party has no incentive to seek input from opposition parties.
Citations:
Lindquist, Evert A., and Chris Eichbaum. 2016. “Remaking Government in Canada: Dares, Resilience, and Civility in Westminster Systems.” Governance 29 (4): 553–71.
Graph View
To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
Freedom of Information acts exist at the federal level and in most provinces in Canada. The principal act at the federal level is the Access to Information Act (ATIA), which allows individuals to request access to eligible government records. This legislation aims to promote transparency by giving citizens and residents the right to access government information, subject to certain limitations and exemptions.
However, there are many exemptions that restrict public access to government documents, including broad categories such as “affecting federal-provincial relations,” “national security,” and criminal matters. Many types of information, such as medical records, are also excluded on privacy grounds. Additionally, wait times for the fulfillment of document requests are typically well beyond guidelines, and many departments have very poor track records in this area (Roberts, 1998).
Other “Open Government” initiatives also exist. These initiatives involve making government data and information available to the public through online platforms, but the record of activity in this area varies widely by government agency and over time. Some government agencies and departments provide a great deal of information through their official websites, for example, which may be linked to internal data resources and reports (Clarke and Margetts 2014).
Canada also has national and provincial libraries and archives that preserve and provide access to historical and government records. These institutions often offer public access to a variety of materials, but typically only after very long embargo periods, such as 75 years for Cabinet documents.
Citations:
Roberts, Alasdair S. 1998. “Limited Access: Assessing the Health of Canada’s Freedom of Information Laws.” SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2091495
Clarke, Amanda, and Helen Margetts. 2014. “Governments and Citizens Getting to Know Each Other? Open, Closed, and Big Data in Public Management Reform.” Policy & Internet 6 (4): 393–417. https://doi.org/10.1002/1944-2866.POI377
However, there are many exemptions that restrict public access to government documents, including broad categories such as “affecting federal-provincial relations,” “national security,” and criminal matters. Many types of information, such as medical records, are also excluded on privacy grounds. Additionally, wait times for the fulfillment of document requests are typically well beyond guidelines, and many departments have very poor track records in this area (Roberts, 1998).
Other “Open Government” initiatives also exist. These initiatives involve making government data and information available to the public through online platforms, but the record of activity in this area varies widely by government agency and over time. Some government agencies and departments provide a great deal of information through their official websites, for example, which may be linked to internal data resources and reports (Clarke and Margetts 2014).
Canada also has national and provincial libraries and archives that preserve and provide access to historical and government records. These institutions often offer public access to a variety of materials, but typically only after very long embargo periods, such as 75 years for Cabinet documents.
Citations:
Roberts, Alasdair S. 1998. “Limited Access: Assessing the Health of Canada’s Freedom of Information Laws.” SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2091495
Clarke, Amanda, and Helen Margetts. 2014. “Governments and Citizens Getting to Know Each Other? Open, Closed, and Big Data in Public Management Reform.” Policy & Internet 6 (4): 393–417. https://doi.org/10.1002/1944-2866.POI377