Horizontal Accountability
#12Key Findings
In the category of horizontal accountability, Czechia falls into the upper-middle ranks internationally (rank 12).
The independent Supreme Audit Office audits public spending, but lacks enforcement power. The data protection office has faced challenges in recruiting enough experts to implement EU data protection laws fully.
The judiciary is independent. The previous president sought to undermine Constitutional Court independence by appointing a new court president early, but recent judicial appointments have been widely respected. Civil rights are broadly respected, but societal discrimination remains a concern.
Corruption and clientelism are widespread. Former Prime Minister Babiš frequently provoked controversy on this front, especially through the use of EU funds. Parliament has sufficient resources and powers to oversee the executive and help shape policy.
The independent Supreme Audit Office audits public spending, but lacks enforcement power. The data protection office has faced challenges in recruiting enough experts to implement EU data protection laws fully.
The judiciary is independent. The previous president sought to undermine Constitutional Court independence by appointing a new court president early, but recent judicial appointments have been widely respected. Civil rights are broadly respected, but societal discrimination remains a concern.
Corruption and clientelism are widespread. Former Prime Minister Babiš frequently provoked controversy on this front, especially through the use of EU funds. Parliament has sufficient resources and powers to oversee the executive and help shape policy.
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Is there an independent audit office? To what extent is it capable of exercising effective oversight?
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There exists an effective and independent audit office.
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There exists an effective and independent audit office, but its role is somewhat limited.
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3
There exists an independent audit office, but its role is considerably limited.
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1
There is no independent and effective audit office.
The Supreme Audit Office (Nejvyšší kontrolní úřad, NKÚ) was established in 1993 (law 166/1993) as an independent audit institution. It oversees public spending and budgeting, evaluating the effectiveness, economy, and efficiency of public resource utilization and identifying weaknesses in their expenditure.
The NKÚ provides independent and impartial reports to the government, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate, experts, and the public. These reports assess whether national resources have been used effectively, economically, and efficiently, and whether all binding legal regulations have been observed. NKÚ officers face no term limits but must retire at age 65. The president of the Czech Republic nominates the leadership, and all nominations are confirmed by the parliament. On average, the NKÚ audits CZK 230 billion per year, completing 33 control actions in 2022, investigating 167 individuals, and making 19 recommendations.
The NKÚ’s annual report for 2022 emphasized the need for substantial changes to achieve sustainable budgets. This commentary mirrored the government’s analysis justifying its 2023 package of measures and was implicitly controversial both politically and economically, as discussed under Sustainable Budget Policies.
The report also conducted several investigations into individual government expenditures, uncovering various weaknesses and irregularities. For example, goals for digitalization had not been met and relied heavily on one-off funding from the EU, raising concerns about the lack of guaranteed long-term funding. The use of EU funds during 2016-2017 (the most recent period investigated) was often improperly planned and controlled. Allocations frequently did not follow stated rules, despite contemporary reports suggesting compliance. In practice, allocated sums were often higher than those specified in the bidding process, with inadequate recording of spending and evaluation of impacts. Moreover, assistance intended for smaller enterprises frequently benefited large firms.
While effective auditing is in place, it remains up to public bodies to address the issues raised by the audit office. Past experience shows that media attention is sometimes drawn to these findings.
Citations:
Supreme Audit Office. https://www.nku.cz/cz/o-nas/
Annual Report from the Supreme Audit Office. 2022. https://www.nku.cz/assets/publikace-a-dokumenty/vyrocni-zprava/vyrocni-zprava-nku-2022.pdf
The NKÚ provides independent and impartial reports to the government, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate, experts, and the public. These reports assess whether national resources have been used effectively, economically, and efficiently, and whether all binding legal regulations have been observed. NKÚ officers face no term limits but must retire at age 65. The president of the Czech Republic nominates the leadership, and all nominations are confirmed by the parliament. On average, the NKÚ audits CZK 230 billion per year, completing 33 control actions in 2022, investigating 167 individuals, and making 19 recommendations.
The NKÚ’s annual report for 2022 emphasized the need for substantial changes to achieve sustainable budgets. This commentary mirrored the government’s analysis justifying its 2023 package of measures and was implicitly controversial both politically and economically, as discussed under Sustainable Budget Policies.
The report also conducted several investigations into individual government expenditures, uncovering various weaknesses and irregularities. For example, goals for digitalization had not been met and relied heavily on one-off funding from the EU, raising concerns about the lack of guaranteed long-term funding. The use of EU funds during 2016-2017 (the most recent period investigated) was often improperly planned and controlled. Allocations frequently did not follow stated rules, despite contemporary reports suggesting compliance. In practice, allocated sums were often higher than those specified in the bidding process, with inadequate recording of spending and evaluation of impacts. Moreover, assistance intended for smaller enterprises frequently benefited large firms.
While effective auditing is in place, it remains up to public bodies to address the issues raised by the audit office. Past experience shows that media attention is sometimes drawn to these findings.
Citations:
Supreme Audit Office. https://www.nku.cz/cz/o-nas/
Annual Report from the Supreme Audit Office. 2022. https://www.nku.cz/assets/publikace-a-dokumenty/vyrocni-zprava/vyrocni-zprava-nku-2022.pdf
Is there an independent authority that effectively holds government offices accountable for their handling of data protection and privacy issues?
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An independent and effective data protection authority exists.
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7
6
An independent and effective data protection authority exists, but its role is somewhat limited.
5
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3
4
3
A data protection authority exists, but both its independence and effectiveness are considerably limited.
2
1
1
There is no effective and independent data protection office.
The Office for the Protection of Personal Data (Úřad pro ochranu osobních údajů, ÚOOÚ) was first established in June 2000. Its chair is chosen by the Senate and confirmed by the president, ensuring independence from the government of the day. The EU Global Data Protection Directive of May 25, 2018, was enshrined in the Personal Data Processing Act 2019 (110/2019). This act implements the EU’s new legal framework, with the ÚOOÚ responsible for its implementation. The ÚOOÚ also handles data processing that does not fall within EU law, such as immigration-related matters. It sets out requirements for processing personal data for criminal law enforcement purposes and some aspects of national security. The intelligence services are required to comply with internationally recognized data protection standards.
The ÚOOÚ has a role in electronic communications and regulates bulk commercial communication and advertising. It supervises compliance with any unsolicited advertising disseminated via electronic means and is involved in cooperation between national authorities responsible for enforcing consumer protection laws.
The new law mandates a range of new activities, and difficulties in recruiting qualified specialists have been identified as factors limiting its effectiveness. The annual report for 2022 indicates that 1,528 complaints and 664 suggestions were handled. The primary complaints involved using data for marketing purposes, making personal details public, and camera monitoring. Nearly all complaints were resolved through communication with the concerned parties, with very few advancing further. Thirty fines were issued for passing on commercial information, resulting in a total revenue of CZK 948,000. A few cases were referred to the courts. For example, a CZK 40,000 fine against a hospital for handling electronic health documentation was upheld by the court.
Data protection issues are covered by the media on a regular basis , and the ÚOOÚ frequently comments on legislation, including that regarding personal identity cards. These cards display an identification number that includes the date of birth and sex, which is necessary for various purposes such as opening a bank account. The ÚOOÚ argued that this information should not be on a document from which it could be easily copied. However, private businesses have complained about the cost of transitioning to a different numbering system.
Citations:
https://uoou.gov.cz/media/vyrocni-zpravy/dokumenty/uoou-vz2022-el.pdf
The ÚOOÚ has a role in electronic communications and regulates bulk commercial communication and advertising. It supervises compliance with any unsolicited advertising disseminated via electronic means and is involved in cooperation between national authorities responsible for enforcing consumer protection laws.
The new law mandates a range of new activities, and difficulties in recruiting qualified specialists have been identified as factors limiting its effectiveness. The annual report for 2022 indicates that 1,528 complaints and 664 suggestions were handled. The primary complaints involved using data for marketing purposes, making personal details public, and camera monitoring. Nearly all complaints were resolved through communication with the concerned parties, with very few advancing further. Thirty fines were issued for passing on commercial information, resulting in a total revenue of CZK 948,000. A few cases were referred to the courts. For example, a CZK 40,000 fine against a hospital for handling electronic health documentation was upheld by the court.
Data protection issues are covered by the media on a regular basis , and the ÚOOÚ frequently comments on legislation, including that regarding personal identity cards. These cards display an identification number that includes the date of birth and sex, which is necessary for various purposes such as opening a bank account. The ÚOOÚ argued that this information should not be on a document from which it could be easily copied. However, private businesses have complained about the cost of transitioning to a different numbering system.
Citations:
https://uoou.gov.cz/media/vyrocni-zpravy/dokumenty/uoou-vz2022-el.pdf
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To what extent does an independent judiciary ensure that the government, administration and legislature operate in accordance with the constitution and law?
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The judiciary effectively ensures that the government and legislature act in accordance with the law.
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The judiciary usually manages to ensure that the government and legislature act in accordance with the law.
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3
The judiciary fails to ensure effective legal compliance in some crucial cases.
2
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1
The judiciary fails to ensure effective legal control.
Czechia has a clear separation of powers with robust checks and balances. The judiciary is independent, free from unconstitutional interference by other institutions, and mostly free from corruption. When corruption in the judiciary is identified, it is rigorously prosecuted. The Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and the Supreme Administrative Court are appointed by the Senate – the second chamber of the parliament – following proposals from the president. The judicial appointment process is transparent and adequately covered by public media. Moreover, the involvement of the president and the Senate increases the likelihood that the political views of judges are diverse.
In November 2022, then-President Zeman announced his intent to appoint the new president of the Constitutional Court before the end of his term in March 2023. However, the term of the sitting president of the Constitutional Court was not due to end until August 2023. Legal experts, the government, and the majority of the Constitutional Court opposed this step, as did the later president-elect, Petr Pavel, during electoral debates. The possibility of the Constitutional Court’s paralysis and the standoff between the Senate and the president increased the stakes of the 2023 presidential election. The new president, Petr Pavel, pledged to stay within the constitution’s remit and will have to appoint 11 Constitutional Court judges during the first 18 months of the court. During his campaign, Petr Pavel named widely respected judges and constitutional law experts as his picks, and his choices were approved by the Senate.
Decisions made by the Constitutional Court have primarily pertained to judgments by other courts, although 50 cases in 2022 concerned laws. Issues often take a long time to reach the Constitutional Court; it was still handling the case involving Petr Nečas, prime minister in 2012, whose partner and later wife used the intelligence service to follow his former wife. The court concluded that the intelligence service can only operate as stipulated by law, not on orders from a state official.
The court also addressed constitutional issues related to emergency measures during the COVID-19 pandemic, determining that the laws adopted were largely acceptable given the need to protect public health, especially as public control and scrutiny were always possible. In some cases, directives by local administrations during the COVID-19 era were found to conflict with the Charter of Human Rights, which is incorporated into the Czech constitution.
Citations:
https://www.usoud.cz/vyrocni-zpravy/vyrocni-zprava-za-rok-2022
In November 2022, then-President Zeman announced his intent to appoint the new president of the Constitutional Court before the end of his term in March 2023. However, the term of the sitting president of the Constitutional Court was not due to end until August 2023. Legal experts, the government, and the majority of the Constitutional Court opposed this step, as did the later president-elect, Petr Pavel, during electoral debates. The possibility of the Constitutional Court’s paralysis and the standoff between the Senate and the president increased the stakes of the 2023 presidential election. The new president, Petr Pavel, pledged to stay within the constitution’s remit and will have to appoint 11 Constitutional Court judges during the first 18 months of the court. During his campaign, Petr Pavel named widely respected judges and constitutional law experts as his picks, and his choices were approved by the Senate.
Decisions made by the Constitutional Court have primarily pertained to judgments by other courts, although 50 cases in 2022 concerned laws. Issues often take a long time to reach the Constitutional Court; it was still handling the case involving Petr Nečas, prime minister in 2012, whose partner and later wife used the intelligence service to follow his former wife. The court concluded that the intelligence service can only operate as stipulated by law, not on orders from a state official.
The court also addressed constitutional issues related to emergency measures during the COVID-19 pandemic, determining that the laws adopted were largely acceptable given the need to protect public health, especially as public control and scrutiny were always possible. In some cases, directives by local administrations during the COVID-19 era were found to conflict with the Charter of Human Rights, which is incorporated into the Czech constitution.
Citations:
https://www.usoud.cz/vyrocni-zpravy/vyrocni-zprava-za-rok-2022
How well does the executive branch and its members uphold and safeguard civil rights, and to what extent do the courts effectively protect citizens against rights violations?
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There are no limits or constraints on the realization of civil rights.
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There are no significant limits or constraints on the realization of civil rights.
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3
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There are some significant limits or constraints on the realization of civil rights.
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1
There are multiple significant limits or constraints on the realization of civil rights.
The government and administration respect and protect citizens’ basic civil rights. However, complaints lodged with the European Court of Human Rights and the Office of the Public Defender of Rights (Ombudsman) indicate concerns about lengthy legal proceedings. The protection of crime victims, especially children who often experience secondary victimization during investigations and prosecutions, remains a significant issue. Additionally, standards of psychiatric care are notably below EU levels.
The Czech legal system guarantees equal access to work, education, and social services, with no official discrimination based on gender, race, religion, or social origin. However, discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, and ethnicity persists, often manifesting as bias or social norms. A large part of the political spectrum has shown little concern for countering negative or discriminatory attitudes. A significant gender pay gap results in lower pensions and a higher risk of poverty for women. Half of the Roma population lives in social exclusion, and societal perception of the Roma remains strongly negative. Increased electoral participation in Roma-dominated districts during the 2023 presidential elections led to unfounded and unproven accusations of vote buying.
A major case before the Constitutional Court in 2022 concerned the rights of transgender individuals to legally change their sex without undergoing gender reassignment surgery. The court denied the request of a trans citizen, although two Constitutional Court judges filed dissenting opinions.
The Czech legal system guarantees equal access to work, education, and social services, with no official discrimination based on gender, race, religion, or social origin. However, discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, and ethnicity persists, often manifesting as bias or social norms. A large part of the political spectrum has shown little concern for countering negative or discriminatory attitudes. A significant gender pay gap results in lower pensions and a higher risk of poverty for women. Half of the Roma population lives in social exclusion, and societal perception of the Roma remains strongly negative. Increased electoral participation in Roma-dominated districts during the 2023 presidential elections led to unfounded and unproven accusations of vote buying.
A major case before the Constitutional Court in 2022 concerned the rights of transgender individuals to legally change their sex without undergoing gender reassignment surgery. The court denied the request of a trans citizen, although two Constitutional Court judges filed dissenting opinions.
To what extent are public officeholders prevented from abusing their position for private interests?
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Legal, political and public integrity mechanisms effectively prevent public officeholders from abusing their positions.
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6
Most integrity mechanisms are effective and provide disincentives for public officeholders to abuse their positions.
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3
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3
Few integrity mechanisms are effective and provide disincentives for public officeholders to abuse their positions.
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1
Public officeholders can exploit their offices for private gain as they see fit without fear of legal consequences or adverse publicity.
Corruption and clientelism are widespread. All governments pledge to fight corruption, but none have adequately addressed the issue. There are no public statistics on the number of successfully prosecuted public officials. Problems with politicians have started from the very top. Former Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, leader of the opposition ANO party, built his business empire, the Agrofert conglomerate, with initial funding from unclear sources; his activities have frequently provoked controversy. The largest concern involves the use of EU funds to finance a business temporarily separated from his main business and quietly put under the ownership of family members. It was returned to his control after receiving the subsidy. In January 2023 a court dismissed the case against Babiš and criticized the prosecution’s work.
In the fall of 2022, French prosecutors opened a case against Andrej Babiš for money laundering connected to the purchase of real estate in Southern France, which came to light in the Panama Papers. The EU has continued to regard the “blind trust” in which Agrofert Holding was placed as unsatisfactory for Babiš’s claim to avoid conflicts of interest, as he has always been the clear beneficiary of his firms’ activities. The use of EU subsidies, which depend on Czech government decisions, therefore remains problematic. The government has so far made no steps toward requesting the return of any subsidies from Agrofert.
The current government parties used Babiš’s alleged corruption to campaign against him. However, they were slow to introduce promised changes to the law on conflict of interests. Although they complained of ANO’s obstruction of the parliamentary process, with a clear parliamentary majority they could have overruled this.
The legal amendments, as finally passed, ensured that an owner of a firm could not escape accusations of conflict of interest by claiming to have transferred control to a trust. This forced Babiš to sell his print media empire, but he could still own online media. Another loophole, supported also by the ODS and two other government parties, would still allow a firm owned by a minister to bid for public contracts.
The rules for party and campaign financing and their enforcement are a contested political issue. In April 2015, the Ministry of Interior submitted an amendment to the law on political parties to parliament. The proposal was based on the Group of States against Corruption of the Council of Europe (GRECO) recommendations to Czechia issued in 2011 and came into force in January 2017. The law introduced financial limits for party financing and electoral campaigns, the mandatory establishment of transparent accounts, and greater revenue regulation of political parties and movements.
The first scandal for the Fiala government, elected in 2021, revolved around campaign financing. The STAN party accepted donations from an anonymous account in Cyprus. During the January 2022 parliamentary debate, the chairman of STAN and the minister of interior expressed a commitment to return any irregular donation.
The Office for the Oversight of the Political Parties and Political Movements (Úřad pro dohled nad hospodařením politických stran a politických hnutí, ÚHHPSH) reported that one-third of political parties did not submit their 2022 annual financial reports. This noncompliance violates the law, and the office noted that it represents a 25% increase in noncompliance. However, all 37 parties, movements, and political subjects eligible for state subsidies complied with the law.
Citations:
The Office for the Oversight of the Political Parties and Political Movements. https://www.udhpsh.cz/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/TZ2023-04-11_VFZ.pdf
https://www.transparency.cz/vlada-slibila-zakrocit-proti-stretu-zajmu-zatim-se-odvazila-jen-k-dilcim-krokum/
In the fall of 2022, French prosecutors opened a case against Andrej Babiš for money laundering connected to the purchase of real estate in Southern France, which came to light in the Panama Papers. The EU has continued to regard the “blind trust” in which Agrofert Holding was placed as unsatisfactory for Babiš’s claim to avoid conflicts of interest, as he has always been the clear beneficiary of his firms’ activities. The use of EU subsidies, which depend on Czech government decisions, therefore remains problematic. The government has so far made no steps toward requesting the return of any subsidies from Agrofert.
The current government parties used Babiš’s alleged corruption to campaign against him. However, they were slow to introduce promised changes to the law on conflict of interests. Although they complained of ANO’s obstruction of the parliamentary process, with a clear parliamentary majority they could have overruled this.
The legal amendments, as finally passed, ensured that an owner of a firm could not escape accusations of conflict of interest by claiming to have transferred control to a trust. This forced Babiš to sell his print media empire, but he could still own online media. Another loophole, supported also by the ODS and two other government parties, would still allow a firm owned by a minister to bid for public contracts.
The rules for party and campaign financing and their enforcement are a contested political issue. In April 2015, the Ministry of Interior submitted an amendment to the law on political parties to parliament. The proposal was based on the Group of States against Corruption of the Council of Europe (GRECO) recommendations to Czechia issued in 2011 and came into force in January 2017. The law introduced financial limits for party financing and electoral campaigns, the mandatory establishment of transparent accounts, and greater revenue regulation of political parties and movements.
The first scandal for the Fiala government, elected in 2021, revolved around campaign financing. The STAN party accepted donations from an anonymous account in Cyprus. During the January 2022 parliamentary debate, the chairman of STAN and the minister of interior expressed a commitment to return any irregular donation.
The Office for the Oversight of the Political Parties and Political Movements (Úřad pro dohled nad hospodařením politických stran a politických hnutí, ÚHHPSH) reported that one-third of political parties did not submit their 2022 annual financial reports. This noncompliance violates the law, and the office noted that it represents a 25% increase in noncompliance. However, all 37 parties, movements, and political subjects eligible for state subsidies complied with the law.
Citations:
The Office for the Oversight of the Political Parties and Political Movements. https://www.udhpsh.cz/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/TZ2023-04-11_VFZ.pdf
https://www.transparency.cz/vlada-slibila-zakrocit-proti-stretu-zajmu-zatim-se-odvazila-jen-k-dilcim-krokum/
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Do members of the legislature possess sufficient personnel and structural resources to effectively monitor government activities?
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As a group, legislative members have access to a range of resources that are suited for effectively monitoring all government activity.
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As a group, legislative members have access to a range of resources that are suited for effectively monitoring a government’s key activities.
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As a group, legislative members have access to a range of resources that are suited for selectively monitoring some government activities.
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The resources provided to legislative members are not suited for any effective monitoring of the government.
The parliament has resources to conduct its legislative work. The Office of the Chamber provides professional administrative and technical support for the deputies. Additionally, legislators have access to a parliamentary library. Legislation is prepared in parliamentary committees; currently, there are 18 committees. The parliament can also establish ad hoc and investigative committees. All parties and movements form political clubs.
Citations:
Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=2000
Library of the Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=181
Citations:
Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=2000
Library of the Czech parliament. https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=181
Are legislative committees able to exercise oversight of government activities in practice?
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The legislature is able to exercise its oversight function.
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The legislature is able to exercise its oversight function most of the time.
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3
The legislature faces constraints in exercising its oversight function in a significant number of cases.
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1
The legislature’s oversight function is frequently and severely compromised.
As specified in the rules of procedure of the Chamber of Deputies, Czech parliamentary committees may request nearly all government documents and information from government members, heads of administrative authorities, and local authority bodies necessary for performing their functions.
These requests are usually respected, and documents are delivered on time. Ministers and the top personnel of major state institutions are obliged to attend committee meetings and answer questions when asked. According to the rules, ministers are also required to present draft bills to appropriate committees. If the ministers send officials below the rank of deputy minister, committees may – and often do – refuse to discuss a legislative proposal.
These requests are usually respected, and documents are delivered on time. Ministers and the top personnel of major state institutions are obliged to attend committee meetings and answer questions when asked. According to the rules, ministers are also required to present draft bills to appropriate committees. If the ministers send officials below the rank of deputy minister, committees may – and often do – refuse to discuss a legislative proposal.
Do legislative committees have the capacity to investigate unconstitutional or illegal activities carried out by the executive branch?
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9
The legislature is able to exercise its investigation function.
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6
7
6
The legislature is able to exercise its investigation function most of the time.
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3
4
3
The legislature faces constraints in exercising its investigation function in a significant number of cases.
2
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1
The legislature’s investigation function is frequently and severely compromised
The opposition can initiate investigations. Forty MPs are needed to propose a new investigative commission, the formation of which is then voted on in the full parliament. Twenty-three commissions were established from 1993 to 2021, but none since then. These commissions usually relate to long-running scandals, such as privatization cases in the 1990s and the allocation of procurement contracts since then.
The nature of Czech politics – with multiple parties represented in parliament and coalition governments that are not fully united – has meant that issues potentially embarrassing to government ministers can be subjects of investigation. A notable case continuing into the review period involved pollution of the Bečva River in Moravia. The worst incident occurred on September 20, 2020, when cyanide was released into the river, leading to the death of 40 metric tons of fish along 40 km of the river. There was suspicion that the issue was not being properly investigated, while a highly plausible culprit, a firm owned by Babiš, was not at the center of investigations.
The parliamentary commission was not aimed at finding the guilty party but rather at determining whether public agencies had conducted the investigation properly. It concluded that the investigation was not handled correctly. A final court decision on January 30, 2023, blamed a different firm but found no criminal offense. Several expert witnesses to the commission publicly expressed their astonishment at the verdict and the apparent lack of police investigation into other possibilities. Thus, in this case, the parliamentary commission could highlight the possibility of serious irregularities but could not influence or overrule a court’s decision.
Citations:
https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=8400&o=8
The nature of Czech politics – with multiple parties represented in parliament and coalition governments that are not fully united – has meant that issues potentially embarrassing to government ministers can be subjects of investigation. A notable case continuing into the review period involved pollution of the Bečva River in Moravia. The worst incident occurred on September 20, 2020, when cyanide was released into the river, leading to the death of 40 metric tons of fish along 40 km of the river. There was suspicion that the issue was not being properly investigated, while a highly plausible culprit, a firm owned by Babiš, was not at the center of investigations.
The parliamentary commission was not aimed at finding the guilty party but rather at determining whether public agencies had conducted the investigation properly. It concluded that the investigation was not handled correctly. A final court decision on January 30, 2023, blamed a different firm but found no criminal offense. Several expert witnesses to the commission publicly expressed their astonishment at the verdict and the apparent lack of police investigation into other possibilities. Thus, in this case, the parliamentary commission could highlight the possibility of serious irregularities but could not influence or overrule a court’s decision.
Citations:
https://www.psp.cz/sqw/hp.sqw?k=8400&o=8
To what extent are the organization and operations of legislative committees effective in guiding the development of legislative proposals?
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The organization and operations of legislative committees are well-suited for effectively monitoring ministry activity.
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The organization and operations of legislative committees are, for the most part, suited for effectively monitoring ministry activity.
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The organization and operations of legislative committees are rarely suitable for monitoring ministry activity.
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1
The organization and operations of legislative committees are not at all suitable for monitoring ministry activity.
Major legislative committees align with ministerial portfolios. Opposition parties can hold and often do obtain the chairmanship of parliamentary committees, albeit not the most important ones. Draft legislation can undergo changes after deliberations in committees. The Rules of Procedure of the Chamber of Deputies do not prescribe a
The text edits are as follows:
The chamber is obliged to establish the Mandate and Immunity Committee, the Committee on Petitions, the Budget Committee, the Control Committee, and the Organizing Committee.
Committee, the Electoral Committee, and the Committee on European Affairs. However, the establishment of additional committees is within its competence. Committee meetings are public, except for Organizing Committee meetings and Mandate and Immunity Committee meetings. In the 2021 – 2025 term, there
There were 18 parliamentary committees, 15 of which shadowed government ministries or ministerial agendas. However, there was no exact match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries. For example, the
The Economic Committee covered the agendas of two ministries: the Ministry of Industry and Trade and the Ministry of Transportation. Parliamentary committees can and frequently do establish subcommittees.
The text edits are as follows:
The chamber is obliged to establish the Mandate and Immunity Committee, the Committee on Petitions, the Budget Committee, the Control Committee, and the Organizing Committee.
Committee, the Electoral Committee, and the Committee on European Affairs. However, the establishment of additional committees is within its competence. Committee meetings are public, except for Organizing Committee meetings and Mandate and Immunity Committee meetings. In the 2021 – 2025 term, there
There were 18 parliamentary committees, 15 of which shadowed government ministries or ministerial agendas. However, there was no exact match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries. For example, the
The Economic Committee covered the agendas of two ministries: the Ministry of Industry and Trade and the Ministry of Transportation. Parliamentary committees can and frequently do establish subcommittees.