Vertical Accountability
#14Key Findings
Czechia falls into the middle ranks internationally (rank 14) with regard to vertical accountability.
Political competition is robust at both the national and subnational levels, with transparent electoral procedures. The president is elected directly by citizens, with any eligible person over 40 years old able to run. The 2023 presidential election was declared free and fair by independent observers, and resulted in a runoff.
Parties must cross a 5% vote threshold to enter parliament. In 2021, no left-wing parties won seats for the first time since 1989. ANO, the main opposition party, has no members, and relies financially on leader Andrej Babiš. The governing coalition is diverse.
Freedom of information laws mandate public access to government information, though implementation is often slow, especially in smaller municipalities. Public bodies have improved compliance over time.
Political competition is robust at both the national and subnational levels, with transparent electoral procedures. The president is elected directly by citizens, with any eligible person over 40 years old able to run. The 2023 presidential election was declared free and fair by independent observers, and resulted in a runoff.
Parties must cross a 5% vote threshold to enter parliament. In 2021, no left-wing parties won seats for the first time since 1989. ANO, the main opposition party, has no members, and relies financially on leader Andrej Babiš. The governing coalition is diverse.
Freedom of information laws mandate public access to government information, though implementation is often slow, especially in smaller municipalities. Public bodies have improved compliance over time.
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
Political competition is robust at both the national and subnational levels. Electoral registration procedures are fair and transparent. To establish a political party, three citizens aged 18 or over need to submit the new party’s statutes to authorities, backed by 1,000 signatures. The 1991 law on political parties and movements established conditions to exclude parties that lack democratically elected organs or aim to remove the democratic foundations of the state, restrict the freedoms of other parties, or threaten morality and public order.
Ten major parties, coalitions, movements, and many independent candidates competed in the first round of Senate elections in September 2022. There were no conflicts over the registration of candidates.
Since 2012, the president of Czechia has been elected by citizens in a direct election. Any citizen with the right to vote who has reached 40 years of age is eligible to run for a maximum of two consecutive five-year terms. The candidate must gain at least 50,000 confirmed signatures from citizens, 10 signatures from senators, or 20 signatures from MPs. Twelve proposed candidates were rejected for failing to meet these criteria.
According to the OSCE, the 2023 presidential elections were free and fair. Their report stated, “All candidates were able to campaign freely, both offline and online, and fundamental freedoms were respected. The campaign was competitive but divisive, and voters could make an informed choice in both rounds, although in the second round, the campaign became more confrontational, negative and tense” (OSCE, 2023).
The presidential election in January 2023 ended in a run-off between former prime minister and leader of ANO (Akce nespokojených občanů, Action of Discontented Citizens), Andrej Babiš, and independent candidate, former General Petr Pavel. Eight candidates – seven men and one woman – competed in the first round. The two with the highest votes proceeded to the second round.
A funding ceiling was set at CZK 40 million, and the two leading candidates reached this limit. Pavel raised money mostly from various businesses, while Babiš was funded entirely by his own company, the conglomerate Agrofert. Candidates with less financial backing were at a disadvantage. The trade union leader Josef Středula eventually raised CZK 9.7 million, most of which was donated by a businessman and member of the right-wing ODS (Občanská demokratická strana, Civic Democratic Party), who believed there should be some representation for alternative views.
The media landscape enables candidates to freely voice their opinions. In the fall of 2023, Andrej Babiš sold his media consortium Mafra to an entrepreneur. Before this, he had been widely accused of using media he controlled to support his political campaigning and denigrate opponents. He had owned large dailies Mladá fronta dnes and Lidové noviny, as well as internet portals.
Citations:
Lenka Bustikova and Petra Guasti. 2023. “The Czech Republic’s Flannel Revolution.” CEPA https://cepa.org/article/the-czech-republics-flannel-revolution
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. The Czech Republic. Presidential Election. 13-14 and 27-28 January 2023. ODIHR Election Expert Team. Final Report.
https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/2/0/545815.pdf
Lenka Buštíková and Petra Guasti. 2019. “The State as a Firm: Understanding the Autocratic Roots of Technocratic Populism.” East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33 (2): 302-330.
Ten major parties, coalitions, movements, and many independent candidates competed in the first round of Senate elections in September 2022. There were no conflicts over the registration of candidates.
Since 2012, the president of Czechia has been elected by citizens in a direct election. Any citizen with the right to vote who has reached 40 years of age is eligible to run for a maximum of two consecutive five-year terms. The candidate must gain at least 50,000 confirmed signatures from citizens, 10 signatures from senators, or 20 signatures from MPs. Twelve proposed candidates were rejected for failing to meet these criteria.
According to the OSCE, the 2023 presidential elections were free and fair. Their report stated, “All candidates were able to campaign freely, both offline and online, and fundamental freedoms were respected. The campaign was competitive but divisive, and voters could make an informed choice in both rounds, although in the second round, the campaign became more confrontational, negative and tense” (OSCE, 2023).
The presidential election in January 2023 ended in a run-off between former prime minister and leader of ANO (Akce nespokojených občanů, Action of Discontented Citizens), Andrej Babiš, and independent candidate, former General Petr Pavel. Eight candidates – seven men and one woman – competed in the first round. The two with the highest votes proceeded to the second round.
A funding ceiling was set at CZK 40 million, and the two leading candidates reached this limit. Pavel raised money mostly from various businesses, while Babiš was funded entirely by his own company, the conglomerate Agrofert. Candidates with less financial backing were at a disadvantage. The trade union leader Josef Středula eventually raised CZK 9.7 million, most of which was donated by a businessman and member of the right-wing ODS (Občanská demokratická strana, Civic Democratic Party), who believed there should be some representation for alternative views.
The media landscape enables candidates to freely voice their opinions. In the fall of 2023, Andrej Babiš sold his media consortium Mafra to an entrepreneur. Before this, he had been widely accused of using media he controlled to support his political campaigning and denigrate opponents. He had owned large dailies Mladá fronta dnes and Lidové noviny, as well as internet portals.
Citations:
Lenka Bustikova and Petra Guasti. 2023. “The Czech Republic’s Flannel Revolution.” CEPA https://cepa.org/article/the-czech-republics-flannel-revolution
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. The Czech Republic. Presidential Election. 13-14 and 27-28 January 2023. ODIHR Election Expert Team. Final Report.
https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/2/0/545815.pdf
Lenka Buštíková and Petra Guasti. 2019. “The State as a Firm: Understanding the Autocratic Roots of Technocratic Populism.” East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33 (2): 302-330.
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
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There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
All adult citizens, including convicted prisoners, can participate in national elections, and voter registration is relatively straightforward. EU citizens who are permanent residents of Czechia can participate in municipal and European elections. As of 2018, EU citizens who are temporary residents of Czechia can also participate in municipal elections. However, while there are special provisions for a mobile ballot box to facilitate voting for the disabled and seriously ill, there is no general ability to vote by mail. Czech citizens residing abroad can only vote at Czech embassies and consulates and must meet a specific deadline for registration. During the period under study, the pressure for a postal ballot – especially for citizens living abroad – has intensified and was included in the program statement of the Fiala government.
The Czech Republic has a dense system of voting locations with voting booths, where one location typically serves 1,000 people. Citizens have easy access to information on where and when to vote. Ballots are mailed to citizens’ registered home addresses (domicile), and no voting registration is required, making voting easy and accessible (e15, 2023).
Citizens can use the courts to complain about irregularities, and 1,000 such complaints were raised in early 2023 regarding the presidential election. However, 600 complaints were raised either too early or too late to be considered. Additionally, there were numerous duplicated complaints, indicating organized campaigns. Of the 400 complaints investigated, a number were upheld, identifying errors in counting when the number of ballot papers returned did not match the total number of votes recorded. Small corrections to the candidates’ votes were subsequently made.
Citations:
https://www.e15.cz/volebni-mistnosti-okrsky-obvody-kde-volit
https://www.nssoud.cz/aktualne/tiskove-zpravy/detail/souhrnna-informace-k-podanim-tykajicim-se-volby-prezidenta-republiky-1
The Czech Republic has a dense system of voting locations with voting booths, where one location typically serves 1,000 people. Citizens have easy access to information on where and when to vote. Ballots are mailed to citizens’ registered home addresses (domicile), and no voting registration is required, making voting easy and accessible (e15, 2023).
Citizens can use the courts to complain about irregularities, and 1,000 such complaints were raised in early 2023 regarding the presidential election. However, 600 complaints were raised either too early or too late to be considered. Additionally, there were numerous duplicated complaints, indicating organized campaigns. Of the 400 complaints investigated, a number were upheld, identifying errors in counting when the number of ballot papers returned did not match the total number of votes recorded. Small corrections to the candidates’ votes were subsequently made.
Citations:
https://www.e15.cz/volebni-mistnosti-okrsky-obvody-kde-volit
https://www.nssoud.cz/aktualne/tiskove-zpravy/detail/souhrnna-informace-k-podanim-tykajicim-se-volby-prezidenta-republiky-1
Graph View
To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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1
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
The party system in the Czech Republic allows for the aggregation of preferences from the grassroots level, and many small parties have emerged in the past. However, parties must cross a 5% threshold to gain entry into parliament. In the 2021 elections, which determine the current composition of parliament, many smaller parties failed to meet this threshold. For the first time since 1989, no left-wing party secured parliamentary seats. Consequently, more than one million votes, mostly from less well-off Czechs, are currently unrepresented in parliament (Guasti and Buštíková, CEPS, 2022).
Parties represent societal interests only to a limited degree. The connection between citizens and parties is weak and has become even more tenuous due to the rise of direct communication methods, flexible working arrangements that undermine union formation, and identity politics. Political parties generally lack extensive networks of local branches, though this varies among parties. The ODS, the party of Prime Minister Fiala, established in 1992, has eliminated local branches but maintains branches at the regional level.
The main opposition party, ANO, has no members and relies financially on its leader, Andrej Babiš, owner of the Agrofert conglomerate. Babiš has described ANO as both a catch-all party and a right-wing party with a social conscience, the latter description serving as a strategy to garner political support and undermine left-wing parties. In the European Parliament, ANO belongs to the ALDE group. It won 27.2% of the votes in the 2021 parliamentary elections.
The far-right Freedom and Direct Democracy party (Svoboda a přímá demokracie, SPD), which received 9.6% of the votes in 2021, is highly personalized and lacks a network of local branches. The Pirate Party, a member of the coalition government, has a very open structure and a plebiscitary decision-making process. It does not have institutionalized local branches and is a member of the Greens/European Free Alliance in the European Parliament. Although it appears socially liberal, it leans more to the right on economic issues. The Pirate Party is allied with STAN (Starostové a Nezávislí, Mayors and Independents), which is a member of the European People’s Party in the European Parliament. STAN is economically liberal and concerned with environmental issues. This alliance won 15.6% of the votes in 2021.
The main force in the government is a three-party coalition that received 27.8% of the votes in the 2021 parliamentary elections. Its largest member, the ODS, is socially conservative and economically liberal. It belongs to the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament, along with Poland’s PiS. The ODS retains a membership of 12,000, and the prime minister, Petr Fiala, is a member.
Citations:
Petra Guasti and Lenka Buštíková. 2022. “Czech Government Wobbled by Mass Protests.” CEPA. https://cepa.org/article/czech-government-wobbled-by-mass-protests/
Parties represent societal interests only to a limited degree. The connection between citizens and parties is weak and has become even more tenuous due to the rise of direct communication methods, flexible working arrangements that undermine union formation, and identity politics. Political parties generally lack extensive networks of local branches, though this varies among parties. The ODS, the party of Prime Minister Fiala, established in 1992, has eliminated local branches but maintains branches at the regional level.
The main opposition party, ANO, has no members and relies financially on its leader, Andrej Babiš, owner of the Agrofert conglomerate. Babiš has described ANO as both a catch-all party and a right-wing party with a social conscience, the latter description serving as a strategy to garner political support and undermine left-wing parties. In the European Parliament, ANO belongs to the ALDE group. It won 27.2% of the votes in the 2021 parliamentary elections.
The far-right Freedom and Direct Democracy party (Svoboda a přímá demokracie, SPD), which received 9.6% of the votes in 2021, is highly personalized and lacks a network of local branches. The Pirate Party, a member of the coalition government, has a very open structure and a plebiscitary decision-making process. It does not have institutionalized local branches and is a member of the Greens/European Free Alliance in the European Parliament. Although it appears socially liberal, it leans more to the right on economic issues. The Pirate Party is allied with STAN (Starostové a Nezávislí, Mayors and Independents), which is a member of the European People’s Party in the European Parliament. STAN is economically liberal and concerned with environmental issues. This alliance won 15.6% of the votes in 2021.
The main force in the government is a three-party coalition that received 27.8% of the votes in the 2021 parliamentary elections. Its largest member, the ODS, is socially conservative and economically liberal. It belongs to the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament, along with Poland’s PiS. The ODS retains a membership of 12,000, and the prime minister, Petr Fiala, is a member.
Citations:
Petra Guasti and Lenka Buštíková. 2022. “Czech Government Wobbled by Mass Protests.” CEPA. https://cepa.org/article/czech-government-wobbled-by-mass-protests/
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
No current parliamentary party is formally opposed to parliamentary democracy. However, differences in style and policy make cooperation across all parties impossible. The SPD, with 9.6% of the vote in 2021, is often characterized as extreme right and allied with similar parties across Europe. The SPD campaigns against immigration, Islam, NATO, and the EU. Despite this, it cooperated with ANO in parliament from 2017 to 2021, and talks of further cooperation have continued. The biggest problem for ANO is the SPD’s advocacy for referendums on leaving the EU and NATO.
The current coalition consists of five political entities that demonstrated their ability to cooperate by coming together in 2021 to oppose ANO. They successfully mobilized their supporters in coordinated efforts in the Senate and municipal elections in 2022. Although the current president, Petr Pavel, was an independent candidate, Andrej Babiš, the leader of ANO, tried to portray him as the leader of the governing parties and painted him as partisan. However, the ruling coalition is fragmented with disparate policy preferences, weakening it. Opinion polls show the ODS enjoying only one-third of the popular support of ANO.
Doubts over public support for the government as a whole could encourage smaller parties to oppose ODS policies in European Parliament elections and more clearly in parliamentary elections, as all parties will want to be confident of passing the 5% threshold. The five governing political entities have different views on European integration. Some support early affiliation with the eurozone, while the ODS has traditionally been opposed. Some are more concerned about environmental issues, while the ODS has traditionally been more skeptical.
On identity and cultural issues, the governing parties span both liberal and conservative views. Some support same-sex marriage and gender equality, while others oppose them. However, consensus and cooperation within the government around its adopted program appear possible on many issues, particularly since many policy initiatives are initiated and partially funded by the EU.
The current coalition consists of five political entities that demonstrated their ability to cooperate by coming together in 2021 to oppose ANO. They successfully mobilized their supporters in coordinated efforts in the Senate and municipal elections in 2022. Although the current president, Petr Pavel, was an independent candidate, Andrej Babiš, the leader of ANO, tried to portray him as the leader of the governing parties and painted him as partisan. However, the ruling coalition is fragmented with disparate policy preferences, weakening it. Opinion polls show the ODS enjoying only one-third of the popular support of ANO.
Doubts over public support for the government as a whole could encourage smaller parties to oppose ODS policies in European Parliament elections and more clearly in parliamentary elections, as all parties will want to be confident of passing the 5% threshold. The five governing political entities have different views on European integration. Some support early affiliation with the eurozone, while the ODS has traditionally been opposed. Some are more concerned about environmental issues, while the ODS has traditionally been more skeptical.
On identity and cultural issues, the governing parties span both liberal and conservative views. Some support same-sex marriage and gender equality, while others oppose them. However, consensus and cooperation within the government around its adopted program appear possible on many issues, particularly since many policy initiatives are initiated and partially funded by the EU.
Graph View
To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
The Freedom of Information Act, passed in 2000 (106/1999), mandates that state, local administrative bodies, and public institutions provide citizens with information relevant to their functions. This information is either publicized online or is available through a request form. State institutions often implement the law unenthusiastically, but refusal to comply can lead to court action. In the past, some smaller municipalities faced significant financial penalties for failing to disclose requested information.
Over time, public bodies have learned what can and cannot be kept secret. Most ministries and larger public bodies now include a special section with information provided upon request. For example, Prague’s city administration body for administering roads and communications received 71 information requests in 2023, seeking explanations for even detailed changes in traffic rules, such as the placement of road signals. It made these requests and responses public on a website, although it did not provide detailed information in cases it considered trivial.
The pandemic tested the government’s ability to provide citizens and experts with access to information. Litigation by the investigative NGO Watchman (Hlidac státu) was required for the former government of Andrej Babiš to release relevant health statistics, especially on the availability of hospital beds and frontline personnel. Media and citizens utilized the law on freedom of access to information regarding PPE acquisition. The data revealed significant irregularities, clientelism, and corruption. Controversies on these issues have been relatively minor since then.
Citations:
https://texty.hlidacstatu.cz/o-serveru/
https://www.tsk-praha.cz/wps/portal/root/o-spolecnosti/o-spolecnosti-TSK-Praha/poskytnute-informace-as/
Over time, public bodies have learned what can and cannot be kept secret. Most ministries and larger public bodies now include a special section with information provided upon request. For example, Prague’s city administration body for administering roads and communications received 71 information requests in 2023, seeking explanations for even detailed changes in traffic rules, such as the placement of road signals. It made these requests and responses public on a website, although it did not provide detailed information in cases it considered trivial.
The pandemic tested the government’s ability to provide citizens and experts with access to information. Litigation by the investigative NGO Watchman (Hlidac státu) was required for the former government of Andrej Babiš to release relevant health statistics, especially on the availability of hospital beds and frontline personnel. Media and citizens utilized the law on freedom of access to information regarding PPE acquisition. The data revealed significant irregularities, clientelism, and corruption. Controversies on these issues have been relatively minor since then.
Citations:
https://texty.hlidacstatu.cz/o-serveru/
https://www.tsk-praha.cz/wps/portal/root/o-spolecnosti/o-spolecnosti-TSK-Praha/poskytnute-informace-as/