To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
10
Sweden
Environmental civil society organizations (CSOs) are significant actors in the Swedish environmental policymaking process, much like other societal sectors. While several important initiatives exist, including the notable Fridays for Future started by Greta Thunberg (see www.fridaysforfuture.org), the largest environmental CSO in Sweden is The Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC), which has been in operation since 1909. This member-based not-for-profit organization, like all Swedish CSOs, receives state funding in addition to membership fees. It boasts 200,000 members (Naturskyddsföreningen, 2024).
SSNC has local chapters and extensive international operations supported by Sida. The organization has five objectives:
1. Atmosphere: clean air and limited impact on the climate;
2. Land-based ecosystems: a viable nature in forests and on land;
3. Aquatic ecosystems: vibrant waters from spring to ocean;
4. People: environmentally sound individuals in sustainable societies; and
5. The association’s resources: a strong and influential organization.
In pursuit of the last objective, SSNC collaborates with organizations in ten countries and four continents (Naturskyddsföreningen, 2024).
SSNC has local chapters and extensive international operations supported by Sida. The organization has five objectives:
1. Atmosphere: clean air and limited impact on the climate;
2. Land-based ecosystems: a viable nature in forests and on land;
3. Aquatic ecosystems: vibrant waters from spring to ocean;
4. People: environmentally sound individuals in sustainable societies; and
5. The association’s resources: a strong and influential organization.
In pursuit of the last objective, SSNC collaborates with organizations in ten countries and four continents (Naturskyddsföreningen, 2024).
Citations:
Naturskyddsföreningen. 2024. “Our Prioritized Areas.” https://www.naturskyddsforeningen.se/our-prioritised-areas/
Naturskyddsföreningen. 2024. “Our Prioritized Areas.” https://www.naturskyddsforeningen.se/our-prioritised-areas/
9
Germany
Environmental associations enjoy high levels of respect and trust in German society. According to a 2016 survey, 60% of German citizens reported having great or very great trust in environmental organizations. This compares with 69% for the police, 44% for trade unions, 29% for churches, and 18% for political parties (Polis Gesellschaft für Sozial- und Marktforschung mbH, 2016). Therefore, environmental CSOs are well-positioned to draw attention to environmental issues and inform the public about nature and environmental concerns.
Environmental CSOs are primarily funded by membership fees and donations, but they may also receive public funding (Bundesamt für Naturschutz, n.d.). The federal government finances certain projects conducted by environmental associations if they strengthen awareness and engagement for the protection of nature and the environment (Umweltbundesamt, 2023). For instance, the German branch of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) received €33 million in government funding from Germany and abroad during the 2020-2021 accounting year (Fuchs, 2022). Additionally, membership fees and donations to organizations active in environmental and nature protection are tax-deductible (LohnsteuerKompakt, n.d.).
Major German environmental CSOs, such as NABU, BUND, and WWF, have the organizational strength to independently formulate policies and often propose enhancements and amendments to existing laws. For example, a group of CSOs proposed a revised version of the Federal Forests Act (Bundeswaldgesetz) in fall 2023 (NABU, 2023). These organizations also contribute to the development and enhancement of the national sustainability strategy (Bundesregierung, 2023).
The German League for Nature Conservation and Environmental Protection (Deutscher Naturschutzring, DNR) serves as the principal umbrella organization for German environmental CSOs. It comprises approximately 100 member organizations, collectively reaching 11 million people (Global Nature Fund, n.d.). The DNR coordinates projects among its members, seeks to influence political discourse on environmental and climate protection, and advocates for a diverse, open-minded, and tolerant society (Deutscher Naturschutzring, n.d.). The largest German environmental CSO is the German Union for Nature Conservation (Naturschutzbund Deutschland, NABU), with more than 900,000 members. NABU is also part of the DNR (NABU, n.d.).
CSOs mainly have an advisory role in the political process in Germany. While environmental CSOs often propose new laws and regulations, these are merely suggestions, and the federal government and parliament are not obliged to consider them. The role of environmental CSOs in the policymaking process is further discussed under “Effective Involvement of Civil Society Organizations (Environment).”
Environmental CSOs are primarily funded by membership fees and donations, but they may also receive public funding (Bundesamt für Naturschutz, n.d.). The federal government finances certain projects conducted by environmental associations if they strengthen awareness and engagement for the protection of nature and the environment (Umweltbundesamt, 2023). For instance, the German branch of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) received €33 million in government funding from Germany and abroad during the 2020-2021 accounting year (Fuchs, 2022). Additionally, membership fees and donations to organizations active in environmental and nature protection are tax-deductible (LohnsteuerKompakt, n.d.).
Major German environmental CSOs, such as NABU, BUND, and WWF, have the organizational strength to independently formulate policies and often propose enhancements and amendments to existing laws. For example, a group of CSOs proposed a revised version of the Federal Forests Act (Bundeswaldgesetz) in fall 2023 (NABU, 2023). These organizations also contribute to the development and enhancement of the national sustainability strategy (Bundesregierung, 2023).
The German League for Nature Conservation and Environmental Protection (Deutscher Naturschutzring, DNR) serves as the principal umbrella organization for German environmental CSOs. It comprises approximately 100 member organizations, collectively reaching 11 million people (Global Nature Fund, n.d.). The DNR coordinates projects among its members, seeks to influence political discourse on environmental and climate protection, and advocates for a diverse, open-minded, and tolerant society (Deutscher Naturschutzring, n.d.). The largest German environmental CSO is the German Union for Nature Conservation (Naturschutzbund Deutschland, NABU), with more than 900,000 members. NABU is also part of the DNR (NABU, n.d.).
CSOs mainly have an advisory role in the political process in Germany. While environmental CSOs often propose new laws and regulations, these are merely suggestions, and the federal government and parliament are not obliged to consider them. The role of environmental CSOs in the policymaking process is further discussed under “Effective Involvement of Civil Society Organizations (Environment).”
Citations:
Bundesamt für Naturschutz. n.d. “Einnahmestruktur großer Natur- und Umweltschutzverbände.” https://www.bfn.de/daten-und-fakten/einnahmestruktur-grosser-natur-und-umweltschutzverbaende
Bundesregierung. 2023. “Verbände und Stiftungen.” https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/themen/nachhaltigkeitspolitik/verbaende-und-stiftungen-418816
Deutscher Naturschutzring. n.d. “https://www.dnr.de/” (accessed January 22, 2024).
Fuchs, T. 2022. “Der Staat ist einer der wichtigsten Geldgeber des WWF Deutschland – wie unabhängig ist die Umweltorganisation?” Businessinsider August 11. https://www.businessinsider.de/politik/der-staat-ist-einer-der-wichtigsten-geldgeber-des-wwf-deutschland-wie-unabhaengig-ist-die-umweltorganisation/
Global Nature Fund. n.d. “Deutscher Naturschutzring (DNR).” https://www.globalnature.org/de/deutscher-naturschutzring
LohnsteuerKompakt. “Spenden und Mitgliedsbeiträge.” https://www.lohnsteuer-kompakt.de/texte/2023/63/spenden_und_mitgliedsbeitraege
NABU. 2023. “Das Bundeswaldgesetz ins 21. Jahrhundert heben.” https://www.nabu.de/natur-und-landschaft/waelder/waldpolitik/34023.html
NABU. n.d. “Wir sind, was wir tun. Die Naturschutzmacher*innen.” https://www.nabu.de/wir-ueber-uns/index.html
Polis Gesellschaft für Sozial- und Marktforschung mbH. 2016. Vertrauen der Bevölkerung in die Politik. Deidesheim: Polis Gesellschaft für Sozial- und Marktforschung mbH.
Umweltbundesamt. 2023. “Fördern und beraten.” https://www.umweltbundesamt.de/das-uba/was-wir-tun/foerdern-beraten
Bundesamt für Naturschutz. n.d. “Einnahmestruktur großer Natur- und Umweltschutzverbände.” https://www.bfn.de/daten-und-fakten/einnahmestruktur-grosser-natur-und-umweltschutzverbaende
Bundesregierung. 2023. “Verbände und Stiftungen.” https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/themen/nachhaltigkeitspolitik/verbaende-und-stiftungen-418816
Deutscher Naturschutzring. n.d. “https://www.dnr.de/” (accessed January 22, 2024).
Fuchs, T. 2022. “Der Staat ist einer der wichtigsten Geldgeber des WWF Deutschland – wie unabhängig ist die Umweltorganisation?” Businessinsider August 11. https://www.businessinsider.de/politik/der-staat-ist-einer-der-wichtigsten-geldgeber-des-wwf-deutschland-wie-unabhaengig-ist-die-umweltorganisation/
Global Nature Fund. n.d. “Deutscher Naturschutzring (DNR).” https://www.globalnature.org/de/deutscher-naturschutzring
LohnsteuerKompakt. “Spenden und Mitgliedsbeiträge.” https://www.lohnsteuer-kompakt.de/texte/2023/63/spenden_und_mitgliedsbeitraege
NABU. 2023. “Das Bundeswaldgesetz ins 21. Jahrhundert heben.” https://www.nabu.de/natur-und-landschaft/waelder/waldpolitik/34023.html
NABU. n.d. “Wir sind, was wir tun. Die Naturschutzmacher*innen.” https://www.nabu.de/wir-ueber-uns/index.html
Polis Gesellschaft für Sozial- und Marktforschung mbH. 2016. Vertrauen der Bevölkerung in die Politik. Deidesheim: Polis Gesellschaft für Sozial- und Marktforschung mbH.
Umweltbundesamt. 2023. “Fördern und beraten.” https://www.umweltbundesamt.de/das-uba/was-wir-tun/foerdern-beraten
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
Denmark
There is an increasing number of NGOs and associations dealing with environmental issues. Naturfredningsforeningen (The Danish Society for Nature Conservation) has a long tradition and has in recent years become more vocal on environmental issues. Eighteen green organizations have formed a forum – det grønne kontakudvalg – which coordinates and cooperates on environmental issues and participates in the debate and political process. CONCITO – the green think tank – aims to provide information on climate and policies to accelerate the green transition.
In the tradition of tripartite negotiations, the government recently initiated “green” tripartite negotiations to identify broad-based long-term solutions that would allow for the achievement of climate goals and the green transition while maintaining a competitive food-producing sector.
As part of the Economics Council, there is also the Environmental Economic Council (since 2007), which has 24 members representing the chairmanship (an independent group of academics), unions, employers, NGOs, the Danish government and independent economic experts. The members of the Environmental Economic Council meet once a year to discuss a report prepared by the chairmanship.
In the tradition of tripartite negotiations, the government recently initiated “green” tripartite negotiations to identify broad-based long-term solutions that would allow for the achievement of climate goals and the green transition while maintaining a competitive food-producing sector.
As part of the Economics Council, there is also the Environmental Economic Council (since 2007), which has 24 members representing the chairmanship (an independent group of academics), unions, employers, NGOs, the Danish government and independent economic experts. The members of the Environmental Economic Council meet once a year to discuss a report prepared by the chairmanship.
Citations:
Concito. https://concito.dk
Danish Society for Nature Conservation. https://www.dn.dk/home/english-page/
Concito. https://concito.dk
Danish Society for Nature Conservation. https://www.dn.dk/home/english-page/
New Zealand
In New Zealand, public concerns about climate change and other environmental issues have grown considerably in recent years. One measure of this concern is the increasing support for environmental organizations. For example, both Greenpeace and Forest & Bird reported over $9 million in donations in 2021 and 2022, respectively (Greenpeace Aotearoa 2021; Forest & Bird 2022).
There are differences among environmental organizations in terms of resources, funding, leadership and strategies. For example, larger, established organizations such as Greenpeace and Forest & Bird have comparatively formal structures that influence their governance and fundraising strategies. In contrast, organizations such as CANA and Save Happy Valley have more grassroots, devolved and informal structures. Additionally, some organizations, including Generation Zero and 350 Aotearoa, adopt hybrid approaches that combine both formal and informal structures. Some of these organizations, such as Greenpeace New Zealand and 350 Aotearoa, have links to global environmental movement actors (Kurian et al. 2022).
New Zealand’s environmental movement has achieved significant successes over the years, leading to positive changes in policies and practices. For example, in the 1970s and 1980s, widespread public protests against nuclear testing and the entry of nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed ships led to the enactment of legislation declaring New Zealand a nuclear-free zone. More recently, environmental interest groups played a key role in getting the Zero Carbon Act enacted in 2019, which makes it mandatory for governments to take action on climate (Hayward 2022).
Māori-led campaigns have also significantly influenced environmental politics. For Māori activists, the fight against climate change and ecological degradation is intertwined with long-standing struggles for decolonization and control over land and resources (Kurian et al. 2022). Similar to other environmentalist actors, Māori groups have taken direct protest action to achieve their objectives, such as the occupation of Ihumātao from 2016 to 2020. Additionally, they have utilized the Waitangi Tribunal to reach negotiated settlements with the government. Many of these settlements included cultural redress aimed at restoring Māori communities’ relationships with the environment and prescribed the establishment of Māori-led institutions with environmental policy and decision-making functions, such as the Waikato River Authority and the Te Urewera Board (Wheen 2022).
However, Māori have also raised concerns and held protests in response to a number of climate change initiatives that were introduced. For example, Iwi leaders (Māori tribal leaders) were not consulted on the oil and gas ban, and there was considerable resistance to the government’s policy to lock up “significant natural areas” on private land, including Māori land. In combination, these initiatives were seen as the government “grabbing” Indigenous resources and land (Harman 2021).
There are differences among environmental organizations in terms of resources, funding, leadership and strategies. For example, larger, established organizations such as Greenpeace and Forest & Bird have comparatively formal structures that influence their governance and fundraising strategies. In contrast, organizations such as CANA and Save Happy Valley have more grassroots, devolved and informal structures. Additionally, some organizations, including Generation Zero and 350 Aotearoa, adopt hybrid approaches that combine both formal and informal structures. Some of these organizations, such as Greenpeace New Zealand and 350 Aotearoa, have links to global environmental movement actors (Kurian et al. 2022).
New Zealand’s environmental movement has achieved significant successes over the years, leading to positive changes in policies and practices. For example, in the 1970s and 1980s, widespread public protests against nuclear testing and the entry of nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed ships led to the enactment of legislation declaring New Zealand a nuclear-free zone. More recently, environmental interest groups played a key role in getting the Zero Carbon Act enacted in 2019, which makes it mandatory for governments to take action on climate (Hayward 2022).
Māori-led campaigns have also significantly influenced environmental politics. For Māori activists, the fight against climate change and ecological degradation is intertwined with long-standing struggles for decolonization and control over land and resources (Kurian et al. 2022). Similar to other environmentalist actors, Māori groups have taken direct protest action to achieve their objectives, such as the occupation of Ihumātao from 2016 to 2020. Additionally, they have utilized the Waitangi Tribunal to reach negotiated settlements with the government. Many of these settlements included cultural redress aimed at restoring Māori communities’ relationships with the environment and prescribed the establishment of Māori-led institutions with environmental policy and decision-making functions, such as the Waikato River Authority and the Te Urewera Board (Wheen 2022).
However, Māori have also raised concerns and held protests in response to a number of climate change initiatives that were introduced. For example, Iwi leaders (Māori tribal leaders) were not consulted on the oil and gas ban, and there was considerable resistance to the government’s policy to lock up “significant natural areas” on private land, including Māori land. In combination, these initiatives were seen as the government “grabbing” Indigenous resources and land (Harman 2021).
Citations:
Forest & Bird. 2022. “Annual Report 2022.” https://www.forestandbird.org.nz/resources/forest-bird-annual-report-2022
Greenpeace Aotearoa. 2021. “Annual Impact Report 2021.” https://www.greenpeace.org/aotearoa/publication/2021-annual-impact-report/
Harman, R. 2021. “Maori Lead Protests Against Shaw’s New Environmental Protection Regulations.” Politik, June 9. https://www.politik.co.nz/maori-lead-protests-against-shaws-new-environmental-protection-regulations/
Hayward, B. 2022. “Climate Policy.” In J. L. MacArthur and Maria Bargh, eds., Environmental Politics and Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Kurian, P., et al. 2022. “Social movements and the environment.” In Environmental Politics and Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand, eds. J. L. MacArthur and Maria Bargh. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Wheen, N. 2022. “Contemporary Environmental Institutions and Policy-Making.” In Environmental Politics and Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand, eds. J. L. MacArthur and Maria Bargh. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Forest & Bird. 2022. “Annual Report 2022.” https://www.forestandbird.org.nz/resources/forest-bird-annual-report-2022
Greenpeace Aotearoa. 2021. “Annual Impact Report 2021.” https://www.greenpeace.org/aotearoa/publication/2021-annual-impact-report/
Harman, R. 2021. “Maori Lead Protests Against Shaw’s New Environmental Protection Regulations.” Politik, June 9. https://www.politik.co.nz/maori-lead-protests-against-shaws-new-environmental-protection-regulations/
Hayward, B. 2022. “Climate Policy.” In J. L. MacArthur and Maria Bargh, eds., Environmental Politics and Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Kurian, P., et al. 2022. “Social movements and the environment.” In Environmental Politics and Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand, eds. J. L. MacArthur and Maria Bargh. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Wheen, N. 2022. “Contemporary Environmental Institutions and Policy-Making.” In Environmental Politics and Policy in Aotearoa New Zealand, eds. J. L. MacArthur and Maria Bargh. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Slovenia
Several civil society organizations are active in the environmental sector. These organizations are fragmented, each covering different areas of environmental protection, and are often small with few members. Organizations that operate in the public interest can register with the relevant ministry. This status provides better opportunities to receive state funding. Currently, 44 organizations are registered with the Ministry of the Environment and Spatial Planning. These organizations are important actors in environmental protection.
In addition to purely national environmental organizations, there are also national sections of international environmental organizations in Slovenia, such as Green Peace Slovenia. Some national environmental organizations are also well-networked regionally. Alpe Adria Green, which aims for regional integration to solve common ecological problems, has managed to connect all the countries of the former Yugoslavia, Italy, and Slovenia. Balkan River Defense is an organization that campaigns for clean rivers in the Balkans. Other environmental organizations form joint advocacy coalitions, such as Plan B for Slovenia, which has brought together 38 organizations active in sustainable development over the last ten years.
The activities of environmental organizations and other progressive civil society groups gained significant public attention during the so-called “referendum on waters,” when the then-government of Prime Minister Janša (SDS) attempted to liberalize legislation to reduce environmental protections. This would have allowed for increased economic activity, particularly construction projects in protected coastal and river areas.
Environmental organizations were also active in 2023, along with local citizen initiatives addressing specific problems. In March 2023, Youth for Climate Justice organized climate protests in Ljubljana and Maribor, urging authorities to take action against the environmental crisis. The construction of a CO2 sewer in the area of the Ljubljana aquifer sparked several protests. The project, taking place without the appropriate permits, could contaminate drinking water in the event of an accident or earthquake, as the sewer is located in the central part of the Kleče water protection area.
The 8th of March Institute, Eko Anhovo and Dolina Soče associations, and the Danes citizens’ initiative submitted more than 6,000 certified signatures to the National Assembly in September 2023 to propose an amendment to the Environmental Protection Act. This initiative arose primarily due to industrial pollution in Anhovo, where residents suffer from significant health problems and premature deaths. One of the aims of the proposed amendment was to ensure that emission standards for waste incineration are the same as those for co-incineration. The amendment made this possible, eliminating the previous disparity where cement plants faced less stringent requirements than incineration plants. The law was passed in 2024.
In addition to purely national environmental organizations, there are also national sections of international environmental organizations in Slovenia, such as Green Peace Slovenia. Some national environmental organizations are also well-networked regionally. Alpe Adria Green, which aims for regional integration to solve common ecological problems, has managed to connect all the countries of the former Yugoslavia, Italy, and Slovenia. Balkan River Defense is an organization that campaigns for clean rivers in the Balkans. Other environmental organizations form joint advocacy coalitions, such as Plan B for Slovenia, which has brought together 38 organizations active in sustainable development over the last ten years.
The activities of environmental organizations and other progressive civil society groups gained significant public attention during the so-called “referendum on waters,” when the then-government of Prime Minister Janša (SDS) attempted to liberalize legislation to reduce environmental protections. This would have allowed for increased economic activity, particularly construction projects in protected coastal and river areas.
Environmental organizations were also active in 2023, along with local citizen initiatives addressing specific problems. In March 2023, Youth for Climate Justice organized climate protests in Ljubljana and Maribor, urging authorities to take action against the environmental crisis. The construction of a CO2 sewer in the area of the Ljubljana aquifer sparked several protests. The project, taking place without the appropriate permits, could contaminate drinking water in the event of an accident or earthquake, as the sewer is located in the central part of the Kleče water protection area.
The 8th of March Institute, Eko Anhovo and Dolina Soče associations, and the Danes citizens’ initiative submitted more than 6,000 certified signatures to the National Assembly in September 2023 to propose an amendment to the Environmental Protection Act. This initiative arose primarily due to industrial pollution in Anhovo, where residents suffer from significant health problems and premature deaths. One of the aims of the proposed amendment was to ensure that emission standards for waste incineration are the same as those for co-incineration. The amendment made this possible, eliminating the previous disparity where cement plants faced less stringent requirements than incineration plants. The law was passed in 2024.
Citations:
Civicus/European Civic Monitor 2022. “Country Update: Slovenia. Overview of Recent Restrictions to Civic Freedoms.” https://civicus.org/documents/SloveniaCountryBrief.6April2022.pdf
AJPES 2024: Evidenca nevladnih organizacij v javnem interesu. https://www.ajpes.si/Registri/Drugi_registri/Evidenca_nevladnih_organizacij/Splosno
Plan B za Slovenijo 2024: Mreža Plan B za Slovenijo. https://planbzaslovenijo.si
Balkan River Defence: About. https://balkanriverdefence.org/about/
Mednarodni okoljski center Alpe Adria Green: Kdo smo – kaj delamo. https://alpeadriagreen.org/kaj-delamo/
Rakar, Tatjana, and Tomaž Deželan. 2023. “The Strength of Civil Society in Slovenia after Three Decades of Post-Communist Experience.” In Handbook of Civil Society and Social Movements in Small States, eds. Lino Briguglio. Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 248-261.
Delo. 2021. “Kvorum je presežen, zakon odločno zavrnjen.” https://www.delo.si/novice/slovenija/zakon-o-vodah-na-preizkusnji/
Civicus/European Civic Monitor 2022. “Country Update: Slovenia. Overview of Recent Restrictions to Civic Freedoms.” https://civicus.org/documents/SloveniaCountryBrief.6April2022.pdf
AJPES 2024: Evidenca nevladnih organizacij v javnem interesu. https://www.ajpes.si/Registri/Drugi_registri/Evidenca_nevladnih_organizacij/Splosno
Plan B za Slovenijo 2024: Mreža Plan B za Slovenijo. https://planbzaslovenijo.si
Balkan River Defence: About. https://balkanriverdefence.org/about/
Mednarodni okoljski center Alpe Adria Green: Kdo smo – kaj delamo. https://alpeadriagreen.org/kaj-delamo/
Rakar, Tatjana, and Tomaž Deželan. 2023. “The Strength of Civil Society in Slovenia after Three Decades of Post-Communist Experience.” In Handbook of Civil Society and Social Movements in Small States, eds. Lino Briguglio. Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 248-261.
Delo. 2021. “Kvorum je presežen, zakon odločno zavrnjen.” https://www.delo.si/novice/slovenija/zakon-o-vodah-na-preizkusnji/
Switzerland
A plethora of environmental groups exist in Switzerland. Four large organizations – Greenpeace, Pro Natura, the Transport Club (Verkehrsclub der Schweiz) and WWF Switzerland – cooperate in the Alliance for the Environment (Umweltallianz; https://umweltallianz.ch/). Steven Eichenberger (2020; Mach et al 2020) has found that citizen groups – including environmental groups – are strongly represented in the political system. Their share of seats in various commissions and their overall influence are comparable to the influence wielded by trade unions. Evidently, such groups are very capable of cooperating (Alliance for the Environment). Bailer and Bütikofer echo Eichenberger’s finding that environmental groups are a strong parliamentary lobbying influence (Bailer and Bütikofer 2023: 187). In the most recent European Social Survey (wave 10), about one-quarter of all respondents claimed to volunteer for a not-for-profit or charitable organization – which is a comparatively high share.
In contrast to the case in almost all European democracies, interest organizations may exert influence using the opportunities afforded by direct democracy. They can trigger a referendum or suggest a new constitutional article by way of a so-called initiative. For more on the institution of direct democracy, see Vatter (2018) and Stadelmann and Leemann (2023). This is a very powerful lever for citizen groups and interest associations.
In this regard, these organizations have substantially more power than comparable organizations in other countries. For example, the environmentally focused Transport Club (Verkehrsclub) has successfully collected signatures for a referendum against a massive motorway expansion. While environmental CSOs have considerable means and access to the political system, their concrete influence on policies remains limited, as Swiss domestic climate-change policy is in line with a typical industrial country perspective, and is strongly influenced by industry (Ingold/Pflieger 2016).
In contrast to the case in almost all European democracies, interest organizations may exert influence using the opportunities afforded by direct democracy. They can trigger a referendum or suggest a new constitutional article by way of a so-called initiative. For more on the institution of direct democracy, see Vatter (2018) and Stadelmann and Leemann (2023). This is a very powerful lever for citizen groups and interest associations.
In this regard, these organizations have substantially more power than comparable organizations in other countries. For example, the environmentally focused Transport Club (Verkehrsclub) has successfully collected signatures for a referendum against a massive motorway expansion. While environmental CSOs have considerable means and access to the political system, their concrete influence on policies remains limited, as Swiss domestic climate-change policy is in line with a typical industrial country perspective, and is strongly influenced by industry (Ingold/Pflieger 2016).
Citations:
Bailer, Stefanie, and Sarah Bütikofer. 2023. “Parliament.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 174–194. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.9
Eichenberger, Steven. 2020. “The Rise of Citizen Groups within the Administration and Parliament in Switzerland.” Swiss Political Science Review 26: 206-227. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spsr.12394
Ingold, K., and G. Pflieger. 2016. “Two Levels, Two Strategies: Explaining the Gap Between Swiss National and International Responses Toward Climate Change.” European Policy Analysis 2 (1): 20-38. https://doi.org/10.18278/epa.2.1.4
Mach, André, Varone, Frédéric, and Eichenberger, Steven. 2020. “Transformations of Swiss Neo-Corporatism: From Pre-Parliamentary Negotiations Toward Privileged Pluralism in the Parliamentary Venue.” In The European Social Model under Pressure, edited by Careja, Romana, Emmenegger, Patrick, and Giger, Nathalie, 51-68. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27043-8_4
Stadelmann-Steffen, Isabelle, and Lucas Leemann. 2023. “Direct Democracy.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 156–173. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.8
Vatter, Adrian. 2018. Das politische System der Schweiz. 3rd ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB).
Bailer, Stefanie, and Sarah Bütikofer. 2023. “Parliament.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 174–194. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.9
Eichenberger, Steven. 2020. “The Rise of Citizen Groups within the Administration and Parliament in Switzerland.” Swiss Political Science Review 26: 206-227. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spsr.12394
Ingold, K., and G. Pflieger. 2016. “Two Levels, Two Strategies: Explaining the Gap Between Swiss National and International Responses Toward Climate Change.” European Policy Analysis 2 (1): 20-38. https://doi.org/10.18278/epa.2.1.4
Mach, André, Varone, Frédéric, and Eichenberger, Steven. 2020. “Transformations of Swiss Neo-Corporatism: From Pre-Parliamentary Negotiations Toward Privileged Pluralism in the Parliamentary Venue.” In The European Social Model under Pressure, edited by Careja, Romana, Emmenegger, Patrick, and Giger, Nathalie, 51-68. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27043-8_4
Stadelmann-Steffen, Isabelle, and Lucas Leemann. 2023. “Direct Democracy.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 156–173. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.8
Vatter, Adrian. 2018. Das politische System der Schweiz. 3rd ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB).
Netherlands
Green civil society action in the Netherlands follows three strategies. First, there are the very cooperative and policy-oriented actions from the vested nature and environmental organizations like Natuurmonumenten, Wereld Natuur Fonds, Provinciale Landschappen and Vogelbescherming. Jointly, they represent almost 2 million members, all of whom are paying donors. (Compare this to total political party membership in 2023 of just 379,000.) The Foundation of Nature and Environment Federations supports green civil organizations at the local and provincial levels (claiming 1,300 affiliated local groups) and influences policymaking at the provincial level (claiming participation in 728 policy projects across 13 provinces).
Second, green NGOs dissatisfied with the influence possible through the polder model, and which have witnessed one implementation delay after another, have successfully turned to the judiciary to force the government to finally take its climate goal commitments seriously. This group gained momentum after two successful legal challenges. Internationally famous was the Urgenda ruling of 20 December 2019, which forced the Dutch government to start implementing its CO2 emission promises in earnest. The initiators founded Urgenda as a network organization of so-called regional spinners that identify connect and boost sustainability projects in the areas of climate and energy, building, mobility, production, and agriculture and biodiversity. Another successful organization is Johan Vollenbroek’s Mobilization for the Environment (MOB). MOB acts as a representative of resident and environmental organizations in the legal review of environmental permits, and in challenging violations of environmental regulations. MOB established its reputation through a successful legal challenge to the state’s PFAS policy. More recently, MOB successfully challenged the government’s failure to implementation its nitrogen emission policy.
Irritated by this strategy, interpreted as leading to “rule by judges” (“dikastocracy”), parliament accepted a motion in February 2023 that urged the government to explore the possibility of complicating legal action by citizen interest organizations by imposing stricter rules governing representativeness. This motion was rejected as being incompatible with a unanimously adopted 2020 law on class action lawsuits, which allows interest groups to seek the enforcement of the government’s own laws and regulations in court.
A third strategy is civil disobedience, in which organizations step up street demonstrations, causing a nuisance for other citizens as a consciousness-raising tactic. This strategy, particularly used by (traditionally) Greenpeace and more recently by Extinction Rebellion, follows a more general trend toward tougher street protests and demonstrations.
Second, green NGOs dissatisfied with the influence possible through the polder model, and which have witnessed one implementation delay after another, have successfully turned to the judiciary to force the government to finally take its climate goal commitments seriously. This group gained momentum after two successful legal challenges. Internationally famous was the Urgenda ruling of 20 December 2019, which forced the Dutch government to start implementing its CO2 emission promises in earnest. The initiators founded Urgenda as a network organization of so-called regional spinners that identify connect and boost sustainability projects in the areas of climate and energy, building, mobility, production, and agriculture and biodiversity. Another successful organization is Johan Vollenbroek’s Mobilization for the Environment (MOB). MOB acts as a representative of resident and environmental organizations in the legal review of environmental permits, and in challenging violations of environmental regulations. MOB established its reputation through a successful legal challenge to the state’s PFAS policy. More recently, MOB successfully challenged the government’s failure to implementation its nitrogen emission policy.
Irritated by this strategy, interpreted as leading to “rule by judges” (“dikastocracy”), parliament accepted a motion in February 2023 that urged the government to explore the possibility of complicating legal action by citizen interest organizations by imposing stricter rules governing representativeness. This motion was rejected as being incompatible with a unanimously adopted 2020 law on class action lawsuits, which allows interest groups to seek the enforcement of the government’s own laws and regulations in court.
A third strategy is civil disobedience, in which organizations step up street demonstrations, causing a nuisance for other citizens as a consciousness-raising tactic. This strategy, particularly used by (traditionally) Greenpeace and more recently by Extinction Rebellion, follows a more general trend toward tougher street protests and demonstrations.
Citations:
Compendium voor de Leefomgeving. 2023. “Ledenaantal particuliere natuur- en milieuorganisaties.” 13 November.
De Natuur- en milieufederaties. 2022. Jaarverslag de Natuur en Milieufederaties.
Greenpeace. 2023. “Extinction Rebellion en Greenpeace voeren actie bij Rabobank-kantoren om financiering natuurverwoesting te stoppen.” https://www.greenpeace.org/nl/natuur/42314/extinction-rebellion-en-greenpeace-voeren-actie-bij-rabobank-kantoren-om-financiering-natuurverwoesting-te-stoppen
Greenpeace. 2022. “Actievoerders houden 6,5 uur privéjets aan de grond op Schiphol.” Karst November 5.
Groene Amsterdammer. 2023. “Blokkades? Wees creatiever: Interview Kees Schuyt over Extinction Rebellion.” September 23.
NRC, Schravesande. 2022. “Met control-F voor de vergunningen: zo wint Johan Vollenbroek keer op keer zijn rechtszaken.” NRC Handelsblad September 7.
NRC, Al Ali. 2023. “Kabinet wil stap belangenorganisaties naar rechter niet bemoeilijken.” NRC April 17.
Compendium voor de Leefomgeving. 2023. “Ledenaantal particuliere natuur- en milieuorganisaties.” 13 November.
De Natuur- en milieufederaties. 2022. Jaarverslag de Natuur en Milieufederaties.
Greenpeace. 2023. “Extinction Rebellion en Greenpeace voeren actie bij Rabobank-kantoren om financiering natuurverwoesting te stoppen.” https://www.greenpeace.org/nl/natuur/42314/extinction-rebellion-en-greenpeace-voeren-actie-bij-rabobank-kantoren-om-financiering-natuurverwoesting-te-stoppen
Greenpeace. 2022. “Actievoerders houden 6,5 uur privéjets aan de grond op Schiphol.” Karst November 5.
Groene Amsterdammer. 2023. “Blokkades? Wees creatiever: Interview Kees Schuyt over Extinction Rebellion.” September 23.
NRC, Schravesande. 2022. “Met control-F voor de vergunningen: zo wint Johan Vollenbroek keer op keer zijn rechtszaken.” NRC Handelsblad September 7.
NRC, Al Ali. 2023. “Kabinet wil stap belangenorganisaties naar rechter niet bemoeilijken.” NRC April 17.
7
Australia
The discussion regarding CSOs in labor, capital, and social welfare also applies to environmental CSOs. Major environmental CSOs are active, capable, and influential, but their influence is not consistent or guaranteed, depending on a favorable opportunity structure, particularly who is in power and how open or amenable they are to the CSO’s activism.
Environmental activism has seen long-term growth in civil society participation (Gulliver 2022). The number of environmental CSOs has increased, and they have diversified their focus on specific environmental issues or representing particular communities. This movement has been crucial in shifting the mainstream view on the importance of climate change and the need for government action to combat human contributions to global warming. However, their effectiveness was limited under the previous center-right Coalition Government. Their influence has become more discernible since the center-left Labor Party came to power in 2022.
Environmental activism has seen long-term growth in civil society participation (Gulliver 2022). The number of environmental CSOs has increased, and they have diversified their focus on specific environmental issues or representing particular communities. This movement has been crucial in shifting the mainstream view on the importance of climate change and the need for government action to combat human contributions to global warming. However, their effectiveness was limited under the previous center-right Coalition Government. Their influence has become more discernible since the center-left Labor Party came to power in 2022.
Citations:
Gulliver, R. 2022. “How Australia’s Expanding Environmental Movement is Breaking the Climate Action Deadlock in Politics.” The Conversation June 9. https://theconversation.com/how-australias-expanding-environmental-movement-is-breaking-the-climate-action-deadlock-in-politics-183825
Gulliver, R. 2022. “How Australia’s Expanding Environmental Movement is Breaking the Climate Action Deadlock in Politics.” The Conversation June 9. https://theconversation.com/how-australias-expanding-environmental-movement-is-breaking-the-climate-action-deadlock-in-politics-183825
Canada
The policy capacity of non-governmental (NGO) or civil society organizations (CSOs) in any area of policymaking can vary widely depending on the size, focus, and resources of each organization. Adequate funding and resources are crucial for NGO/CSOs to build and maintain their ability to influence policy. Larger NGOs with significant resources, staffing, and expertise may have greater policy capacity. Financial stability, in particular, enables organizations to invest in staff training, research initiatives, and advocacy campaigns. Funding sources may include grants, donations, and partnerships. These organizations often have dedicated policy teams, researchers, and advocacy specialists.
CSOs with strong research capacity and subject-matter expertise are better equipped to analyze policy issues, propose solutions, and engage in evidence-based advocacy than those with weaker capabilities. Some NGOs may collaborate with academic institutions or experts to enhance their research capabilities. The ability to collaborate in this way and form strategic alliances with other NGOs, civil society groups, and stakeholders can enhance an organization’s policy influence. Networking allows these organizations to share resources and information and amplify their collective voice. Issues that resonate with the public, policymakers, or specific interest groups may attract more attention and support. Public awareness campaigns, media outreach, and social media engagement are all part of such organizations’ policy advocacy efforts.
In the environmental sphere, Canada has several large, influential, and effective civil society organizations, including some with a global reach. Major national environmental organizations in Canada include Greenpeace Canada, part of the global Greenpeace network founded in Vancouver after protests surrounding a U.S. nuclear test in Amchitka, Alaska, in 1971. It is one of the country’s most prominent environmental advocacy groups, campaigning on issues like climate change, protecting oceans and forests, and promoting renewable energy.
Other prominent and well-resourced civil society organizations include the Sierra Club Canada, a branch of the U.S.-based Sierra Club. This organization focuses on protecting wilderness areas and ecosystems and works on issues related to national parks, endangered species, and sustainable development. Similarly, the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) Canada is the Canadian arm of the Swiss-based global conservation organization, concentrating on wildlife protection, sustainable food sources, and curbing threats from habitat loss and climate change.
Based in Quebec, Equiterre is another prominent organization promoting environmental and social justice issues, with campaigns around sustainable agriculture, transportation, and consumption habits. Its former director is now the federal Minister of the Environment. Smaller organizations, like the David Suzuki Foundation – named after a renowned Canadian environmentalist and TV host – have a significant media presence despite their size.
These large national groups often work with more regionally focused environmental organizations across Canada’s provinces and territories. They play an important role in shaping environmental policies and raising public awareness on key ecological issues facing the country.
CSOs with strong research capacity and subject-matter expertise are better equipped to analyze policy issues, propose solutions, and engage in evidence-based advocacy than those with weaker capabilities. Some NGOs may collaborate with academic institutions or experts to enhance their research capabilities. The ability to collaborate in this way and form strategic alliances with other NGOs, civil society groups, and stakeholders can enhance an organization’s policy influence. Networking allows these organizations to share resources and information and amplify their collective voice. Issues that resonate with the public, policymakers, or specific interest groups may attract more attention and support. Public awareness campaigns, media outreach, and social media engagement are all part of such organizations’ policy advocacy efforts.
In the environmental sphere, Canada has several large, influential, and effective civil society organizations, including some with a global reach. Major national environmental organizations in Canada include Greenpeace Canada, part of the global Greenpeace network founded in Vancouver after protests surrounding a U.S. nuclear test in Amchitka, Alaska, in 1971. It is one of the country’s most prominent environmental advocacy groups, campaigning on issues like climate change, protecting oceans and forests, and promoting renewable energy.
Other prominent and well-resourced civil society organizations include the Sierra Club Canada, a branch of the U.S.-based Sierra Club. This organization focuses on protecting wilderness areas and ecosystems and works on issues related to national parks, endangered species, and sustainable development. Similarly, the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) Canada is the Canadian arm of the Swiss-based global conservation organization, concentrating on wildlife protection, sustainable food sources, and curbing threats from habitat loss and climate change.
Based in Quebec, Equiterre is another prominent organization promoting environmental and social justice issues, with campaigns around sustainable agriculture, transportation, and consumption habits. Its former director is now the federal Minister of the Environment. Smaller organizations, like the David Suzuki Foundation – named after a renowned Canadian environmentalist and TV host – have a significant media presence despite their size.
These large national groups often work with more regionally focused environmental organizations across Canada’s provinces and territories. They play an important role in shaping environmental policies and raising public awareness on key ecological issues facing the country.
Citations:
Savoie, Donald J. 1999. Governing from the Centre: The Concentration of Power in Canadian Politics. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Savoie, Donald J. 1999. Governing from the Centre: The Concentration of Power in Canadian Politics. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Finland
Finland boasts a large number of civil society associations, societies and groups working to protect the environment. The Finnish Association for Nature Conservation (FANC) is the oldest and most impactful environmental organization in Finland. With 150 local associations and a multitude of engaged members across the country, its collective efforts are dedicated to halting biodiversity loss and addressing global warming. FANC has over 30,000 members and 15 district organizations nationwide.
The government regularly consults environmental organizations. However, there are constant tensions between the viewpoints expressed by these organizations and those of various industries. The most heated debates concern the use of natural resources, specifically forests and mineral resources. Environmental organizations also clash with Metsähallitus – the organization that governs state-owned natural resources. The state owns 35% of all the forests in Finland.
The disputes over the use of natural resources extend to the academic level as well. Industries and environmental organizations do not share the same knowledge base. Instead, they constantly criticize each other for publishing biased information.
The government regularly consults environmental organizations. However, there are constant tensions between the viewpoints expressed by these organizations and those of various industries. The most heated debates concern the use of natural resources, specifically forests and mineral resources. Environmental organizations also clash with Metsähallitus – the organization that governs state-owned natural resources. The state owns 35% of all the forests in Finland.
The disputes over the use of natural resources extend to the academic level as well. Industries and environmental organizations do not share the same knowledge base. Instead, they constantly criticize each other for publishing biased information.
Citations:
https://www.sll.fi/en/
https://www.sll.fi/en/
Ireland
Irish environmental CSOs exert pressure on the legislature and government through pressure politics, pluralism, protest and prefiguration. Some are better integrated into the policy formulation process through historical quasi-corporatism, with the Irish Environmental Network representing environmental CSOs. Additionally, some large CSOs participate directly in government policy processes, often overlapping informally with Green Party membership and engaging in COP-like processes to monitor the implementation of the Irish Climate Action Plan. Few CSOs leverage their own academic staff or think tanks, or engage in collaborative efforts with academic institutions, but many employ a research or policy officer. Wagner and Ylä-Anttila (2018) examined the Irish climate policy network and concluded that domestic NGOs are weak, with powerful economic actors and government departments dominating, a view supported by Flynn (2003). However, it can be argued that the Environmental Pillar has become more effective at policy influencing in recent years. Other CSOs engage in different theories of change, including ruptural and symbiotic approaches (Murphy 2023).
Citations:
Murphy, M. P. 2023. Creating an Ecosocial Welfare State. Bristol: Policy Press.
Wagner, P., and T. Ylä-Anttila. 2018. “Who Got Their Way? Advocacy Coalitions and the Irish Climate Change Law.” Environmental Politics 27 (5): 872–891.
Flynn, B. 2003. “Much Talk but Little Action? ‘New’ Environmental Policy Instruments in Ireland.” Environmental Politics 12 (1): 137–156. https://doi.org/10.1080/714000656
Murphy, M. P. 2023. Creating an Ecosocial Welfare State. Bristol: Policy Press.
Wagner, P., and T. Ylä-Anttila. 2018. “Who Got Their Way? Advocacy Coalitions and the Irish Climate Change Law.” Environmental Politics 27 (5): 872–891.
Flynn, B. 2003. “Much Talk but Little Action? ‘New’ Environmental Policy Instruments in Ireland.” Environmental Politics 12 (1): 137–156. https://doi.org/10.1080/714000656
Lithuania
Environmental CSOs have become increasingly active and visible in policy debates in Lithuania. They participated actively in the preparation of the long-term Lithuania 2050 strategy. They also react on an ad hoc basis to initiatives from the government and other societal groups, such as farmers.
In addition to benefiting from donations of up to 1.2% of personal income tax from taxpayers, they also receive project-based funding from state institutions and EU programs. For example, the Baltic Environmental Forum received funding from the EU LIFE program and the Lithuanian government for its projects such as Natura Lit. Environmental CSOs are well connected to similar organizations in other European countries. The Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor coordinates state funding for NGOs and provides relevant information on its website.
In addition to benefiting from donations of up to 1.2% of personal income tax from taxpayers, they also receive project-based funding from state institutions and EU programs. For example, the Baltic Environmental Forum received funding from the EU LIFE program and the Lithuanian government for its projects such as Natura Lit. Environmental CSOs are well connected to similar organizations in other European countries. The Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor coordinates state funding for NGOs and provides relevant information on its website.
Citations:
Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor. “NGO policy (in Lithuanian).” https://socmin.lrv.lt/lt/veiklos-sritys/nevyriausybiniu-organizaciju-politika/nvo-teikiamas-finansavimas/nvo-teikiamas-finansavimas-2023
Baltic Environmental Forum Lithuania. https://bef.lt/?lang=en
Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor. “NGO policy (in Lithuanian).” https://socmin.lrv.lt/lt/veiklos-sritys/nevyriausybiniu-organizaciju-politika/nvo-teikiamas-finansavimas/nvo-teikiamas-finansavimas-2023
Baltic Environmental Forum Lithuania. https://bef.lt/?lang=en
Norway
In Norway, the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in environmental protection is intrinsically linked to energy production. Since the mid-1960s, accelerated development of hydroelectric facilities has led to the redirection of natural rivers and waterfalls into pipelines and dams, often to the marked protest of environmentalists and agricultural interests. A conflict between economic growth and the preservation of nature has since dominated the relationship between CSOs and the government. An important actor is the 150-year-old Norwegian Trekking Organization, which has consistently voiced the interests of pristine nature (DNT, 2023).
The discovery and exploitation of significant oil and gas resources on the Norwegian continental shelf intensified the tension between economic and preservation concerns. Questions about the pace and areas of exploitation heightened the conflict between industrial interests, jobs, and an alliance of environmentalists and conventional fishers. A third layer of conflict emerged in the tension between nature preservation and climate needs, illustrated by current debates about the location of windmills. The push for sustainable energy production requires more renewable energy from hydro, wind, and solar sources, which in turn necessitates grid extensions. These developments threaten the traditional use of land for recreational and agricultural purposes.
The environmental CSOs are typically underfunded, reliant on membership fees and donations. The impact of their activities on public policy is mainly indirect, achieved through organizing protests that receive substantial media attention. When protests influence policy development, they have so far typically led to postponements of planned projects or procedural changes rather than a reevaluation of policy goals. An example is the massive protests against onshore wind farms in 2019, which resulted in the government shelving plans for a national search for “appropriate areas” for wind farms and instead calling for better coordination between the Energy Regulatory Authority (which issues operation licenses) and municipalities’ area planning processes. This aligns with other observations about the potential dilemmas that arise from the principle of local self-determination.
In 2021, Norway’s supreme court – the country’s highest court – determined that some wind power plants were violating the South Sami people’s human right to cultural practices by hindering reindeer herding. As a result, Sami people and other activists blocked entry to the Ministry of Oil and Energy in 2023. In December of that year, a compromise was adopted: the windmills would stand for 25 years, and the Sami people would have the right to veto future expansions. This demonstrates that smaller actors can also influence policies regarding climate and environmental matters.
The discovery and exploitation of significant oil and gas resources on the Norwegian continental shelf intensified the tension between economic and preservation concerns. Questions about the pace and areas of exploitation heightened the conflict between industrial interests, jobs, and an alliance of environmentalists and conventional fishers. A third layer of conflict emerged in the tension between nature preservation and climate needs, illustrated by current debates about the location of windmills. The push for sustainable energy production requires more renewable energy from hydro, wind, and solar sources, which in turn necessitates grid extensions. These developments threaten the traditional use of land for recreational and agricultural purposes.
The environmental CSOs are typically underfunded, reliant on membership fees and donations. The impact of their activities on public policy is mainly indirect, achieved through organizing protests that receive substantial media attention. When protests influence policy development, they have so far typically led to postponements of planned projects or procedural changes rather than a reevaluation of policy goals. An example is the massive protests against onshore wind farms in 2019, which resulted in the government shelving plans for a national search for “appropriate areas” for wind farms and instead calling for better coordination between the Energy Regulatory Authority (which issues operation licenses) and municipalities’ area planning processes. This aligns with other observations about the potential dilemmas that arise from the principle of local self-determination.
In 2021, Norway’s supreme court – the country’s highest court – determined that some wind power plants were violating the South Sami people’s human right to cultural practices by hindering reindeer herding. As a result, Sami people and other activists blocked entry to the Ministry of Oil and Energy in 2023. In December of that year, a compromise was adopted: the windmills would stand for 25 years, and the Sami people would have the right to veto future expansions. This demonstrates that smaller actors can also influence policies regarding climate and environmental matters.
Citations:
DNT. 2023. “About the Norwegian Trekking Association (DNT).” https://www.dnt.no/om-dnt/english/about-the-norwegian-trekking-association/
DNT. 2023. “About the Norwegian Trekking Association (DNT).” https://www.dnt.no/om-dnt/english/about-the-norwegian-trekking-association/
USA
The environmental movement has a long history in the United States (McCright et al. 2014). In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, various groups (e.g., the Sierra Club, the Audubon Society) were formed. The movement had a second wave in the 1960s and 1970s, which saw significant legislative advances. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), which remains the premier federal agency for the management of the natural environment, was established in 1970 by executive order by President Richard Nixon and subsequently placed on statutory footing by Congress (Price 2021). The agency enforces environmental regulations (e.g., regarding air, water, hazardous waste) and funds environmental research in over two dozen federal laboratories.
The 1970s was a decade of significant climate legislation. These include the Clean Air Act of 1970, the Clean Water Act of 1972, the Endangered Species Act of 1973, the Safe Drinking Water Act of 1974, the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act of 1976 (RCRA), the Toxic Substances Control Act of 1976 (TSCA), and the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (CERCLA) (Turner 2018).
Today, there are a significant number of environmental CSOs with sizable public memberships. The National Wildlife Federation, for example, has over 4 million members, while the National Resources Defense Council has 2.5 million members.
These organizations, however, face stiff competition from industry, which can afford high-powered lobbyists and lawyers to advocate for their interests in courts and in the corridors of Congress and state legislatures. In 2022, for example, the Supreme Court ruled against the EPA’s Clean Power Plan as an overreach of its statutory authority. The consequence of this ruling was to limit the EPA’s power to regulate emissions (Gonzalez 2019).
The 1970s was a decade of significant climate legislation. These include the Clean Air Act of 1970, the Clean Water Act of 1972, the Endangered Species Act of 1973, the Safe Drinking Water Act of 1974, the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act of 1976 (RCRA), the Toxic Substances Control Act of 1976 (TSCA), and the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (CERCLA) (Turner 2018).
Today, there are a significant number of environmental CSOs with sizable public memberships. The National Wildlife Federation, for example, has over 4 million members, while the National Resources Defense Council has 2.5 million members.
These organizations, however, face stiff competition from industry, which can afford high-powered lobbyists and lawyers to advocate for their interests in courts and in the corridors of Congress and state legislatures. In 2022, for example, the Supreme Court ruled against the EPA’s Clean Power Plan as an overreach of its statutory authority. The consequence of this ruling was to limit the EPA’s power to regulate emissions (Gonzalez 2019).
Citations:
George Gonzalez. 2019. “The Obama Administration’s Global Warming Legacy: Going With the Flow and the Politics of Failure.” In Looking Back on President Obama’s Legacy, ed. W. Rich. Palgrave.
Aaron McCright, Chenyang Xiao, and Riley Dunlap. 2014. “Political Polarization on Support for Government Spending on Environmental Protection in the USA, 1974-2012.” Social Science Research.
James Turner. 2018. The Republican Reversal: Conservatives and the Environment from Nixon to Trump. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
John Price. 2021. The Last Liberal Republican. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.
George Gonzalez. 2019. “The Obama Administration’s Global Warming Legacy: Going With the Flow and the Politics of Failure.” In Looking Back on President Obama’s Legacy, ed. W. Rich. Palgrave.
Aaron McCright, Chenyang Xiao, and Riley Dunlap. 2014. “Political Polarization on Support for Government Spending on Environmental Protection in the USA, 1974-2012.” Social Science Research.
James Turner. 2018. The Republican Reversal: Conservatives and the Environment from Nixon to Trump. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
John Price. 2021. The Last Liberal Republican. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.
6
Belgium
Belgium provides public funding to various civil society organizations (CSOs), and a significant proportion of the workforce is employed in the nonprofit sector. Contributions to CSOs are tax-deductible, with 45% of the amount given being deductible, up to a maximum of 10% of net annual revenues or €392,200. Despite this support, the capacity of CSOs (excluding unions) to design and shape public policies is rather limited. However, CSOs are often consulted by parliamentary commissions and the government, where they can influence the decision-making process (Squevin and Aubin 2021).
Belgium has been significantly influenced by widespread awareness of climate issues. Social movements have emerged in various forms, some more consensual with broad support from the population and politicians but with wide-ranging demands that made political follow-up vague and difficult. Others, more radical, have been less widely supported by the population and often poorly regarded by politicians.
In 2018-2019, young people were at the forefront of the citizen’s climate movement, with weekly demonstrations initiated by “climate express” and “coalition climate,” supported by young students, propelling environmental concerns to the top of election debates.
With the COVID-19 crisis, the war in Ukraine, and other international events somewhat slowing these largely consensual social movements, the more radical fringe of the climate movement has continued the struggle through civil disobedience actions, such as occupations of zones to be defended in Arlon and blockades of TotalEnergies depots. Meanwhile, the marches continue, though less frequently.
Belgium has been significantly influenced by widespread awareness of climate issues. Social movements have emerged in various forms, some more consensual with broad support from the population and politicians but with wide-ranging demands that made political follow-up vague and difficult. Others, more radical, have been less widely supported by the population and often poorly regarded by politicians.
In 2018-2019, young people were at the forefront of the citizen’s climate movement, with weekly demonstrations initiated by “climate express” and “coalition climate,” supported by young students, propelling environmental concerns to the top of election debates.
With the COVID-19 crisis, the war in Ukraine, and other international events somewhat slowing these largely consensual social movements, the more radical fringe of the climate movement has continued the struggle through civil disobedience actions, such as occupations of zones to be defended in Arlon and blockades of TotalEnergies depots. Meanwhile, the marches continue, though less frequently.
Citations:
https://www.revuepolitique.be/le-mouvement-climat-doit-assumer-son-aile-radicale/
https://www.lalibre.be/planete/environnement/2023/05/10/code-rouge-revient-et-prevoit-des-actions-contre-engie-notre-dependance-aux-combustibles-fossiles-a-des-consequences-devastatrices-KIR2UXWCHJDMXP4R6IGOV7ODSE/
climat.be
Squevin, P., and D. Aubin. 2023. “Policy Advice Utilization in Belgian Ministerial Cabinets: The Contingent Importance of Internal and External Sources of Advice.” International Review of Administrative Sciences 89 (4): 1012-1029.
https://www.revuepolitique.be/le-mouvement-climat-doit-assumer-son-aile-radicale/
https://www.lalibre.be/planete/environnement/2023/05/10/code-rouge-revient-et-prevoit-des-actions-contre-engie-notre-dependance-aux-combustibles-fossiles-a-des-consequences-devastatrices-KIR2UXWCHJDMXP4R6IGOV7ODSE/
climat.be
Squevin, P., and D. Aubin. 2023. “Policy Advice Utilization in Belgian Ministerial Cabinets: The Contingent Importance of Internal and External Sources of Advice.” International Review of Administrative Sciences 89 (4): 1012-1029.
Estonia
Nonprofit CSOs acting in the public interest may receive tax benefits, including deductions from donations and membership fees. Eligible CSOs are listed in a government decree, updated annually. Only a few environment-focused CSOs – such as those focused on animal welfare or forest education – appear on this list, and they are generally not influential.
Organizationally, environmental CSOs are not strong; they have very limited financial and human resources with which to formulate policy proposals or commission expert advice. None of the CSOs in the environmental sector has its own research analysis unit or institute. Unlike the social welfare sector, cooperation between environmental CSOs and ministries is nonstructured and overshadowed by strong for-profit interest groups, such as energy firms and the forest industry (see details from the website of the Ministry of Climate, Lobby activities). In this vein, a cooperation platform, Rohetiiger (Green Tiger) – which unites over 80 companies – deserves special attention due to its close links to the Ministry of Climate.
According to effective regulations and norms, the government is obliged to respond to policy proposals put forward by major CSOs and engage communities in the process of drafting or revising existing regulations. However, this rule is not always followed, a fact that has led to several public protests and social media movements. The protection of forests is a primary concern for citizens; some of these actions have resulted in court cases against the State Forest Management Center (Telegram 18 July 2022).
Organizationally, environmental CSOs are not strong; they have very limited financial and human resources with which to formulate policy proposals or commission expert advice. None of the CSOs in the environmental sector has its own research analysis unit or institute. Unlike the social welfare sector, cooperation between environmental CSOs and ministries is nonstructured and overshadowed by strong for-profit interest groups, such as energy firms and the forest industry (see details from the website of the Ministry of Climate, Lobby activities). In this vein, a cooperation platform, Rohetiiger (Green Tiger) – which unites over 80 companies – deserves special attention due to its close links to the Ministry of Climate.
According to effective regulations and norms, the government is obliged to respond to policy proposals put forward by major CSOs and engage communities in the process of drafting or revising existing regulations. However, this rule is not always followed, a fact that has led to several public protests and social media movements. The protection of forests is a primary concern for citizens; some of these actions have resulted in court cases against the State Forest Management Center (Telegram 18 July 2022).
Citations:
Ministry of Climate. 2023. “https://kliimaministeerium.ee/lobitegevus”
Telegram. 2022. “Kohus hakkab esmakordselt hindama süüdistust RMK seaduserikkumistes kogukonna kaasamisel.” July 18. https://www.telegram.ee/eesti/kohus-hakkab-esmakordselt-hindama-suudistust-rmk-seaduserikkumistes-kogukonna-kaasamisel
Ministry of Climate. 2023. “https://kliimaministeerium.ee/lobitegevus”
Telegram. 2022. “Kohus hakkab esmakordselt hindama süüdistust RMK seaduserikkumistes kogukonna kaasamisel.” July 18. https://www.telegram.ee/eesti/kohus-hakkab-esmakordselt-hindama-suudistust-rmk-seaduserikkumistes-kogukonna-kaasamisel
Israel
Israel’s major environmental organizations are very active in the policy sphere. Most environmental initiatives, such as the Bottle Deposit Law and Clear Air Law, were initiated by civil society organizations. Since environmental issues are not high on the government’s political agenda, these organizations are the main policy entrepreneurs in the field. They also have research departments and expertise, which enables them to formulate policy proposals. In addition, they are seen as non-partisan, which ensures broad public support for their activities.
However, because environmental issues are not high on the political agenda, civil society organizations often fail to promote their goals and the public participates relatively little in their activities.
Environmental organizations include several large groups and a few smaller ones. In most cases, these organizations collaborate on and form coalitions around environmental issues. There is also a relatively clear division of labor among the organizations based on each one’s resources. Some organizations focus more on lobbying, while others focus on public education and grassroots activities. Additionally, an Israeli think tank supports environmental activities, trains activists, and provides tools and knowledge to enhance environmental efforts. This think tank collaborates with local authorities and participates in policymaking.
However, because environmental issues are not high on the political agenda, civil society organizations often fail to promote their goals and the public participates relatively little in their activities.
Environmental organizations include several large groups and a few smaller ones. In most cases, these organizations collaborate on and form coalitions around environmental issues. There is also a relatively clear division of labor among the organizations based on each one’s resources. Some organizations focus more on lobbying, while others focus on public education and grassroots activities. Additionally, an Israeli think tank supports environmental activities, trains activists, and provides tools and knowledge to enhance environmental efforts. This think tank collaborates with local authorities and participates in policymaking.
Citations:
Heshel Organization https://heschel.org.il/
Heshel Organization https://heschel.org.il/
Italy
By Law 8/1986, Italy boasts a network of 81 nationwide environmental CSOs officially recognized by the Ministry of Environment. These organizations are pivotal in safeguarding the environment and addressing pressing environmental challenges. Among these CSOs, several stand out for their significant contributions, including Legambiente, Greenpeace, WWF, and FAI. With their deep expertise, vast networks, and dedicated volunteers, these established environmental organizations play a relevant role in advocating for sustainable practices and environmental policies in Italy. They are recognized as stakeholders by the government and are regularly consulted during the policy process, albeit in a somewhat ritual manner. In addition to these established organizations, less structured environmental movements have emerged recently. Fridays for Future and Extinction Rebellion have gained significant prominence among these movements, particularly among young people.
Latvia
Environmental CSOs face the same financial, staff, and organizational challenges as all CSOs in Latvia. Some strong environmental CSOs can provide policy analysis for the wider public and the responsible ministry.
The trends indicate an increasing openness among the population to engage in environmental protection. Civic Alliance reports that only 26% of the population participated in ecological clean-up efforts in 2018 (Civic Alliance Latvia, 2022). Therefore, the capacity of CSOs to mobilize the population largely depends on the public image of environmental CSOs and the general perception of the issue.
The trends indicate an increasing openness among the population to engage in environmental protection. Civic Alliance reports that only 26% of the population participated in ecological clean-up efforts in 2018 (Civic Alliance Latvia, 2022). Therefore, the capacity of CSOs to mobilize the population largely depends on the public image of environmental CSOs and the general perception of the issue.
Citations:
Civic Alliance Latvia. 2023. NVO sektora monitorings 2023. https://nvo.lv/uploads/nvo_sektora_monitorings_2023_pap181.pdf
Civic Alliance Latvia. 2022. “Resources of Civil Society Organisations: Current Situation and Needs 2022.” https://nvo.lv/uploads/cso_resources_current_situation_and_needs_2022.pdf
Civic Alliance Latvia. 2023. NVO sektora monitorings 2023. https://nvo.lv/uploads/nvo_sektora_monitorings_2023_pap181.pdf
Civic Alliance Latvia. 2022. “Resources of Civil Society Organisations: Current Situation and Needs 2022.” https://nvo.lv/uploads/cso_resources_current_situation_and_needs_2022.pdf
Portugal
Portugal has a specific legislative framework in place to support CSOs with an environmental focus, specifically non-governmental environmental organizations (ONGAs), under Lei n.º 35/98. This law defines their status, including governmental financial and technical assistance, rights to partake in the development of relevant policies and environmental legislation, and opportunities for radio and television broadcasting.
Major environmental CSOs, including ZERO, Quercus, and the Portuguese Association for Environmental Education (ASPEA), have not significantly impacted policy formulation. Recently, protest-based and youth-led movements, such as Climáximo and the School Strike for Climate (Greve Climática Estudantil), have emerged and engaged in frontline activism against climate change. While they generate media attention through their protests, they do not participate in policy formulation.
Despite the growing prominence of climate change and environmental protection in contemporary society, Portuguese citizens exhibit a noticeable lack of participation in organizations and associations dedicated to these issues. However, a recent 2023 study reveals a paradox: While these environmental associations are deemed trustworthy by the population, with about 40% of respondents rating them as the most reliable – the only category to surpass the average, compared to trade unions and others (Lisi & Oliveira, 2023) – active involvement remains surprisingly low (Serra-Silva & Oliveira, 2023).
Major environmental CSOs, including ZERO, Quercus, and the Portuguese Association for Environmental Education (ASPEA), have not significantly impacted policy formulation. Recently, protest-based and youth-led movements, such as Climáximo and the School Strike for Climate (Greve Climática Estudantil), have emerged and engaged in frontline activism against climate change. While they generate media attention through their protests, they do not participate in policy formulation.
Despite the growing prominence of climate change and environmental protection in contemporary society, Portuguese citizens exhibit a noticeable lack of participation in organizations and associations dedicated to these issues. However, a recent 2023 study reveals a paradox: While these environmental associations are deemed trustworthy by the population, with about 40% of respondents rating them as the most reliable – the only category to surpass the average, compared to trade unions and others (Lisi & Oliveira, 2023) – active involvement remains surprisingly low (Serra-Silva & Oliveira, 2023).
Citations:
Organizações Não-Governamentais do Ambiente. 1998. Lei n.º 35/98, de 18 de Julho. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=755&tabela=leis&so_miolo=
Lisi, M., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Interest Groups, Political Representation and Citizen Preferences.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 89-116.
Serra-Silva, S., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Associational Involvement and Political Participation in Portugal: Insights from a Longitudinal and Comparative Study.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 47-88.
Organizações Não-Governamentais do Ambiente. 1998. Lei n.º 35/98, de 18 de Julho. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=755&tabela=leis&so_miolo=
Lisi, M., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Interest Groups, Political Representation and Citizen Preferences.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 89-116.
Serra-Silva, S., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Associational Involvement and Political Participation in Portugal: Insights from a Longitudinal and Comparative Study.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 47-88.
Slovakia
The situation for environmental CSOs in Slovakia parallels that in the economy, labor, and social welfare sectors. The most prominent environmental CSO is Slovak Greenpeace, followed by Sloboda Zvierat and LO Vlk (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020). Environmental CSOs, such as Ekofórum, which comprises 22 member organizations, collaborate to represent the sector in the Government Council for CSOs.
Environmental CSOs face challenges in influencing government policies and securing widespread public support due to differing opinions and the limited willingness of citizens to support environmental protection (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020). While they have significantly improved environmental protection and awareness, their activities sometimes encounter public opposition, particularly when they affect daily life.
A prominent issue is the debate over brown bear management. Some experts, primarily from environmental CSOs, argue that the bear population is low and that the problem lies with human behavior. In contrast, farmers and hunters advocate for regulating bear numbers due to increasing encounters in villages and cities. This debate was a significant topic in the 2023 election campaign, with the current Fico government promising regulation (Plávalová, 2023).
Environmental CSOs face challenges in influencing government policies and securing widespread public support due to differing opinions and the limited willingness of citizens to support environmental protection (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020). While they have significantly improved environmental protection and awareness, their activities sometimes encounter public opposition, particularly when they affect daily life.
A prominent issue is the debate over brown bear management. Some experts, primarily from environmental CSOs, argue that the bear population is low and that the problem lies with human behavior. In contrast, farmers and hunters advocate for regulating bear numbers due to increasing encounters in villages and cities. This debate was a significant topic in the 2023 election campaign, with the current Fico government promising regulation (Plávalová, 2023).
Citations:
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Plávalová, B. 2023. “Odstrel medveďov závisí od výsledku volieb. Ako sa k nemu stavajú jednotlivé strany?” https://domov.sme.sk/c/23195395/parlamentne-volby-2023-politicke-strany-medved-kampan.html
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Plávalová, B. 2023. “Odstrel medveďov závisí od výsledku volieb. Ako sa k nemu stavajú jednotlivé strany?” https://domov.sme.sk/c/23195395/parlamentne-volby-2023-politicke-strany-medved-kampan.html
Spain
Environmental interest associations in Spain also face challenges in influencing political decision-making. Major groups in climate policy include Greenpeace, WWF, Amigos de la Tierra, Ecologistas en Acción, and SeoBirdLife. However, these organizations have gradually gained technical competence and increasingly rely on academic expertise and specialized publications to influence public opinion and policymakers.
While the general population supports environmental protection, there is little active participation in civil society organizations’ activities. Leading environmental groups benefit from their international or European umbrella organizations to put forward policy proposals. During the review period, CSOs participated in consultations on the design of government environmental strategies. Major CSOs collaborated to urge the government to accelerate an ecologically and socially just transition and to use the EU Council presidency to push for ambitious climate goals during COP28.
While the general population supports environmental protection, there is little active participation in civil society organizations’ activities. Leading environmental groups benefit from their international or European umbrella organizations to put forward policy proposals. During the review period, CSOs participated in consultations on the design of government environmental strategies. Major CSOs collaborated to urge the government to accelerate an ecologically and socially just transition and to use the EU Council presidency to push for ambitious climate goals during COP28.
UK
The UK has an abundance of NGOs and other entities that contribute to policy development in environmental matters. The term “major CSOs” does not fully capture how these capacities are exercised in the UK. These organizations often have charitable status and access to government through various channels. Examples of prominent entities include (though this list is not exhaustive):
The Green Alliance: This organization covers a range of environmental research and acts as the secretariat for the All-Party Parliamentary Group for the Environment. It embraces technical research as well as the study of political leadership.
E3G: Highly ranked in the University of Pennsylvania ratings of think tanks, E3G is judged to be foremost in the UK and second in Europe. Its focus is on climate change, and it claims to “work closely with like-minded partners in government, politics, civil society, science, the media, public interest foundations, and elsewhere.”
University Research Groups: These include the Grantham Institute at LSE, the Georgina Mace Centre for the Living Planet at Imperial College London, and the Conservation Research Institute at the University of Cambridge.
While many relevant groups support the UK government’s “net zero” commitments, significant doubts remain about how well the broad strategy translates into concrete measures (Sasse et al. 2022).
The Green Alliance: This organization covers a range of environmental research and acts as the secretariat for the All-Party Parliamentary Group for the Environment. It embraces technical research as well as the study of political leadership.
E3G: Highly ranked in the University of Pennsylvania ratings of think tanks, E3G is judged to be foremost in the UK and second in Europe. Its focus is on climate change, and it claims to “work closely with like-minded partners in government, politics, civil society, science, the media, public interest foundations, and elsewhere.”
University Research Groups: These include the Grantham Institute at LSE, the Georgina Mace Centre for the Living Planet at Imperial College London, and the Conservation Research Institute at the University of Cambridge.
While many relevant groups support the UK government’s “net zero” commitments, significant doubts remain about how well the broad strategy translates into concrete measures (Sasse et al. 2022).
Citations:
Sasse, T., Rutter, J., Shepheard, M., and Norris, E. 2020. Net Zero: How Government Can Meet Its Climate Change Target. London: Institute for Government. https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/net-zero
Sasse, T., Rutter, J., Shepheard, M., and Norris, E. 2020. Net Zero: How Government Can Meet Its Climate Change Target. London: Institute for Government. https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/net-zero
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
Austria
International organizations, such as Greenpeace or WWF, have long held an established place in Austria’s CSO landscape. Donations to these organizations are tax deductible.
While civil society-based environmental policy has long been dominated by established and well-known organizations rooted in the late twentieth century, new initiatives and organizations have emerged more recently. In 2019, a new alliance called “Klimaprotest.at” was formed, comprising new movements and environmental CSOs. This alliance played important roles in building networks and coordinating protests (Simsa et al. 2021).
Since 2019, Austria, like many other countries, has witnessed major public protests against climate change and the government’s climate policies. In late September 2019, up to 150,000 people across Austria protested against climate change and demanded new anti-climate change policies. This movement also sparked new organizational collaborations between different groups, leading to the creation of “umbrella organizations.”
In recent years, new-style environmental or anti-climate-change movements, such as the Austrian branch of “The Last Generation,” have drawn considerable public attention through various public protest activities. Despite demands for a “climate law” and immediate government action to combat climate change, there have been very limited tangible effects.
Many observers agree that environmental issues were largely sidelined by the pandemic and economic concerns. More specifically, many believe that the concrete involvement of environmental CSOs in drafting laws and governmental orders has been rather limited.
While civil society-based environmental policy has long been dominated by established and well-known organizations rooted in the late twentieth century, new initiatives and organizations have emerged more recently. In 2019, a new alliance called “Klimaprotest.at” was formed, comprising new movements and environmental CSOs. This alliance played important roles in building networks and coordinating protests (Simsa et al. 2021).
Since 2019, Austria, like many other countries, has witnessed major public protests against climate change and the government’s climate policies. In late September 2019, up to 150,000 people across Austria protested against climate change and demanded new anti-climate change policies. This movement also sparked new organizational collaborations between different groups, leading to the creation of “umbrella organizations.”
In recent years, new-style environmental or anti-climate-change movements, such as the Austrian branch of “The Last Generation,” have drawn considerable public attention through various public protest activities. Despite demands for a “climate law” and immediate government action to combat climate change, there have been very limited tangible effects.
Many observers agree that environmental issues were largely sidelined by the pandemic and economic concerns. More specifically, many believe that the concrete involvement of environmental CSOs in drafting laws and governmental orders has been rather limited.
Citations:
Simsa, R., Mayer, F., Muckenhuber, S., and Schweinschwaller, T. 2021. Rahmenbedingungen für die Zivilgesellschaft in Österreich. Berlin: Maecenata Institut für Philanthropie und Zivilgesellschaft. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-73615-2
https://www.oesterreich.gv.at/themen/bauen_wohnen_und_umwelt/oeffentlichkeitsbeteiligung-im-umweltbereich/umweltbezogene-plaene-programme-und-politiken.html
https://boku.ac.at/fileadmin/data/H03000/H73000/H73200/ReSciPI/Diskussionspapier_ReSciPI_Klimapolitikberatung_in_%C3%96sterreich.pdf
Daniel, Antje. 2022. “Jung und Widerständig. Die Fridays for Future in Wien.” In Das Politische in der Demokratiebildung, eds. Susanne Reitmair-Juárez and Dirk Lange, 136-159. Wochenschau Wissenschaft.
https://kurier.at/chronik/wien/internationaler-klimastreik-wo-in-oesterreich-demonstriert-wird/402593861
Simsa, R., Mayer, F., Muckenhuber, S., and Schweinschwaller, T. 2021. Rahmenbedingungen für die Zivilgesellschaft in Österreich. Berlin: Maecenata Institut für Philanthropie und Zivilgesellschaft. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-73615-2
https://www.oesterreich.gv.at/themen/bauen_wohnen_und_umwelt/oeffentlichkeitsbeteiligung-im-umweltbereich/umweltbezogene-plaene-programme-und-politiken.html
https://boku.ac.at/fileadmin/data/H03000/H73000/H73200/ReSciPI/Diskussionspapier_ReSciPI_Klimapolitikberatung_in_%C3%96sterreich.pdf
Daniel, Antje. 2022. “Jung und Widerständig. Die Fridays for Future in Wien.” In Das Politische in der Demokratiebildung, eds. Susanne Reitmair-Juárez and Dirk Lange, 136-159. Wochenschau Wissenschaft.
https://kurier.at/chronik/wien/internationaler-klimastreik-wo-in-oesterreich-demonstriert-wird/402593861
Czechia
Environmental groups have historically exerted limited influence on national-level environmental policy due to restricted institutional channels to the government, sporadic access to parliamentarians, and evolving consultation processes at the ministerial level. Nevertheless, they are represented in some government advisory committees.
The Green Circle serves as an illustrative example, dedicated to monitoring laws and policies and coordinating legislative campaigns. On the transnational level, the Rainbow Movement (Hnuti Duha) is part of the EU umbrella organization Friends of the Earth. It has 42 permanent employees and an annual budget of CZK 21 million; half of this funding comes from 6,089 individual donors, a quarter from foreign foundations, and a very small amount from Czech state organs. It claims as its main success for 2023 the parliamentary discussion of a law on community energy.
Environmental groups have some influence, particularly when supporting the application of EU directives and raising public awareness on specific issues, such as the poisoning of the Bečva river, referenced under Effective Legislative Interventions.
The Green Circle serves as an illustrative example, dedicated to monitoring laws and policies and coordinating legislative campaigns. On the transnational level, the Rainbow Movement (Hnuti Duha) is part of the EU umbrella organization Friends of the Earth. It has 42 permanent employees and an annual budget of CZK 21 million; half of this funding comes from 6,089 individual donors, a quarter from foreign foundations, and a very small amount from Czech state organs. It claims as its main success for 2023 the parliamentary discussion of a law on community energy.
Environmental groups have some influence, particularly when supporting the application of EU directives and raising public awareness on specific issues, such as the poisoning of the Bečva river, referenced under Effective Legislative Interventions.
Citations:
https://hnutiduha.cz/
https://hnutiduha.cz/
Greece
The Greek constitution mandates state protection of the natural environment and citizens’ rights to enjoy it (Article 24).
However, most environmental CSOs lack the organizational strength to influence environmental policy, apart from a few local branches of international NGOs like Greenpeace and the World Wildlife Fund.
Representatives of environmental CSOs are invited to present their views at sessions of the parliament’s “Special Permanent Committee on Environmental Protection.” These CSOs also participate in public deliberations on prospective environmental policies launched by the relevant ministry before submitting a bill to parliament.
Few CSOs have the financial and human resources needed to shape environmental public policies. This responsibility primarily falls to the Ministry of Environment and Energy. Although attempts to organize collective action on sustainable development issues exist, they are often incipient and periodic (Hellenic Platform for Development, 2024).
As a result, while many CSOs are active in environmental protection, their activities are often localized, and they do not contribute significantly to the formulation of environmental policies. Given Greece’s vulnerability to climate change, the relative weakness of environmental CSOs in this Mediterranean country is surprising (van Versendaal 2023).
However, most environmental CSOs lack the organizational strength to influence environmental policy, apart from a few local branches of international NGOs like Greenpeace and the World Wildlife Fund.
Representatives of environmental CSOs are invited to present their views at sessions of the parliament’s “Special Permanent Committee on Environmental Protection.” These CSOs also participate in public deliberations on prospective environmental policies launched by the relevant ministry before submitting a bill to parliament.
Few CSOs have the financial and human resources needed to shape environmental public policies. This responsibility primarily falls to the Ministry of Environment and Energy. Although attempts to organize collective action on sustainable development issues exist, they are often incipient and periodic (Hellenic Platform for Development, 2024).
As a result, while many CSOs are active in environmental protection, their activities are often localized, and they do not contribute significantly to the formulation of environmental policies. Given Greece’s vulnerability to climate change, the relative weakness of environmental CSOs in this Mediterranean country is surprising (van Versendaal 2023).
Citations:
Hellenic Platform for Development. 2024. “https://sdgwatcheurope.org/hellenic-platform-greece/”
Van Versendaal, H. 2023. “Why Green Parties in Greece Are Failing to Bloom.” Green European Journal, August 4. https://www.greeneuropeanjournal.eu/why-greeces-green-parties-are-failing-to-bloom/
Hellenic Platform for Development. 2024. “https://sdgwatcheurope.org/hellenic-platform-greece/”
Van Versendaal, H. 2023. “Why Green Parties in Greece Are Failing to Bloom.” Green European Journal, August 4. https://www.greeneuropeanjournal.eu/why-greeces-green-parties-are-failing-to-bloom/
4
Hungary
Like other CSOs in Hungary, those focusing on the environment and sustainability face hostile legal challenges and are targeted by laws, regulations and campaigns critical of such organizations. Laws including the Lex NGO and the Sovereignty Protection Act (SPA) create a legally unstable environment. While Hungary’s environmental policies are less politicized than others, such as those addressing migration, the government is not a leader in the area of environmental sustainability. There is a strong bias toward fossil fuels and nuclear energy, coupled with efforts to develop foreign policy ties with Russia, to which Budapest is bound concerning gas, oil and fuel rods for the Nuclear Energy Plant in Paks.
Many CSOs in the environmental field are funded by foreign donors, making them particularly vulnerable to the Lex NGO and the SPA. Additionally, the close involvement of Fidesz cadres with the construction industry often leads to clashes surrounding new construction projects, such as those around Lake Balaton. In this context, the ruling party views environmental CSOs as a threat, significantly reducing these organizations’ advocacy capacities. Consequently, many environmental CSOs collaborate with other CSOs to address the democratic decline in Hungary. EU direct support to CSOs in the member states – through the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values (CERV) program – is extremely helpful as a means of circumventing the obstacles established by the government and countering the monopoly held by government-friendly NGOs (GONGOs) on access to funds.
The most salient environmental conflicts during 2023 revolved around establishing new battery plants to serve the electric vehicle industry at several sites across the country, mostly financed by Asian companies. Public concerns centered on these factories’ potential failure to meet pollution requirements and possible depletion of resources such as fresh water. Despite the minimal impact of national-level CSOs, several local grassroots initiatives have emerged near potential sites, such as the Mothers of Mikepércs for the Environment Association. These spontaneous civic groups have organized influential protest events and mobilized public opinion against battery plants, although they did not secure any concessions from local authorities (Inotai 2023).
Many CSOs in the environmental field are funded by foreign donors, making them particularly vulnerable to the Lex NGO and the SPA. Additionally, the close involvement of Fidesz cadres with the construction industry often leads to clashes surrounding new construction projects, such as those around Lake Balaton. In this context, the ruling party views environmental CSOs as a threat, significantly reducing these organizations’ advocacy capacities. Consequently, many environmental CSOs collaborate with other CSOs to address the democratic decline in Hungary. EU direct support to CSOs in the member states – through the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values (CERV) program – is extremely helpful as a means of circumventing the obstacles established by the government and countering the monopoly held by government-friendly NGOs (GONGOs) on access to funds.
The most salient environmental conflicts during 2023 revolved around establishing new battery plants to serve the electric vehicle industry at several sites across the country, mostly financed by Asian companies. Public concerns centered on these factories’ potential failure to meet pollution requirements and possible depletion of resources such as fresh water. Despite the minimal impact of national-level CSOs, several local grassroots initiatives have emerged near potential sites, such as the Mothers of Mikepércs for the Environment Association. These spontaneous civic groups have organized influential protest events and mobilized public opinion against battery plants, although they did not secure any concessions from local authorities (Inotai 2023).
Citations:
Inotai, Edit. 2023. “Locals Fear Battery Wasteland Nightmare in Hungary.” Balkan Insight, October 19. https://balkaninsight.com/2023/10/19/locals-fear-battery-wasteland-nightmare-in-hungary
Inotai, Edit. 2023. “Locals Fear Battery Wasteland Nightmare in Hungary.” Balkan Insight, October 19. https://balkaninsight.com/2023/10/19/locals-fear-battery-wasteland-nightmare-in-hungary
Japan
The number of nonprofit organizations (NPO) specializing in the protection of the natural environment in Japan is 13,246. Environmental pollution provided the first impetus for the development of Japanese civil society in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1993, the government established the Japan Fund for Global Environment, which supports environmental conservation projects proposed by different, mainly local, NPOs.
Civil society organizations in the environmental field are generally small, and lack a national presence or the capacity to influence policy. However, in the case of nuclear power, citizen movements through class-action law suits have been successful in preventing idle power plants from being restarted following the Fukushima crisis. For this reason, the contribution of nuclear power to overall production is far lower than the government’s stated goal (Koppenborg 2021). It will also make it more difficult to expand nuclear power production as a key method for achieving decarbonization. Government plans foresee a 46% reduction in greenhouse gases between 2020 and 2030, and carbon neutrality by 2050. Unlike in the past, when energy policy was the realm of the so-called nuclear village (genshiryoku mura) – a pro-nuclear nexus of big business, bureaucrats, and politicians – environmental legislative processes are now somewhat more transparent and open to different viewpoints.
Following 2011, there were widespread anti-nuclear demonstrations with participation numbers reminiscent of the student protests of the 1960s and 1970s. Paradoxically, the focus on the anti-nuclear movement may have made Japanese civil society organizations less interested in the topic of global warming.
Civil society organizations in the environmental field are generally small, and lack a national presence or the capacity to influence policy. However, in the case of nuclear power, citizen movements through class-action law suits have been successful in preventing idle power plants from being restarted following the Fukushima crisis. For this reason, the contribution of nuclear power to overall production is far lower than the government’s stated goal (Koppenborg 2021). It will also make it more difficult to expand nuclear power production as a key method for achieving decarbonization. Government plans foresee a 46% reduction in greenhouse gases between 2020 and 2030, and carbon neutrality by 2050. Unlike in the past, when energy policy was the realm of the so-called nuclear village (genshiryoku mura) – a pro-nuclear nexus of big business, bureaucrats, and politicians – environmental legislative processes are now somewhat more transparent and open to different viewpoints.
Following 2011, there were widespread anti-nuclear demonstrations with participation numbers reminiscent of the student protests of the 1960s and 1970s. Paradoxically, the focus on the anti-nuclear movement may have made Japanese civil society organizations less interested in the topic of global warming.
Citations:
Bochorodycz, Beata. 2023. Fukushima and Civil Society: The Japanese Anti-Nuclear Movement from a Socio-Political Perspective. London and New York: Routledge.
Cabinet Office, Government of Japan. 2023. “Tokutei Hieiri Katsudô Hôjin no Katsudô bun’ya ni tsuite” [On the Activities of Specified Non-profit Corporations]. https://www.npo-homepage.go.jp/about/toukei-info/ninshou-bunyabetsu
Environmental Restoration and Conservation Agency. “Japan Fund for Global Environment.” https://www.erca.go.jp/jfge/english/about/background.html
Koppenborg, Florentine. 2021. “Nuclear Restart Politics: How the ‘Nuclear Village’ Lost Policy Implementation Power.” Social Science Japan Journal 24 (1): 115–135.
Bochorodycz, Beata. 2023. Fukushima and Civil Society: The Japanese Anti-Nuclear Movement from a Socio-Political Perspective. London and New York: Routledge.
Cabinet Office, Government of Japan. 2023. “Tokutei Hieiri Katsudô Hôjin no Katsudô bun’ya ni tsuite” [On the Activities of Specified Non-profit Corporations]. https://www.npo-homepage.go.jp/about/toukei-info/ninshou-bunyabetsu
Environmental Restoration and Conservation Agency. “Japan Fund for Global Environment.” https://www.erca.go.jp/jfge/english/about/background.html
Koppenborg, Florentine. 2021. “Nuclear Restart Politics: How the ‘Nuclear Village’ Lost Policy Implementation Power.” Social Science Japan Journal 24 (1): 115–135.
Poland
The Polish environmental movement comprises various organizations, including associations, foundations, ecological clubs, civil coalitions and naturalist societies. Many of these organizations are designated as public benefit organizations. The landscape includes national branches of international groups, such as Greenpeace Polska and WWF Polska, alongside numerous national entities. As of 2022, environmental organizations accounted for 13% of all civil society organizations, a proportion that has remained stable since 2002 (Klon, 2023). While the Green Party’s political influence remains marginal, grassroots green activism – often localized – has gained increasing traction in recent years.
Environmental CSOs can access public funding, and membership dues are tax-deductible. From 2022 – 2025, the main funding initiative for the sector was the Regional Support Program for Environmental Education, sponsored by the National Fund for Environmental Protection and Water Management. However, many organizations have had to seek alternative financing sources, including public donations and external grants.
Major environmental organizations have established analytical units, though permanent think tanks are rare, with the Institute for Sustainable Development being an exception. These units often include policy experts and collaborate with academic institutions. Common activities include producing reports, drafting position papers, issuing open letters and providing commentary on legal acts. These organizations also collaborate within larger networks like the Polish Green Network (Polska Zielona Sieć), the Federation of Greens Association “GAJA” (Związek Stowarzyszeń Federacja Zielonych “GAJA”) and the Climate Coalition (Koalicja Klimatyczna).
Despite their efforts, the input from these CSOs is often overlooked in major policy initiatives.
Environmental CSOs can access public funding, and membership dues are tax-deductible. From 2022 – 2025, the main funding initiative for the sector was the Regional Support Program for Environmental Education, sponsored by the National Fund for Environmental Protection and Water Management. However, many organizations have had to seek alternative financing sources, including public donations and external grants.
Major environmental organizations have established analytical units, though permanent think tanks are rare, with the Institute for Sustainable Development being an exception. These units often include policy experts and collaborate with academic institutions. Common activities include producing reports, drafting position papers, issuing open letters and providing commentary on legal acts. These organizations also collaborate within larger networks like the Polish Green Network (Polska Zielona Sieć), the Federation of Greens Association “GAJA” (Związek Stowarzyszeń Federacja Zielonych “GAJA”) and the Climate Coalition (Koalicja Klimatyczna).
Despite their efforts, the input from these CSOs is often overlooked in major policy initiatives.
Citations:
Klon/Javor. 2023. “Kondycja organizacji pozarządowych. Trendy 2002-2022.” https://www.klon.org.pl/#section1
The Institute for Sustainable Development. 2023. https://www.pine.org.pl/english/
https://civic-forum.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Civic-Space-Report-2023-POLAND-European-Civic-Forum.pdf
Klon/Javor. 2023. “Kondycja organizacji pozarządowych. Trendy 2002-2022.” https://www.klon.org.pl/#section1
The Institute for Sustainable Development. 2023. https://www.pine.org.pl/english/
https://civic-forum.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Civic-Space-Report-2023-POLAND-European-Civic-Forum.pdf
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France
There has been considerable activism in the environmental field these past few years. French youth mobilized strongly in 2019’s Fridays for Future movement. In the following years, French chapters of Extinction Rebellion and Last Generation appeared.
Perhaps the most visible mobilization took place in opposition to the planned construction of a water reservoir near the town of Sainte-Soline in the department of Deux-Sèvres. Water reservoirs are viewed critically by environmental associations, but also by many locals, due to their consequences on the local environment. This movement led to two major demonstrations ‒ accompanied by a massive police presence ‒ in October 2022 and March 2023. Both demonstrations turned out to be very violent, while protesters accused the police of violently attacking them.
Following this demonstration, Minister of the Interior Gérald Darmanin ordered the dissolution of one of the most active movements behind the mobilization. The construction of the Deux-Sèvres reservoir was eventually authorized by the French administrative high court – the Conseil d’Etat – in April 2023.
These examples show that beyond a certain power of mobilization against public projects – mostly without success – environmental CSOs do not have substantial capacity to cooperate, form alliances, or help draft or shape public policies in this field. Nor have governments or the administration shown any willingness to grant them such a role.
Perhaps the most visible mobilization took place in opposition to the planned construction of a water reservoir near the town of Sainte-Soline in the department of Deux-Sèvres. Water reservoirs are viewed critically by environmental associations, but also by many locals, due to their consequences on the local environment. This movement led to two major demonstrations ‒ accompanied by a massive police presence ‒ in October 2022 and March 2023. Both demonstrations turned out to be very violent, while protesters accused the police of violently attacking them.
Following this demonstration, Minister of the Interior Gérald Darmanin ordered the dissolution of one of the most active movements behind the mobilization. The construction of the Deux-Sèvres reservoir was eventually authorized by the French administrative high court – the Conseil d’Etat – in April 2023.
These examples show that beyond a certain power of mobilization against public projects – mostly without success – environmental CSOs do not have substantial capacity to cooperate, form alliances, or help draft or shape public policies in this field. Nor have governments or the administration shown any willingness to grant them such a role.
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
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