To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
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9
Germany
Every German citizen has the right to form and join associations and organizations (Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949, Art. 9). Welfare associations like the Red Cross or Caritas receive approximately 90% of their funding through social insurance (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, n.d.). In contrast, clubs such as sports clubs or youth groups like the Scout movement are primarily financed by their own revenue, including membership fees, donations, and entrance fees. Additionally, they may be eligible for grants from state, federal, or EU funding (Deutsches Ehrenamt, n.d.). Membership fees for nonprofit, charitable, or cultural organizations are tax-deductible, while those for leisure organizations, such as sports clubs, are not (American Express, 2023).
Important welfare associations participate in various advisory councils within federal ministries, particularly the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (Bundesregierung, 2019). Organizations such as churches, trade chambers, and welfare associations may be invited to comment on draft laws before they are discussed in the Bundestag, the German parliament (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, n.d.). Beyond this, they have no official role in the policymaking process. However, due to their prominence and influence, they can initiate and shape public discussions and draw attention to specific issues. Social welfare CSOs sometimes make suggestions for new laws or amendments to existing laws, but the Bundestag or the federal government is not obliged to consider them.
Free welfare work is primarily organized through six main organizations, such as the Red Cross, Caritas, and Diakonie. Together, they form the Federal Association of Free Welfare Care, collaborating to increase their political and public influence and achieve their mutual goals (Bundesverband der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege, n.d.). The Federal Association of Free Welfare Care has approximately 1.7 million full-time employees, mostly engaged in care work, and between 2.5 and 3 million volunteers (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, n.d.). Overall, there are more than 600,000 associations in Germany with more than 50 million members. About 27 million people are part of a sports club.
For most major CSOs, there are no studies assessing the quality of their reputations. However, the Red Cross achieved second place out of 130 ranked firms and organizations in the Purpose Readiness Index, which measures the credibility of German companies in terms of their positive contribution to society (GlobeOne, 2022).
Important welfare associations participate in various advisory councils within federal ministries, particularly the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (Bundesregierung, 2019). Organizations such as churches, trade chambers, and welfare associations may be invited to comment on draft laws before they are discussed in the Bundestag, the German parliament (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, n.d.). Beyond this, they have no official role in the policymaking process. However, due to their prominence and influence, they can initiate and shape public discussions and draw attention to specific issues. Social welfare CSOs sometimes make suggestions for new laws or amendments to existing laws, but the Bundestag or the federal government is not obliged to consider them.
Free welfare work is primarily organized through six main organizations, such as the Red Cross, Caritas, and Diakonie. Together, they form the Federal Association of Free Welfare Care, collaborating to increase their political and public influence and achieve their mutual goals (Bundesverband der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege, n.d.). The Federal Association of Free Welfare Care has approximately 1.7 million full-time employees, mostly engaged in care work, and between 2.5 and 3 million volunteers (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, n.d.). Overall, there are more than 600,000 associations in Germany with more than 50 million members. About 27 million people are part of a sports club.
For most major CSOs, there are no studies assessing the quality of their reputations. However, the Red Cross achieved second place out of 130 ranked firms and organizations in the Purpose Readiness Index, which measures the credibility of German companies in terms of their positive contribution to society (GlobeOne, 2022).
Citations:
American Express. 2023. “Steuern und Mitgliedsbeiträge: Welche sind steuerlich absetzbar?” https://www.americanexpress.com/de-de/kampagnen/guide/wirtschaftswissen/steuern/steuern-und-mitgliedsbeitraege-10071
Bundesministerium der Finanzen. n.d. “Gesetze und Gesetzesvorhaben.” https://www.bundesfinanzministerium.de/Web/DE/Service/Gesetze_Gesetzesvorhaben/Gesetze_Gesetzgebungsvorhaben.html
Bundesregierung. 2019. “Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Christoph Meyer, Christian Dürr, Renata Alt, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP, Drucksache 19/7912.” https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/084/1908448.pdf.
Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 1949. Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/gg/BJNR000010949.html
Bundesverband der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege. n.d. “Freie Wohlfahrtspflege – ihre Spitzenverbände.” https://www.bagfw.de/ueber-uns/mitgliedsverbaende
Bundesverband der Vereine und des Ehrenamts e.V. n.d. “Das sind WIR | die Vereine in Deutschland.” https://bundesverband.bvve.de/vereine-in-deutschland/
Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. n.d. “Wohlfahrtsverbände.” https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/lexika/handwoerterbuch-politisches-system/202214/wohlfahrtsverbaende/
Deutsches Ehrenamt. n.d. “So bekommen Sie Fördermittel für Vereine.” https://deutsches-ehrenamt.de/vereinswissen/foerdertipps/
GlobeOne. 2022. “Purpose Readiness Index Deutschland 2022.” https://globe-one.com/german/lateststudies/purpose-readiness-index-deutschland-2022/#lateststudy
American Express. 2023. “Steuern und Mitgliedsbeiträge: Welche sind steuerlich absetzbar?” https://www.americanexpress.com/de-de/kampagnen/guide/wirtschaftswissen/steuern/steuern-und-mitgliedsbeitraege-10071
Bundesministerium der Finanzen. n.d. “Gesetze und Gesetzesvorhaben.” https://www.bundesfinanzministerium.de/Web/DE/Service/Gesetze_Gesetzesvorhaben/Gesetze_Gesetzgebungsvorhaben.html
Bundesregierung. 2019. “Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Christoph Meyer, Christian Dürr, Renata Alt, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP, Drucksache 19/7912.” https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/084/1908448.pdf.
Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 1949. Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/gg/BJNR000010949.html
Bundesverband der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege. n.d. “Freie Wohlfahrtspflege – ihre Spitzenverbände.” https://www.bagfw.de/ueber-uns/mitgliedsverbaende
Bundesverband der Vereine und des Ehrenamts e.V. n.d. “Das sind WIR | die Vereine in Deutschland.” https://bundesverband.bvve.de/vereine-in-deutschland/
Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. n.d. “Wohlfahrtsverbände.” https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/lexika/handwoerterbuch-politisches-system/202214/wohlfahrtsverbaende/
Deutsches Ehrenamt. n.d. “So bekommen Sie Fördermittel für Vereine.” https://deutsches-ehrenamt.de/vereinswissen/foerdertipps/
GlobeOne. 2022. “Purpose Readiness Index Deutschland 2022.” https://globe-one.com/german/lateststudies/purpose-readiness-index-deutschland-2022/#lateststudy
Norway
The public sector is the primary provider of social welfare services; however, civil society (“nonprofit”) organizations (CSOs) have played a pioneering and significant role in developing many of the social and health services now provided by the state. Currently, 10 – 12% of welfare services, measured by expenditures, are provided by CSOs, primarily within a contractual relationship with, and financed by, the public sector. Service production by non-public organizations is subject to the same laws and regulations as public and private providers.
CSOs enjoy a high degree of popular support but are almost entirely dependent on state financing. In some areas – most notably within activation of the elderly and actions targeted at the very poor – unpaid volunteer work is crucial. Their high legitimacy and extensive knowledge in working with socially and economically marginalized groups give them significant influence on public social policies. Policy proposals from civil society organizations are frequently considered by the government and add legitimacy to public policies. In areas such as active labor market measures, refugee centers and settlement, and childcare services, private (nonprofit) providers operate in a contractual relationship with the public sector.
In the provision of welfare services through contractual arrangements with the public sector, there is a distinction between CSOs and what are called “commercial” welfare producers. While the role of CSOs (“nonprofit” organizations) enjoys broad popular support, the presence of commercial (“for-profit”) organizations is ideologically controversial. At the local government level, there are examples of favoring nonprofit CSOs in public tenders. Political parties on the left argue for a system in which service producers with economic surplus as one of their objectives should be excluded from publicly financed welfare production.
CSOs enjoy a high degree of popular support but are almost entirely dependent on state financing. In some areas – most notably within activation of the elderly and actions targeted at the very poor – unpaid volunteer work is crucial. Their high legitimacy and extensive knowledge in working with socially and economically marginalized groups give them significant influence on public social policies. Policy proposals from civil society organizations are frequently considered by the government and add legitimacy to public policies. In areas such as active labor market measures, refugee centers and settlement, and childcare services, private (nonprofit) providers operate in a contractual relationship with the public sector.
In the provision of welfare services through contractual arrangements with the public sector, there is a distinction between CSOs and what are called “commercial” welfare producers. While the role of CSOs (“nonprofit” organizations) enjoys broad popular support, the presence of commercial (“for-profit”) organizations is ideologically controversial. At the local government level, there are examples of favoring nonprofit CSOs in public tenders. Political parties on the left argue for a system in which service producers with economic surplus as one of their objectives should be excluded from publicly financed welfare production.
Citations:
https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/nou-2020-13/id2788017/
https://avkommersialiseringsutvalget.no/
https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/nou-2020-13/id2788017/
https://avkommersialiseringsutvalget.no/
Sweden
D5.3
In Sweden, civil society organizations (CSOs) play a crucial role in shaping social welfare policies through active participation in the policymaking process articulated through the referral system [remiss]. With a long-standing tradition of robust civil society engagement, these organizations possess significant capacity to influence and co-create relevant policies in the realm of social welfare. Through advocacy, research, and grassroots mobilization, CSOs articulate the needs and concerns of diverse communities, ensuring that policy decisions are informed by a broad spectrum of voices. This participatory approach fosters transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, strengthening the legitimacy and effectiveness of social welfare initiatives.
The Swedish government recognizes the value of collaboration with CSOs and has established mechanisms to facilitate their involvement in policy development. This is partly because increasing iterations of right-wing coalition governments have promoted the transfer of the provision of welfare services, such as the handling of crises, to civil society organizations with their large networks of organized volunteers (see Petridou et al., 2021).
Various advisory bodies and consultative forums provide platforms for dialogue between government officials and representatives of civil society. Moreover, funding schemes and grants support the operational capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs), empowering them to conduct research, organize campaigns, and implement programs aimed at addressing social welfare challenges. By leveraging their expertise and grassroots networks, CSOs contribute invaluable insights and practical solutions to the policymaking process, enriching the discourse and enhancing the responsiveness of government initiatives.
However, despite these strengths, challenges persist in ensuring that civil society organizations can fully participate in policy co-creation in Sweden’s social welfare sector. Structural barriers such as limited resources, bureaucratic hurdles, and unequal access to decision-making processes can hinder the meaningful engagement of CSOs, particularly those representing marginalized or underrepresented groups. Moreover, shifts in political dynamics or changes in government priorities may impact the extent to which CSOs are included in policy discussions, potentially undermining the continuity and effectiveness of collaborative efforts. Addressing these challenges requires ongoing commitment from both government institutions and civil society actors to foster a culture of partnership, mutual respect, and shared responsibility in shaping policies that promote social justice and equity.
The public agency responsible for civil society issues in Sweden is the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society, focusing on youth policy and policy on civil society. It also has the mandate to distribute funds to civil society in the form of support for organizations, projects, and international collaboration.
The structure of CSOs in Sweden is complex. CSOs may be voluntary, faith-based, foundations, member-based organizations, consultancies and financing entities, limited liability companies with restrictions on gain distributions to shareholders, and cooperatives (MUCF, 2024).
The latest annual report released by the agency in 2023, with results concerning 2022, finds that some volunteer CSOs are still grappling with the consequences of the pandemic, particularly in terms of shrinking membership among the elderly. Additionally, high electricity prices and the Russian invasion of Ukraine present further challenges (MUCF, 2023).
In Sweden, civil society organizations (CSOs) play a crucial role in shaping social welfare policies through active participation in the policymaking process articulated through the referral system [remiss]. With a long-standing tradition of robust civil society engagement, these organizations possess significant capacity to influence and co-create relevant policies in the realm of social welfare. Through advocacy, research, and grassroots mobilization, CSOs articulate the needs and concerns of diverse communities, ensuring that policy decisions are informed by a broad spectrum of voices. This participatory approach fosters transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, strengthening the legitimacy and effectiveness of social welfare initiatives.
The Swedish government recognizes the value of collaboration with CSOs and has established mechanisms to facilitate their involvement in policy development. This is partly because increasing iterations of right-wing coalition governments have promoted the transfer of the provision of welfare services, such as the handling of crises, to civil society organizations with their large networks of organized volunteers (see Petridou et al., 2021).
Various advisory bodies and consultative forums provide platforms for dialogue between government officials and representatives of civil society. Moreover, funding schemes and grants support the operational capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs), empowering them to conduct research, organize campaigns, and implement programs aimed at addressing social welfare challenges. By leveraging their expertise and grassroots networks, CSOs contribute invaluable insights and practical solutions to the policymaking process, enriching the discourse and enhancing the responsiveness of government initiatives.
However, despite these strengths, challenges persist in ensuring that civil society organizations can fully participate in policy co-creation in Sweden’s social welfare sector. Structural barriers such as limited resources, bureaucratic hurdles, and unequal access to decision-making processes can hinder the meaningful engagement of CSOs, particularly those representing marginalized or underrepresented groups. Moreover, shifts in political dynamics or changes in government priorities may impact the extent to which CSOs are included in policy discussions, potentially undermining the continuity and effectiveness of collaborative efforts. Addressing these challenges requires ongoing commitment from both government institutions and civil society actors to foster a culture of partnership, mutual respect, and shared responsibility in shaping policies that promote social justice and equity.
The public agency responsible for civil society issues in Sweden is the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society, focusing on youth policy and policy on civil society. It also has the mandate to distribute funds to civil society in the form of support for organizations, projects, and international collaboration.
The structure of CSOs in Sweden is complex. CSOs may be voluntary, faith-based, foundations, member-based organizations, consultancies and financing entities, limited liability companies with restrictions on gain distributions to shareholders, and cooperatives (MUCF, 2024).
The latest annual report released by the agency in 2023, with results concerning 2022, finds that some volunteer CSOs are still grappling with the consequences of the pandemic, particularly in terms of shrinking membership among the elderly. Additionally, high electricity prices and the Russian invasion of Ukraine present further challenges (MUCF, 2023).
Citations:
MUCF. 2024. “Civilsamhällets Organisationsformer.” https://www.mucf.se/uppdrag/kunskapsstod-till-det-civila-samhallet/civilsamhallets-organisationsformer
MUCF. 2023. Ett År med Nya Utmaningar: Uppföljning av ideella föreningars villkor 2022. https://www.mucf.se/publikationer/ett-ar-med-nya-utmaningar
Petridou, E., Sparf, J., and Pihl, K. 2020. “Resilience Work in Swedish Local Governance: Evidence from the Areas of Climate Change Adaptation, Migration, and Violent Extremism.” In Understanding Disaster Risk: A Multidimensional Approach, eds. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 225-238.
MUCF. 2024. “Civilsamhällets Organisationsformer.” https://www.mucf.se/uppdrag/kunskapsstod-till-det-civila-samhallet/civilsamhallets-organisationsformer
MUCF. 2023. Ett År med Nya Utmaningar: Uppföljning av ideella föreningars villkor 2022. https://www.mucf.se/publikationer/ett-ar-med-nya-utmaningar
Petridou, E., Sparf, J., and Pihl, K. 2020. “Resilience Work in Swedish Local Governance: Evidence from the Areas of Climate Change Adaptation, Migration, and Violent Extremism.” In Understanding Disaster Risk: A Multidimensional Approach, eds. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 225-238.
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
Austria
Social welfare associations play an important role in Austrian politics. To some extent, the very nature of the Austrian welfare state reflects the major influence of these various groups. For example, the pensioners’ association enjoys a public status that no government has been willing or able to ignore (Ettinger 2016). Other groups, such as youth or family associations, have been able to express their views, but their impact on public policy has remained less obvious. In terms of intergenerational justice – and due to the strong influence of pensioners’ associations and demographic changes – such imbalances may be problematic.
Organized religious communities, particularly the officially recognized denominations, play a formal role in the decision-making process. The unique Austrian institution of the “officially recognized religious denomination” institutionalizes the participation of major religious groups in policymaking. Similar to economic interest groups, they are often – though not always – consulted before the cabinet approves the draft of a law. This is a critical stage of the process, as most cabinet-approved drafts are also approved by parliament.
Organized religious communities, particularly the officially recognized denominations, play a formal role in the decision-making process. The unique Austrian institution of the “officially recognized religious denomination” institutionalizes the participation of major religious groups in policymaking. Similar to economic interest groups, they are often – though not always – consulted before the cabinet approves the draft of a law. This is a critical stage of the process, as most cabinet-approved drafts are also approved by parliament.
Citations:
Ettinger, Karl. 2016. “Die Macht der Pensionisten.” Die Presse, February 13. https://www.diepresse.com/4925458/die-macht-der-pensionisten
https://www.agenda-austria.at/grafiken/die-macht-der-pensionisten/
Ettinger, Karl. 2016. “Die Macht der Pensionisten.” Die Presse, February 13. https://www.diepresse.com/4925458/die-macht-der-pensionisten
https://www.agenda-austria.at/grafiken/die-macht-der-pensionisten/
Belgium
A wide range of civil society groups influence policy formation in Europe, and Belgium excels in this regard. Many noneconomic interest associations, including environmental, cultural, religious/philosophical, sports/leisure, and minority groups (such as individuals with disabilities), receive state funding.
The largest groups can make proposals and influence policy effectively. Consociationalism in Belgium ensures that some socially important decisions are made smoothly. For instance, the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2003, euthanasia in 2002, and the extension of euthanasia to minors in 2014 followed intense but dispassionate debates. A recent example involves the introduction of compulsory courses on emotional and relational life in education, which initially met with violent opposition, including school arson and vandalism. Despite significant media coverage, this opposition was marginal and occurred only after the policy had been voted on, in stark contrast to similar issues in France or the United States.
A key reason for this smooth decision-making is the predominance of political parties. Some groups and associations that receive funding either initially have or later develop preferential relationships with political parties or government actors. As a result, social groups, associations, and publicly funded schools often have long-standing ties to political entities. This creates a strong incentive for noneconomic interest associations to propose well-founded policies, as there is a high probability that these proposals will be debated in parliament. The downside of this structure is a dependence on public funding.
The largest groups can make proposals and influence policy effectively. Consociationalism in Belgium ensures that some socially important decisions are made smoothly. For instance, the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2003, euthanasia in 2002, and the extension of euthanasia to minors in 2014 followed intense but dispassionate debates. A recent example involves the introduction of compulsory courses on emotional and relational life in education, which initially met with violent opposition, including school arson and vandalism. Despite significant media coverage, this opposition was marginal and occurred only after the policy had been voted on, in stark contrast to similar issues in France or the United States.
A key reason for this smooth decision-making is the predominance of political parties. Some groups and associations that receive funding either initially have or later develop preferential relationships with political parties or government actors. As a result, social groups, associations, and publicly funded schools often have long-standing ties to political entities. This creates a strong incentive for noneconomic interest associations to propose well-founded policies, as there is a high probability that these proposals will be debated in parliament. The downside of this structure is a dependence on public funding.
Citations:
Press article on the extension of euthanasia to minors: https://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2014/02/13/la-belgique-va-etendre-l-euthanasie-aux-mineurs_4365959_3214.html
Press articles on the controversy around the emotional and relational life courses:
https://www.rtbf.be/article/des-cette-annee-les-eleves-auront-au-minimum-deux-animations-evras-durant-leur-scolarite-a-quoi-ces-cours-deducation-sexuelle-vont-ils-ressembler-11245785
https://www.lecho.be/economie-politique/belgique/general/l-opposition-a-evras-federe-des-mouvements-tres-eloignes/10492739.html
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20180715_03615174
Press article on the extension of euthanasia to minors: https://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2014/02/13/la-belgique-va-etendre-l-euthanasie-aux-mineurs_4365959_3214.html
Press articles on the controversy around the emotional and relational life courses:
https://www.rtbf.be/article/des-cette-annee-les-eleves-auront-au-minimum-deux-animations-evras-durant-leur-scolarite-a-quoi-ces-cours-deducation-sexuelle-vont-ils-ressembler-11245785
https://www.lecho.be/economie-politique/belgique/general/l-opposition-a-evras-federe-des-mouvements-tres-eloignes/10492739.html
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20180715_03615174
Denmark
Since the welfare state is responsible for providing most welfare services – including child care, education, healthcare and old-age care – the role of associations is to represent citizens and voice their needs and demands. For instance, there are nationwide associations like Ældre Sagen (association for seniors) and associations for specific groups of patients with particular illnesses. These associations are generally quite visible in public debates, and actively propose policies and participate in the policy formulation process.
Nevertheless, there is increasing attention being paid to co-creation and coproduction of social welfare, prompted by concerns that a small workforce, along with rising demand for social welfare, will strain the welfare state (Andersen et al. 2020). Additionally, worries about the welfare state’s future capacity to manage an increasing number of older people have sparked a debate on whether civil society can assume greater responsibility, allowing professionals more time to focus on core activities.
Nevertheless, there is increasing attention being paid to co-creation and coproduction of social welfare, prompted by concerns that a small workforce, along with rising demand for social welfare, will strain the welfare state (Andersen et al. 2020). Additionally, worries about the welfare state’s future capacity to manage an increasing number of older people have sparked a debate on whether civil society can assume greater responsibility, allowing professionals more time to focus on core activities.
Citations:
Andersen, SC, et al. 2020. “How to Increase Citizen Coproduction: Replication and Extension of Existing Research.” International Public Management Journal 23 (5): 696-712.
Andersen, SC, et al. 2020. “How to Increase Citizen Coproduction: Replication and Extension of Existing Research.” International Public Management Journal 23 (5): 696-712.
Finland
In Finland, the Finnish Federation for Social Affairs and Health (SOSTE) serves as a comprehensive umbrella organization for social welfare organizations. Established in 2012, SOSTE was founded by the Association of Voluntary Health, Social and Welfare Organizations (YTY), the Finnish Federation for Social Welfare and Health (STKL), and the Finnish Center for Health Promotion (Tekry).
SOSTE brings together 200 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) dedicated to social affairs and health, along with numerous partner members. The collective mission of SOSTE focuses on fostering the health and well-being of all individuals. Through collaboration with its members and partners, SOSTE actively engages in laying the groundwork for health, inclusive participation and a just society.
SOSTE and its partner organizations are regularly consulted by the government. For example, SOSTE is currently represented on the Social Security Reform Committee, whose mandate extends from 2020 to 2027. However, the government does not feel obliged to accept the viewpoints of SOSTE or its partner organizations.
SOSTE and its partner organizations are funded almost exclusively through the receipts of the state gambling monopoly. The Orpo government aims to partially dismantle the monopoly and replace it with a licensing system. Consequently, SOSTE’s funding level for 2024 dropped dramatically, leading to downsizing within the organization. This reduction will diminish the organization’s capacity to retain expert staffers and influence policies.
SOSTE brings together 200 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) dedicated to social affairs and health, along with numerous partner members. The collective mission of SOSTE focuses on fostering the health and well-being of all individuals. Through collaboration with its members and partners, SOSTE actively engages in laying the groundwork for health, inclusive participation and a just society.
SOSTE and its partner organizations are regularly consulted by the government. For example, SOSTE is currently represented on the Social Security Reform Committee, whose mandate extends from 2020 to 2027. However, the government does not feel obliged to accept the viewpoints of SOSTE or its partner organizations.
SOSTE and its partner organizations are funded almost exclusively through the receipts of the state gambling monopoly. The Orpo government aims to partially dismantle the monopoly and replace it with a licensing system. Consequently, SOSTE’s funding level for 2024 dropped dramatically, leading to downsizing within the organization. This reduction will diminish the organization’s capacity to retain expert staffers and influence policies.
Citations:
https://www.soste.fi/en/etusivu/
https://www.soste.fi/en/etusivu/
New Zealand
New Zealand follows the Westminster model of democracy, characterized by limited access points for veto players and the centralization of political decision-making power in the executive. Despite this institutional setup, civil society organizations have had considerable success influencing government policy in the field of social welfare through various means (Grey 2015; O’Brien 2015).
Interest groups have, through media campaigns and other communication strategies, been able to frame public debates on social welfare issues. For example, public support for the “26 for Babies” group, which ran a social media campaign and a range of mainstream media events, led to a 2014 budget announcement that the National-led government would increase paid parental leave from 14 to 18 weeks in 2016, despite earlier proclamations by National that it would veto a private member’s bill on extending paid parental leave to 26 weeks.
Moreover, interest groups have shaped social welfare policy by publishing reports and research at both the agenda-setting and evaluation stages of the policy process. For instance, the Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) has published evaluation reports showing the inequities caused by the Working for Families policy, which provides payments to “working” parents but not to parents receiving social welfare benefits. CPAG has also taken cases to the Human Rights Tribunal and the High Court to demonstrate that the government’s policy was discriminatory under the law. The legal proceedings held the attention of the media for a number of years between 2002 and 2014. In 2017, Prime Minister Ardern appointed herself minister for child poverty, and the Child Poverty Reduction Act was passed in 2018. The act requires current and future governments to set three-year and 10-year targets for reducing child poverty.
Interest groups have also turned to international courts and supranational bodies to force policy change. In a recent example from 2022, civil society representatives formally asked the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities to put pressure on the New Zealand government to address a range of disability issues (Shivas 2022). Meanwhile, Māori groups have used the Waitangi Tribunal to coerce the government into passing welfare policies designed to reduce inequities experienced by Māori. As a result, various policies – such as the Public Health and Disability Act and the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act – now reference the Treaty of Waitangi and include measures specific to improving welfare outcomes for Māori (Moore 2021).
Interest groups have, through media campaigns and other communication strategies, been able to frame public debates on social welfare issues. For example, public support for the “26 for Babies” group, which ran a social media campaign and a range of mainstream media events, led to a 2014 budget announcement that the National-led government would increase paid parental leave from 14 to 18 weeks in 2016, despite earlier proclamations by National that it would veto a private member’s bill on extending paid parental leave to 26 weeks.
Moreover, interest groups have shaped social welfare policy by publishing reports and research at both the agenda-setting and evaluation stages of the policy process. For instance, the Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) has published evaluation reports showing the inequities caused by the Working for Families policy, which provides payments to “working” parents but not to parents receiving social welfare benefits. CPAG has also taken cases to the Human Rights Tribunal and the High Court to demonstrate that the government’s policy was discriminatory under the law. The legal proceedings held the attention of the media for a number of years between 2002 and 2014. In 2017, Prime Minister Ardern appointed herself minister for child poverty, and the Child Poverty Reduction Act was passed in 2018. The act requires current and future governments to set three-year and 10-year targets for reducing child poverty.
Interest groups have also turned to international courts and supranational bodies to force policy change. In a recent example from 2022, civil society representatives formally asked the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities to put pressure on the New Zealand government to address a range of disability issues (Shivas 2022). Meanwhile, Māori groups have used the Waitangi Tribunal to coerce the government into passing welfare policies designed to reduce inequities experienced by Māori. As a result, various policies – such as the Public Health and Disability Act and the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act – now reference the Treaty of Waitangi and include measures specific to improving welfare outcomes for Māori (Moore 2021).
Citations:
Grey, S. 2015. “Interest groups and policy.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed., ed. J. Hayward. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Moore, C. 2021. “Māori and Social Policy.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand, ed. J. Hayward, 7th ed. Oxford University Press.
O’Brien, M. 2015. “Child poverty policy.” In J. Hayward, ed. Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Shivas, O. 2022. “UN Committee ‘Concerned’ NZ Government Ignoring Disability Rights’ Advice.” Stuff, August 27. https://www.stuff.co.nz/pou-tiaki/129628760/un-committee-concerned-nz-government-ignoring-disability-rights-advice
Grey, S. 2015. “Interest groups and policy.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed., ed. J. Hayward. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Moore, C. 2021. “Māori and Social Policy.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand, ed. J. Hayward, 7th ed. Oxford University Press.
O’Brien, M. 2015. “Child poverty policy.” In J. Hayward, ed. Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Shivas, O. 2022. “UN Committee ‘Concerned’ NZ Government Ignoring Disability Rights’ Advice.” Stuff, August 27. https://www.stuff.co.nz/pou-tiaki/129628760/un-committee-concerned-nz-government-ignoring-disability-rights-advice
Slovakia
The state of social welfare in Slovakia mirrors the conditions observed in the capital and labor sectors. Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Slovakia possess sufficient organizational strength to independently formulate policies or engage in a collaborative policymaking process with the government. Additionally, several CSOs provide social welfare services and are part of the Association of Social Services Providers, participating in the SR’s Council of Non-Governmental and Nonprofit Organizations.
The most influential welfare policy contributors include INEKO, INESS, Socioforum, and others. These organizations share their expertise with CSO representatives who have access to decision-making processes. Among CSOs delivering welfare services, Liga proti rakovine is the most prominent, with the Red Cross ranking second in visibility (for more, see Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020).
The most influential welfare policy contributors include INEKO, INESS, Socioforum, and others. These organizations share their expertise with CSO representatives who have access to decision-making processes. Among CSOs delivering welfare services, Liga proti rakovine is the most prominent, with the Red Cross ranking second in visibility (for more, see Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020).
Citations:
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Slovenia
Slovenia’s Vibrant civil society sector comprising a diverse array of associations. However, it relies primarily on voluntary work and suffers from low levels of professionalization and limited resources. Just over 12,000 people are employed in the non-governmental sector, with more than half of these workers employed in institutes (zavodi), despite institutes making up only 13% of all non-governmental organizations.
In 2021, associations (društva), the most numerous type of non-governmental organization due to the prevalence of local firemen associations, employed 5,178 people. The share of employees in non-governmental organizations was a mere 1.24%, which is extremely low compared to other countries. A 2017 study by Johns Hopkins University found the global average to be 3.3% and the EU average to be 3.67%.
Volunteer work offsets the low level of professionalization. Volunteering has a long and rich tradition in Slovenia, connecting people at both local and national levels. In 2022, the total number of volunteers in voluntary organizations increased. That year, 2,341 volunteer organizations submitted reports on volunteering, with 226,106 volunteers contributing 9,245,305 hours. Most volunteer hours were dedicated to social welfare.
Some traditional civil society organizations active in the welfare field have a long history and a strong local network. Although their work relies heavily on volunteers, the largest organizations also have professional leadership. These include Karitas Slovenia (founded in 1990), the Red Cross (1944), the Slovenian Association of Friends of Youth (1953), Slovenian Philanthropy (1992), and the Slovenian Association of Pensioners’ Associations (1946). Given the tradition of a strong welfare state, the reduction of state services, and decreased budgets for social services, the demand for the services provided by civil society organizations has increased, especially during economic and financial crises.
In 2021, associations (društva), the most numerous type of non-governmental organization due to the prevalence of local firemen associations, employed 5,178 people. The share of employees in non-governmental organizations was a mere 1.24%, which is extremely low compared to other countries. A 2017 study by Johns Hopkins University found the global average to be 3.3% and the EU average to be 3.67%.
Volunteer work offsets the low level of professionalization. Volunteering has a long and rich tradition in Slovenia, connecting people at both local and national levels. In 2022, the total number of volunteers in voluntary organizations increased. That year, 2,341 volunteer organizations submitted reports on volunteering, with 226,106 volunteers contributing 9,245,305 hours. Most volunteer hours were dedicated to social welfare.
Some traditional civil society organizations active in the welfare field have a long history and a strong local network. Although their work relies heavily on volunteers, the largest organizations also have professional leadership. These include Karitas Slovenia (founded in 1990), the Red Cross (1944), the Slovenian Association of Friends of Youth (1953), Slovenian Philanthropy (1992), and the Slovenian Association of Pensioners’ Associations (1946). Given the tradition of a strong welfare state, the reduction of state services, and decreased budgets for social services, the demand for the services provided by civil society organizations has increased, especially during economic and financial crises.
Citations:
CNVOS. 2023. “Delež zaposlenih v NVO glede na aktivno prebivalstvo.” https://www.cnvos.si/nvo-sektor-dejstva-stevilke/delez-zaposlenih-v-nvo-glede-na-aktivno-prebivalstvo/
Slovenska Filantropija. 2024. “Prostovoljstvo danes.” https://www.prostovoljstvo.org/prostovoljstvo-danes
Rakar, Tatjana, and Deželan, Tomaž. 2023. “The strength of civil society in Slovenia after three decades of post-communist experience.” In Handbook of Civil Society and Social Movements in Small States, eds. Lino Briguglio. Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 248-261.
CNVOS. 2023. “Delež zaposlenih v NVO glede na aktivno prebivalstvo.” https://www.cnvos.si/nvo-sektor-dejstva-stevilke/delez-zaposlenih-v-nvo-glede-na-aktivno-prebivalstvo/
Slovenska Filantropija. 2024. “Prostovoljstvo danes.” https://www.prostovoljstvo.org/prostovoljstvo-danes
Rakar, Tatjana, and Deželan, Tomaž. 2023. “The strength of civil society in Slovenia after three decades of post-communist experience.” In Handbook of Civil Society and Social Movements in Small States, eds. Lino Briguglio. Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 248-261.
Switzerland
While trade union membership fees are tax-deductible, other social welfare groups – such as church-affiliated organizations – do not enjoy these organizational safeguards. In addition to the plethora of organizations in the areas of social policy, social welfare and vocational training, there are also local and cantonal public organizations in these areas. Private and public organizations work together, but it is difficult to summarize and assess the power and effectiveness of these very different organizations.
In contrast to almost all European democracies, interest organizations in Switzerland may exert influence using the channels afforded by direct democracy. They can trigger a referendum or propose a new constitutional article by way of a so-called initiative. Moreover, as the Swiss administration is weak in international comparison and parliaments are weakly professionalized, CSOs have specialized sectoral expertise that is needed and used within the Swiss politico-administrative system (Christiansen et al. 2017; Sager et al. 2022). In this regard, these organizations have more opportunities to advocate on behalf of their preferences than do comparable organizations in other countries. However, CSOs do not have the capacity to match the influence of economic actors and industries in many sectors such as health, and Switzerland is well-known for its weak structural regulation of harmful products such as tobacco in European comparison (Mavrot 2021).
In contrast to almost all European democracies, interest organizations in Switzerland may exert influence using the channels afforded by direct democracy. They can trigger a referendum or propose a new constitutional article by way of a so-called initiative. Moreover, as the Swiss administration is weak in international comparison and parliaments are weakly professionalized, CSOs have specialized sectoral expertise that is needed and used within the Swiss politico-administrative system (Christiansen et al. 2017; Sager et al. 2022). In this regard, these organizations have more opportunities to advocate on behalf of their preferences than do comparable organizations in other countries. However, CSOs do not have the capacity to match the influence of economic actors and industries in many sectors such as health, and Switzerland is well-known for its weak structural regulation of harmful products such as tobacco in European comparison (Mavrot 2021).
Citations:
Christiansen, Peter Munk, André Mach, and Frédéric Varone. 2018. “How Corporatist Institutions Shape the Access of Citizen Groups to Policy-Makers: Evidence from Denmark and Switzerland.” Journal of European Public Policy 25 (4): 526-545. DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2016.1268194
Mavrot, Céline. 2021. “Playing the Multilevel Game: Successful Tobacco Control Advocacy Strategies in a Federal System.” In Casebook on Advocacy in Public Health, eds. Ildefonso Hernandez-Aguado, Lucy Anne Parker, Michael Moore, and Deborah Klein Walker, 194-203. Geneva: World Federation of Public Health Associations (WFPHA).
Sager, F., Asticher, L., and Pleger, L.E. 2022. “Lobbyismus in der Schweiz.” In Handbuch Lobbyismus, eds. A. Polk and K. Mause. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-32324-0_32-1
Christiansen, Peter Munk, André Mach, and Frédéric Varone. 2018. “How Corporatist Institutions Shape the Access of Citizen Groups to Policy-Makers: Evidence from Denmark and Switzerland.” Journal of European Public Policy 25 (4): 526-545. DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2016.1268194
Mavrot, Céline. 2021. “Playing the Multilevel Game: Successful Tobacco Control Advocacy Strategies in a Federal System.” In Casebook on Advocacy in Public Health, eds. Ildefonso Hernandez-Aguado, Lucy Anne Parker, Michael Moore, and Deborah Klein Walker, 194-203. Geneva: World Federation of Public Health Associations (WFPHA).
Sager, F., Asticher, L., and Pleger, L.E. 2022. “Lobbyismus in der Schweiz.” In Handbuch Lobbyismus, eds. A. Polk and K. Mause. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-32324-0_32-1
7
Ireland
Irish social welfare CSOs exert pressure on the legislature and government through pressure politics, pluralism, protests, campaigning and advocacy. Some of these organizations are better integrated into the policy formulation process. Historically, there was quasi-corporatism with the Community and Voluntary Pillar, which includes the Community Platform – a network of 26 groups, some of which have their own membership within the Pillar. Many of these groups are actively consulted by the government through pre-budget submission processes and ad hoc policy consultations. The Amnesty International Report (2022) highlights various societal issues, including concerns about past institutional abuse and the contemporary lack of access to adequate housing, notably for Ukrainians and other refugees. By late 2023, 500 male international protection applicants were experiencing homelessness. Ongoing issues include the use of facial recognition technology in policing public spaces, which is more likely to be introduced following the Dublin riots in November 2023. The Civicus Monitor (2023) scored Ireland highly in freedom rankings but noted concerns about LGBTQI rights, anti-immigrant sentiment and issues related to digital surveillance. The World Justice Project Rule of Law Index (2022) consistently ranked Ireland 11th out of 142 countries, with an overall score of 82, similar to the rankings in 2021 and 2023.
There are at least 29,000 nonprofit organizations in Ireland (Benefacts). Volunteering and service provision activities, including sports, culture and charity, dominate and often operate “in the shadow of the state.” During the COVID-19 pandemic, civil society established new relationships with local government and other actors. Advocacy campaigns to influence government policy continue to prefer insider consensual change strategies based on clear engagement structures with the government (Vissar 2019) and there is significant demand for more collaborative governance.
However, the Irish state exhibits a passive-aggressive relationship with civil society, espousing partnership and deliberation while also suppressing and inhibiting advocacy (Harvey 2014). This has led to campaigns by the Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL) for the right to dissent. Irish environmental groups face the highest legal costs in the EU and are often threatened with funding cuts when they pursue legal action against the state. In 2021, the ICCL led the Coalition for Civil Society Freedom, seeking legal reforms to lift prohibitions on civil society actors fundraising for legitimate advocacy work. While much of civil society, particularly the voluntary sector, is now service-oriented and organized into fragmented siloed sectors, it remains a source of politically active citizenship in various public spheres. These include cultural, political and policy-based summer schools, mind festivals, talk forums and arts and culture events, which, although not unique to Ireland, are nonetheless popular (Murphy 2023). Ireland has also experimented with national, regional and local deliberative forms of collaborative governance, including local environmental spheres (JCFC 2020).
There are at least 29,000 nonprofit organizations in Ireland (Benefacts). Volunteering and service provision activities, including sports, culture and charity, dominate and often operate “in the shadow of the state.” During the COVID-19 pandemic, civil society established new relationships with local government and other actors. Advocacy campaigns to influence government policy continue to prefer insider consensual change strategies based on clear engagement structures with the government (Vissar 2019) and there is significant demand for more collaborative governance.
However, the Irish state exhibits a passive-aggressive relationship with civil society, espousing partnership and deliberation while also suppressing and inhibiting advocacy (Harvey 2014). This has led to campaigns by the Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL) for the right to dissent. Irish environmental groups face the highest legal costs in the EU and are often threatened with funding cuts when they pursue legal action against the state. In 2021, the ICCL led the Coalition for Civil Society Freedom, seeking legal reforms to lift prohibitions on civil society actors fundraising for legitimate advocacy work. While much of civil society, particularly the voluntary sector, is now service-oriented and organized into fragmented siloed sectors, it remains a source of politically active citizenship in various public spheres. These include cultural, political and policy-based summer schools, mind festivals, talk forums and arts and culture events, which, although not unique to Ireland, are nonetheless popular (Murphy 2023). Ireland has also experimented with national, regional and local deliberative forms of collaborative governance, including local environmental spheres (JCFC 2020).
Citations:
Murphy, M.P., and O’Connor, O. 2021. Civil Society Organisations and Policy Analysis: Resilience in the Context of Shifting Political Opportunity Structures? Policy Analysis in Ireland. Bristol: Policy Press.
Murphy, M. P. 2023. Creating an Ecosocial Welfare Future. Bristol: Policy Press.
Amnesty International. 2023. “Amnesty International Report 2022/23: The state of the world’s human rights.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2023/03/amnesty-international-report-2022-23
Visser, A. 2019. “Ireland Emerging from the Crisis.” In Report on the State of Civil Society in the EU and Russia, eds. Harvey B., Berlin: EU-Russia Civil Society Forum.
WJP. 2022. “Rule of Law Index.” Ireland Insights. https://worldjusticeproject.org
Civicus Monitor. 2023. “2023 State of Civil Society Report.” https://www.civicus.org/documents/reports-and-publications/SOCS/2023/state-of-civil-society-report-2023_en.pdf
Benefacts. 2018. “Analysis 2018.” https://analysis2018.benefacts.ie/report/thirdsector
Harvey, B. 2014. Are We Paying for That? Dublin: Advocacy Coalition.
Murphy, M.P., and O’Connor, O. 2021. Civil Society Organisations and Policy Analysis: Resilience in the Context of Shifting Political Opportunity Structures? Policy Analysis in Ireland. Bristol: Policy Press.
Murphy, M. P. 2023. Creating an Ecosocial Welfare Future. Bristol: Policy Press.
Amnesty International. 2023. “Amnesty International Report 2022/23: The state of the world’s human rights.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2023/03/amnesty-international-report-2022-23
Visser, A. 2019. “Ireland Emerging from the Crisis.” In Report on the State of Civil Society in the EU and Russia, eds. Harvey B., Berlin: EU-Russia Civil Society Forum.
WJP. 2022. “Rule of Law Index.” Ireland Insights. https://worldjusticeproject.org
Civicus Monitor. 2023. “2023 State of Civil Society Report.” https://www.civicus.org/documents/reports-and-publications/SOCS/2023/state-of-civil-society-report-2023_en.pdf
Benefacts. 2018. “Analysis 2018.” https://analysis2018.benefacts.ie/report/thirdsector
Harvey, B. 2014. Are We Paying for That? Dublin: Advocacy Coalition.
Israel
A large proportion of social welfare policy is implemented by civil society organizations (Shiffer 2018). As a result, civil society organizations greatly influence policy formulation because policymakers and the public perceive them as having knowledge and expertise in their respective fields. At the same time, their dependence on public budgets limits their inclination to criticize the government and advocate for alternative policies.
Some donations to civil society organizations are tax deductible. In addition, civil society organizations participate in a policy design roundtable coordinated by the Prime Minister’s Office, and committee Knesset hearings where they present policy proposals and reports. Moreover, major organizations are also members of various interministerial committees.
Lastly, reports concerning at-risk youth and poverty published by central organizations receive broad media coverage. At the same time, it should be noted that government-contracted social service providers face fierce competition, which might hinder their ability to effectively cooperate with each other.
Almost all major activities of social welfare organizations are promoted through coalitions of several organizations working together to meet a common goal. Each organization brings its own resources in terms of public support, expertise, media access, political connections, and more.
The organizations have no veto power over government decisions. However, they do have significant public legitimacy. Therefore, when they place an issue on the agenda that receives public and media interest, the government is more likely to respond.
Some donations to civil society organizations are tax deductible. In addition, civil society organizations participate in a policy design roundtable coordinated by the Prime Minister’s Office, and committee Knesset hearings where they present policy proposals and reports. Moreover, major organizations are also members of various interministerial committees.
Lastly, reports concerning at-risk youth and poverty published by central organizations receive broad media coverage. At the same time, it should be noted that government-contracted social service providers face fierce competition, which might hinder their ability to effectively cooperate with each other.
Almost all major activities of social welfare organizations are promoted through coalitions of several organizations working together to meet a common goal. Each organization brings its own resources in terms of public support, expertise, media access, political connections, and more.
The organizations have no veto power over government decisions. However, they do have significant public legitimacy. Therefore, when they place an issue on the agenda that receives public and media interest, the government is more likely to respond.
Citations:
Shiffer, V. 2018. “The Impact of Privatization on the Non-profit Sector and on Civil Society in Israel.” In A. Paz-Fuchs, R. Mandelkern, and I. Galnoor, eds., The Privatization of Israel: The Withdrawal of State Responsibility, 341–364. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58261-4_14
Shiffer, V. 2018. “The Impact of Privatization on the Non-profit Sector and on Civil Society in Israel.” In A. Paz-Fuchs, R. Mandelkern, and I. Galnoor, eds., The Privatization of Israel: The Withdrawal of State Responsibility, 341–364. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58261-4_14
Latvia
The major CSOs can form alliances to represent interests, as they have sufficient organizational capacities. However, smaller CSOs struggle with corporate resources. According to the Monitoring Report 2023, 83% of all CSOs (about 25,600 in 2023) do not have any employed staff. The same report identified that about half of all registered CSOs are active and operational (Civic Aliance Latvia, 2023). In terms of membership, the law requires a minimum of two members for a CSO to operate.
Regarding finances, in 2022, all CSOs received donations totaling €97.7 million. However, donations constitute only around 16% of CSOs’ income (Civic Alliance Latvia, 2023). The other income sources are project-type funding and allocations from public institutions.
The 2021 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia indicates that Latvia’s CSOs have seen an improvement in their overall sustainability score. However, population support and involvement in CSOs need to be higher. The Civic Alliance reports that only 2% (in 2018) of the population are NGO members. The report also shows that the number of CSOs has decreased since 2018 (Civic Alliance Latvia (2023)). Overall, CSOs – except for large labor CSOs – have limited capacity to conduct research on their specialized issues.
The Civic Alliance is the umbrella organization for all civil society organizations (CSOs) in Latvia, regardless of their sector or capacity. The public benefit organization stipulates that any such organization has the right to receive tax relief if it registers as a public benefit organization. Additionally, any business that donates to public benefit organizations receives a tax deduction.
The 2023 Monitoring Report of the Latvian Civic Alliance reflects that while the number of CSOs accepting donations from businesses is increasing, it benefits fewer CSOs – primarily those with a certain level of organizational strength. Moreover, financial donations from public agencies have grown in recent years.
The social welfare CSOs with the highest number of employees are the Latvian Red Cross and the Latvian Union of Samarians. However, these CSOs differ significantly in their capacity to generate policy proposals and participate in policy implementation. Some CSOs delivering social services have accumulated capacity and can influence policy. In contrast, others, such as groups representing seniors or patients, still need to develop and have limited impact on the policy process or outcomes.
Regarding finances, in 2022, all CSOs received donations totaling €97.7 million. However, donations constitute only around 16% of CSOs’ income (Civic Alliance Latvia, 2023). The other income sources are project-type funding and allocations from public institutions.
The 2021 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia indicates that Latvia’s CSOs have seen an improvement in their overall sustainability score. However, population support and involvement in CSOs need to be higher. The Civic Alliance reports that only 2% (in 2018) of the population are NGO members. The report also shows that the number of CSOs has decreased since 2018 (Civic Alliance Latvia (2023)). Overall, CSOs – except for large labor CSOs – have limited capacity to conduct research on their specialized issues.
The Civic Alliance is the umbrella organization for all civil society organizations (CSOs) in Latvia, regardless of their sector or capacity. The public benefit organization stipulates that any such organization has the right to receive tax relief if it registers as a public benefit organization. Additionally, any business that donates to public benefit organizations receives a tax deduction.
The 2023 Monitoring Report of the Latvian Civic Alliance reflects that while the number of CSOs accepting donations from businesses is increasing, it benefits fewer CSOs – primarily those with a certain level of organizational strength. Moreover, financial donations from public agencies have grown in recent years.
The social welfare CSOs with the highest number of employees are the Latvian Red Cross and the Latvian Union of Samarians. However, these CSOs differ significantly in their capacity to generate policy proposals and participate in policy implementation. Some CSOs delivering social services have accumulated capacity and can influence policy. In contrast, others, such as groups representing seniors or patients, still need to develop and have limited impact on the policy process or outcomes.
Citations:
2021 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia. 25th edition. January 2023. https://www.fhi360.org/projects/civil-society-organization-sustainability-index-csosi
Public Benefit Organization Law. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/90822-public-benefit-organization-law
Civic Alliance Latvia (2023). NVO sektora monitorings 2023. (in Latvian). https://nvo.lv/uploads/nvo_sektora_monitorings_2023_pap181.pdf
Civic Alliance Latvia (2022). Resources of civil society organizations: current situation and needs 2022. https://nvo.lv/lv/portfelis/petijumi/resources_of_civil_society_organisations_current_situation_and_needs_2022
Nevalstisko organizāciju un Ministru kabineta sadarbības memoranda īstenošanas padome. (in Latvian). Retrieved from https://www.mk.gov.lv/lv/nevalstisko-organizaciju-un-ministru-kabineta-sadarbibas-memoranda-istenosanas-padome
2021 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index for Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia. 25th edition. January 2023. https://www.fhi360.org/projects/civil-society-organization-sustainability-index-csosi
Public Benefit Organization Law. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/90822-public-benefit-organization-law
Civic Alliance Latvia (2023). NVO sektora monitorings 2023. (in Latvian). https://nvo.lv/uploads/nvo_sektora_monitorings_2023_pap181.pdf
Civic Alliance Latvia (2022). Resources of civil society organizations: current situation and needs 2022. https://nvo.lv/lv/portfelis/petijumi/resources_of_civil_society_organisations_current_situation_and_needs_2022
Nevalstisko organizāciju un Ministru kabineta sadarbības memoranda īstenošanas padome. (in Latvian). Retrieved from https://www.mk.gov.lv/lv/nevalstisko-organizaciju-un-ministru-kabineta-sadarbibas-memoranda-istenosanas-padome
Lithuania
There are various CSOs active in the field of social welfare, such as the Food Bank and others. Lithuanian laws allow taxpayers to transfer up to 1.2% of their personal income tax to the CSOs of their choice. There are also frequent fundraising events aimed at encouraging the general public to donate to various CSOs, such as Maltesers. It should be noted that most CSOs of this type focus on problem-solving through fundraising and mobilizing volunteers rather than on participation in policy debates.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, there was an increase in CSO activities aimed at assisting vulnerable groups in coping with temporary restrictions. Another wave of donations and activism followed Russia’s large-scale war against Ukraine in 2022, with various initiatives focused on helping refugees from Ukraine settle in Lithuania and providing humanitarian and other types of support for Ukrainians defending their country. According to research by the Civil Society Institute conducted in 2022, around two-thirds of the population supported Ukrainians in some capacity, most often by donating money. Some NGOs, such as Blue/Yellow, have been active since 2014. This group had raised more than €51 million by 13 December 2023. However, in a civic empowerment study by the Civil Society Institute conducted in 2022, respondents asked about the influence NGOs and communities have on political decisions important for society provided only 5.1 points to this topic out of a possible 10.
In addition to donations from personal income tax and charities, some CSOs in this field receive funding from state institutions, the EU Social Fund or European Economic Area funding programs. For example, the project on civic empowerment conducted by the Civil Society Institute (Civitas) was funded by the Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor. The Civil Society Institute is also an example of an CSO that has been working to develop a culture of cooperation between NGOs and state institutions in creating new public policy initiatives, often by attracting scholars from academia.
The government has established a fund to strengthen NGOs’ capacity to contribute to policy initiatives and public policymaking. For example, in 2022 approximately €2.9 million were allocated for NGO projects, with around 90% of the funds actually disbursed. Nevertheless, funding remains one of the biggest challenges for the long-term sustainability and capacity of CSOs.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, there was an increase in CSO activities aimed at assisting vulnerable groups in coping with temporary restrictions. Another wave of donations and activism followed Russia’s large-scale war against Ukraine in 2022, with various initiatives focused on helping refugees from Ukraine settle in Lithuania and providing humanitarian and other types of support for Ukrainians defending their country. According to research by the Civil Society Institute conducted in 2022, around two-thirds of the population supported Ukrainians in some capacity, most often by donating money. Some NGOs, such as Blue/Yellow, have been active since 2014. This group had raised more than €51 million by 13 December 2023. However, in a civic empowerment study by the Civil Society Institute conducted in 2022, respondents asked about the influence NGOs and communities have on political decisions important for society provided only 5.1 points to this topic out of a possible 10.
In addition to donations from personal income tax and charities, some CSOs in this field receive funding from state institutions, the EU Social Fund or European Economic Area funding programs. For example, the project on civic empowerment conducted by the Civil Society Institute (Civitas) was funded by the Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor. The Civil Society Institute is also an example of an CSO that has been working to develop a culture of cooperation between NGOs and state institutions in creating new public policy initiatives, often by attracting scholars from academia.
The government has established a fund to strengthen NGOs’ capacity to contribute to policy initiatives and public policymaking. For example, in 2022 approximately €2.9 million were allocated for NGO projects, with around 90% of the funds actually disbursed. Nevertheless, funding remains one of the biggest challenges for the long-term sustainability and capacity of CSOs.
Citations:
Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor. “NGO policy.” https://socmin.lrv.lt/lt/veiklos-sritys/nevyriausybiniu-organizaciju-politika/nvo-fondas
Civil Society Institute. 2023. “Projects.” http://www.civitas.lt/en/projects/
Blue/Yellow, https://blue-yellow.lt/en/about-us
Lithuanian Ministry of Social Security and Labor. “NGO policy.” https://socmin.lrv.lt/lt/veiklos-sritys/nevyriausybiniu-organizaciju-politika/nvo-fondas
Civil Society Institute. 2023. “Projects.” http://www.civitas.lt/en/projects/
Blue/Yellow, https://blue-yellow.lt/en/about-us
Netherlands
The Civicus Monitor rates the Netherlands as one of the world’s 32 open civil spaces. International references to the “polder model” as a form of consensus-building through practices of societal consultation testify to the Dutch reputation for negotiating nonparliamentary support for public policies, often on contested issues, as a precondition for parliamentary approval. In this form of neocorporatism and network governance, the government consults extensively with vested interest groups in civil society during policy preparation, and attempts to involve them in policy implementation. It has been a strong factor in the modes of political operation and public policymaking deployed by all the Rutte governments.
The downside is that interest representation in civil society has become so focused on consultative relations with the state that interest representation is getting in the way of self-organization within civil society. Most sectors in civil society – healthcare, youth care, care for the elderly, sports, education, and even groups representing state employees such as local civil servants, police officers and professionals working in the judiciary – are assembled in councils, forums, platforms, “tables” and other arrangements intended to influence policy preparation and implementation. One might well speak of an “étatization” of Dutch social civil society. Professional associations representing the interests of teachers, general practitioner doctors, nurses, patients, youth care workers, farmers, sports officials and many others frequently express their disaffection with agreements negotiated. Added to the glaring government failures like the continuing story of the child benefit scandal, and the inability to bring closure to the Groningen gas and earthquake fiasco, these disappointments have contributed to a general decline of confidence in government in a country that used to be a high-trust society.
Even the High Council of State (Hoge Raad) issued a warning that agreements reached using the polder model are too often presented to parliament as a fait accompli. They also too often lead to very broad platform legislation that specifies future goals and allocates a budget, but leaves implementation plans and legal implications undetermined. Another criticism is that this model leads to sluggish policymaking, creating a “musical chairs” process in which the responsibilities of government, business, and influential civil society or non-governmental organizations remain blurred, thus paralyzing effective decision-making.
The downside is that interest representation in civil society has become so focused on consultative relations with the state that interest representation is getting in the way of self-organization within civil society. Most sectors in civil society – healthcare, youth care, care for the elderly, sports, education, and even groups representing state employees such as local civil servants, police officers and professionals working in the judiciary – are assembled in councils, forums, platforms, “tables” and other arrangements intended to influence policy preparation and implementation. One might well speak of an “étatization” of Dutch social civil society. Professional associations representing the interests of teachers, general practitioner doctors, nurses, patients, youth care workers, farmers, sports officials and many others frequently express their disaffection with agreements negotiated. Added to the glaring government failures like the continuing story of the child benefit scandal, and the inability to bring closure to the Groningen gas and earthquake fiasco, these disappointments have contributed to a general decline of confidence in government in a country that used to be a high-trust society.
Even the High Council of State (Hoge Raad) issued a warning that agreements reached using the polder model are too often presented to parliament as a fait accompli. They also too often lead to very broad platform legislation that specifies future goals and allocates a budget, but leaves implementation plans and legal implications undetermined. Another criticism is that this model leads to sluggish policymaking, creating a “musical chairs” process in which the responsibilities of government, business, and influential civil society or non-governmental organizations remain blurred, thus paralyzing effective decision-making.
Citations:
Civicus. 2022. “Monitor Tracking Civic Space.”
CBS. 2023. “Minste vertrouwen in Tweede Kamer in 10 jaar tijd.” 9 May.
Fatima Bajja. 2022. “Wantrouwen in de overheid: ‘Burgers zijn kopschuw geworden’.” NOS Nieuws November 15.
NU.nl. 2022. “Politiek houdt demonstrerende huisartsen tegen die naar Binnenhof willen.” 1 Juli.
RTL Nieuws. 2023. “Vandaag demonstratie. Vaker onbevoegde leraren voor de klas: ‘Geen onderwijs is erger’.” RTL Nieuws February 3.
RTL Nieuws. 2023. “Grote lerarenstaking op 5 oktober: ‘Laten ons niet piepelen’.” RTL Nieuws June 28.
Nursing. 2023. “Protesters, spandoelen en ludieke acties: dit was de staking van 16 maart.” March 17.
Wikipedia. n.d. “Toeslagenaffaire.”
NU.nl. 2023. “Dit zijn de belangrijkste punten uit het rapport over de aardbevingen in Groningen.” February 24.
Civicus. 2022. “Monitor Tracking Civic Space.”
CBS. 2023. “Minste vertrouwen in Tweede Kamer in 10 jaar tijd.” 9 May.
Fatima Bajja. 2022. “Wantrouwen in de overheid: ‘Burgers zijn kopschuw geworden’.” NOS Nieuws November 15.
NU.nl. 2022. “Politiek houdt demonstrerende huisartsen tegen die naar Binnenhof willen.” 1 Juli.
RTL Nieuws. 2023. “Vandaag demonstratie. Vaker onbevoegde leraren voor de klas: ‘Geen onderwijs is erger’.” RTL Nieuws February 3.
RTL Nieuws. 2023. “Grote lerarenstaking op 5 oktober: ‘Laten ons niet piepelen’.” RTL Nieuws June 28.
Nursing. 2023. “Protesters, spandoelen en ludieke acties: dit was de staking van 16 maart.” March 17.
Wikipedia. n.d. “Toeslagenaffaire.”
NU.nl. 2023. “Dit zijn de belangrijkste punten uit het rapport over de aardbevingen in Groningen.” February 24.
USA
The United States has a thriving charity sector. The federal tax code treats contributions to charitable organizations generously. Social welfare organizations have a charitable aim but legally enjoy greater scope to lobby and engage in political activity than straightforward charities (Johnson 2018).
Since the 2010 Citizens United case, social welfare organizations have been allowed to raise and spend unlimited funds to advocate for their causes (Witko 2017). They are also typically permitted to engage in such activities without disclosing their donors. This has led to accusations of “astroturf” activism, where groups that appear to be large-scale grassroots campaign organizations are actually well-funded initiatives by a small number of wealthy donors, or even a single individual, bankrolling the entire effort (Charnock 2020).
Religious organizations are another form of important social welfare organization in the United States. The United States has a much higher level of religious belief and participation than peer rich democracies. Many religious denominations and religiously inspired organizations are highly active in politics, lobbying on behalf of causes they care deeply about, including abortion, family, environment, poverty, and much else (Chand 2017).
Since the 2010 Citizens United case, social welfare organizations have been allowed to raise and spend unlimited funds to advocate for their causes (Witko 2017). They are also typically permitted to engage in such activities without disclosing their donors. This has led to accusations of “astroturf” activism, where groups that appear to be large-scale grassroots campaign organizations are actually well-funded initiatives by a small number of wealthy donors, or even a single individual, bankrolling the entire effort (Charnock 2020).
Religious organizations are another form of important social welfare organization in the United States. The United States has a much higher level of religious belief and participation than peer rich democracies. Many religious denominations and religiously inspired organizations are highly active in politics, lobbying on behalf of causes they care deeply about, including abortion, family, environment, poverty, and much else (Chand 2017).
Citations:
Richard Johnson. 2020. “Low-Resource Candidates and Fundraising Appeals.” In E. Suhay, B. Grofman, and A. Treschel, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Persuasion. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Christopher Witko. 2017. “Regulation and Upper-Class Bias in Campaign Finance.” Election Law Journal.
Emily Charnock. 2020. The Rise of Political Action Committees: Interest Group Electioneering and the Transformation of American Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Daniel Chand. 2017. “Lobbying and Nonprofits.” Social Science Quarterly.
Richard Johnson. 2020. “Low-Resource Candidates and Fundraising Appeals.” In E. Suhay, B. Grofman, and A. Treschel, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Persuasion. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Christopher Witko. 2017. “Regulation and Upper-Class Bias in Campaign Finance.” Election Law Journal.
Emily Charnock. 2020. The Rise of Political Action Committees: Interest Group Electioneering and the Transformation of American Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Daniel Chand. 2017. “Lobbying and Nonprofits.” Social Science Quarterly.
6
Czechia
The best-organized section of the population concerned with welfare provision is pensioners. A large number of distinct organizations have individual members. Their activities span recreation, sport, welfare, and advisory services, and many also raise clearly political demands. The Rada seniorů České republiky (Council of Seniors of the Czech Republic, RSČR) brings together 17 all-state organizations, 16 regional organizations, 24 municipal organizations, and many more local pensioners’ clubs.
The council is represented, albeit in small numbers, in the advisory council on seniors and the aging population organized under the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, and one of its leading representatives also became an advisor to the relevant minister in 2022. The RSČR has presented clear and coherent political demands, most comprehensively prior to the last parliamentary elections in 2021. These demands include a call for pension reform to raise the share of pensions in GDP, restore the level of pensions relative to the average wage (which has declined markedly since 1989), reduce the required number of years to qualify for a full pension from 35 to 25, and ensure adequate provision for seniors in terms of health, housing, and other social services. This approach clearly differs from the direction taken by the Fiala government, as discussed in subsequent sections.
The RSČR’s latest report on political activity referred positively to its warm and easy contacts with Babiš when he had been prime minister and praised his government for raising the pension level. Relations with ministers in the Fiala government have also been described as correct, and the organization claimed in its report on activities in 2022 to have brought about several changes to proposed legislation. Nevertheless, these organizations probably have considerable political influence due to their ability to mobilize a substantial number of voters, likely to be dissatisfied with the Fiala government.
During the review period, a major controversy in the social welfare domain centered on same-sex marriage and adoption, with civil society organizations actively driving the agenda. Both proponents (We are Fair) and opponents (Alliance for Family) demonstrated significant organizational strength, including financial resources, policy experts, and media campaigns. Access to government and ministerial levels favored the Alliance for Family due to the Christian Democrats’ control of the social welfare portfolio. Despite greater public support for the legislation and backing from civil society organizations, including multinational corporations that addressed an open letter to the prime minister, opponents successfully delayed and currently prevent the adoption of the legislation. The introduction of last-minute surrogacy regulations further divided the proponents. While ministers from STAN and the Pirates openly supported same-sex marriage, the overall parliamentary votes, combined with the prime minister’s silence and the stance of the ODS and Christian Democrats, suggest opposition rather than ambivalence.
The council is represented, albeit in small numbers, in the advisory council on seniors and the aging population organized under the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, and one of its leading representatives also became an advisor to the relevant minister in 2022. The RSČR has presented clear and coherent political demands, most comprehensively prior to the last parliamentary elections in 2021. These demands include a call for pension reform to raise the share of pensions in GDP, restore the level of pensions relative to the average wage (which has declined markedly since 1989), reduce the required number of years to qualify for a full pension from 35 to 25, and ensure adequate provision for seniors in terms of health, housing, and other social services. This approach clearly differs from the direction taken by the Fiala government, as discussed in subsequent sections.
The RSČR’s latest report on political activity referred positively to its warm and easy contacts with Babiš when he had been prime minister and praised his government for raising the pension level. Relations with ministers in the Fiala government have also been described as correct, and the organization claimed in its report on activities in 2022 to have brought about several changes to proposed legislation. Nevertheless, these organizations probably have considerable political influence due to their ability to mobilize a substantial number of voters, likely to be dissatisfied with the Fiala government.
During the review period, a major controversy in the social welfare domain centered on same-sex marriage and adoption, with civil society organizations actively driving the agenda. Both proponents (We are Fair) and opponents (Alliance for Family) demonstrated significant organizational strength, including financial resources, policy experts, and media campaigns. Access to government and ministerial levels favored the Alliance for Family due to the Christian Democrats’ control of the social welfare portfolio. Despite greater public support for the legislation and backing from civil society organizations, including multinational corporations that addressed an open letter to the prime minister, opponents successfully delayed and currently prevent the adoption of the legislation. The introduction of last-minute surrogacy regulations further divided the proponents. While ministers from STAN and the Pirates openly supported same-sex marriage, the overall parliamentary votes, combined with the prime minister’s silence and the stance of the ODS and Christian Democrats, suggest opposition rather than ambivalence.
Citations:
https://www.rscr.cz/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Zpr%C3%A1va-p%C5%99edsedy-RS-%C4%8CR.pdf
https://www.rscr.cz/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/v%C3%BDro%C4%8Dn%C3%AD-zpr%C3%A1va-2022.pdf
https://english.radio.cz/it-reminds-us-we-still-have-some-things-fight-prague-pride-kick-monday-8790561
https://www.expats.cz/czech-news/article/large-global-corporations-call-on-czech-pm-to-accept-same-sex-marriage
https://www.rscr.cz/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Zpr%C3%A1va-p%C5%99edsedy-RS-%C4%8CR.pdf
https://www.rscr.cz/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/v%C3%BDro%C4%8Dn%C3%AD-zpr%C3%A1va-2022.pdf
https://english.radio.cz/it-reminds-us-we-still-have-some-things-fight-prague-pride-kick-monday-8790561
https://www.expats.cz/czech-news/article/large-global-corporations-call-on-czech-pm-to-accept-same-sex-marriage
Estonia
National-level civil society organizations (CSOs) often receive project-based public funding, though this is less common for smaller, local CSOs. Membership fees and donations are tax-deductible for CSOs on the government-approved list. This list is updated annually. In 2022, about 2,700 CSOs were listed, including advocacy groups for people with disabilities or various diseases, as well as for child protection, family welfare and mental health.
The organizational strength of major CSOs varies, but they generally have limited financial and human resources to formulate policy proposals in-house or to commission expert advice from outside. None of the CSOs in social welfare have their own research analysis unit or institute.
Major civil society organizations active in a particular field often cooperate while participating in the policymaking process; sometimes they establish umbrella organizations or alliances. For example, Vaimse Tervise ja Heaolu Koalitsioon (VATEK) unites 53 organizations in the area of mental health and well-being. The Estonian Chamber of Disabled People (EPIKoda) is an umbrella organization that brings together 32 specific disability associations and unions. Major CSOs in this field are strategic partners of the Ministry of Social Welfare and are actively involved in policy advocacy and policymaking. According to existing regulations and norms, the government is obliged to respond to policy proposals put forward by major CSOs during the drafting of new laws or the revision of existing regulations. Overall, Estonia has developed a neoconservative approach to CSO engagement, and the general public remains loosely involved in their activities.
The organizational strength of major CSOs varies, but they generally have limited financial and human resources to formulate policy proposals in-house or to commission expert advice from outside. None of the CSOs in social welfare have their own research analysis unit or institute.
Major civil society organizations active in a particular field often cooperate while participating in the policymaking process; sometimes they establish umbrella organizations or alliances. For example, Vaimse Tervise ja Heaolu Koalitsioon (VATEK) unites 53 organizations in the area of mental health and well-being. The Estonian Chamber of Disabled People (EPIKoda) is an umbrella organization that brings together 32 specific disability associations and unions. Major CSOs in this field are strategic partners of the Ministry of Social Welfare and are actively involved in policy advocacy and policymaking. According to existing regulations and norms, the government is obliged to respond to policy proposals put forward by major CSOs during the drafting of new laws or the revision of existing regulations. Overall, Estonia has developed a neoconservative approach to CSO engagement, and the general public remains loosely involved in their activities.
Greece
The Greek constitution enshrines the principle of the “Welfare State of Law” (Article 25), including rights to education, health, and social security. The constitution mandates that state authorities must not obstruct the exercise of these rights, and citizens are required to uphold social solidarity (Paragraph 4, Article 25).
However, few CSOs possess the organizational strength necessary to influence public policies. The responsibility for shaping welfare policies primarily lies with the government, public administration, and parliament. While many CSOs engage in social welfare activities, their role in policy formulation is limited.
Additionally, many CSOs in Greece rely on the state (e.g., the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, local municipalities) and, to some extent, on private donations for financial support and infrastructure, such as state-owned buildings.
Even the largest CSOs often lack the expertise required to contribute to public policymaking. When welfare policy bills are submitted to parliament, CSO representatives are invited to participate in parliamentary debates and testify before the parliament’s Permanent Committee on Social Affairs (Parliament, 2024).
In the past, CSOs faced public suspicion due to involvement in misappropriating public funds allocated by relevant ministries. For example, in December 2022, criminal investigations were launched against the child charity “Arc of the World,” headed by a well-known low-ranking Greek Orthodox priest, who, along with 10 others, was investigated on four felony charges (Keep Talking Greece, 2022). This case remained unresolved in 2023.
However, few CSOs possess the organizational strength necessary to influence public policies. The responsibility for shaping welfare policies primarily lies with the government, public administration, and parliament. While many CSOs engage in social welfare activities, their role in policy formulation is limited.
Additionally, many CSOs in Greece rely on the state (e.g., the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, local municipalities) and, to some extent, on private donations for financial support and infrastructure, such as state-owned buildings.
Even the largest CSOs often lack the expertise required to contribute to public policymaking. When welfare policy bills are submitted to parliament, CSO representatives are invited to participate in parliamentary debates and testify before the parliament’s Permanent Committee on Social Affairs (Parliament, 2024).
In the past, CSOs faced public suspicion due to involvement in misappropriating public funds allocated by relevant ministries. For example, in December 2022, criminal investigations were launched against the child charity “Arc of the World,” headed by a well-known low-ranking Greek Orthodox priest, who, along with 10 others, was investigated on four felony charges (Keep Talking Greece, 2022). This case remained unresolved in 2023.
Citations:
Keep Talking Greece. 2022. “Father Antonios and another ten investigated for charity’s financial management.” https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2022/12/02/child-charity-financial-investigation
Parliament. 2024. “Permanent Parliamentary Committee on Social Affairs.” https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/CommiteeDetailView?CommitteeId=583b7a49-8542-41c0-8e16-e1c22246bfa6
Keep Talking Greece. 2022. “Father Antonios and another ten investigated for charity’s financial management.” https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2022/12/02/child-charity-financial-investigation
Parliament. 2024. “Permanent Parliamentary Committee on Social Affairs.” https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/CommiteeDetailView?CommitteeId=583b7a49-8542-41c0-8e16-e1c22246bfa6
Italy
In May 2023, Istat released a comprehensive report on the Italian third sector, showcasing a dynamic landscape of over 360,000 organizations dedicated to social welfare. These organizations employ nearly 900,000 individuals and mobilize the voluntary efforts of nearly 5 million individuals. Notably, Northern Italy and the central regions, with their strong civic traditions, exhibit the highest concentration of these organizations and volunteers. This sector is pivotal in Italian society, contributing approximately €80 billion, or nearly 5% of GDP, annually. To support their endeavors, third-sector organizations increasingly rely on the 5x1000 of Irpef. This contribution allows taxpayers to allocate a portion of their income tax to these organizations. With over 15 million taxpayers participating in this initiative, the third sector garners significant support from the Italian public (Rapporto sulla sussidiarietà 2021/22).
Italian law (Legislative Decree 117/2017) mandates that public administrations, to uphold the principles of subsidiarity, must actively involve third-sector CSOs in planning and managing social programs and services. The engagement of social welfare CSOs is primarily concentrated at the regional and local levels, particularly in northern and central Italy. In contrast, their participation at the national level remains relatively limited.
The high level of fragmentation among CSOs reduces their capacity to shape national-level public policies, although their influence on regional and city-level policies is greater.
Italian law (Legislative Decree 117/2017) mandates that public administrations, to uphold the principles of subsidiarity, must actively involve third-sector CSOs in planning and managing social programs and services. The engagement of social welfare CSOs is primarily concentrated at the regional and local levels, particularly in northern and central Italy. In contrast, their participation at the national level remains relatively limited.
The high level of fragmentation among CSOs reduces their capacity to shape national-level public policies, although their influence on regional and city-level policies is greater.
Citations:
Rapporto Istat: https://www.istat.it/it/files//2023/05/Censimento-non-profit-primi-risultati.pdf
Rapporto sulla sussidiarietà 2021/22: https://www.astrid-online.it/static/upload/rapp/rapporto_sussidiarieta__21-22.pdf
Rapporto Istat: https://www.istat.it/it/files//2023/05/Censimento-non-profit-primi-risultati.pdf
Rapporto sulla sussidiarietà 2021/22: https://www.astrid-online.it/static/upload/rapp/rapporto_sussidiarieta__21-22.pdf
UK
The UK has an abundance of NGOs and other entities that contribute to routine policy development, particularly in social welfare. These organizations engage in various activities such as responding to government consultations, participating in government working groups, and influencing through publications, events, and informal contacts with decision-makers. Their strategy and influence depend on the alignment of their positions with those of the UK government, ranging from visible pressure politics on contentious issues to informal discussions on shared agendas. Many of these bodies have charitable status, which confers fiscal advantages.
Examples of entities with capacities relevant to social welfare, all aiming to influence government, include:
The Joseph Rowntree Foundation: Employing 150 staff, this foundation focuses on a range of social welfare topics such as poverty, social security, housing, and issues around race and ethnicity. Funded by shares donated by Quaker businessman and social reformer Joseph Rowntree, the foundation aims to influence public debate by engaging with and applying pressure on those in power through the quality of their arguments and ideas, and by building powerful coalitions and movements for change, centering on the voices of those who benefit least from the status quo.
The National Centre for Social Research: Conducts surveys and works with governments, NGOs, charities, and other organizations to drive understanding and help them make sound decisions that shape society.
Social Market Foundation: A nonpartisan think tank conducting research on various aspects of public policy, including economics and market regulation, work, skills and education, and public sector reform.
The Centre for Social Justice: Founded by former Conservative Party leader Iain Duncan Smith, this organization seeks to influence government policies and laws to address the root causes of poverty, which include family breakdown, educational failure, worklessness, addiction, problem debt and housing, criminal justice, and modern slavery. The CSJ published the interim report of a commission on social justice, which opens with the line: “The country is deeply divided. There are those who are getting by and there are those who are not.”
Examples of entities with capacities relevant to social welfare, all aiming to influence government, include:
The Joseph Rowntree Foundation: Employing 150 staff, this foundation focuses on a range of social welfare topics such as poverty, social security, housing, and issues around race and ethnicity. Funded by shares donated by Quaker businessman and social reformer Joseph Rowntree, the foundation aims to influence public debate by engaging with and applying pressure on those in power through the quality of their arguments and ideas, and by building powerful coalitions and movements for change, centering on the voices of those who benefit least from the status quo.
The National Centre for Social Research: Conducts surveys and works with governments, NGOs, charities, and other organizations to drive understanding and help them make sound decisions that shape society.
Social Market Foundation: A nonpartisan think tank conducting research on various aspects of public policy, including economics and market regulation, work, skills and education, and public sector reform.
The Centre for Social Justice: Founded by former Conservative Party leader Iain Duncan Smith, this organization seeks to influence government policies and laws to address the root causes of poverty, which include family breakdown, educational failure, worklessness, addiction, problem debt and housing, criminal justice, and modern slavery. The CSJ published the interim report of a commission on social justice, which opens with the line: “The country is deeply divided. There are those who are getting by and there are those who are not.”
Citations:
https://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/CSJ-Two_Nations.pdf
https://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/CSJ-Two_Nations.pdf
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
Australia
As noted for CSOs in capital and labor, the formal rules of the Australian political economy allow social welfare CSOs to build strength through membership and fundraising, using those resources to shape public policies.
The record of CSO influence across major policy areas is mixed. For example, there is evidence of government consultation with CSOs in the integrity domain in crafting recent laws to create a federal anti-corruption commission. However, the influence of CSOs in the contentious domains of asylum and immigration has been more muted. Following the High Court’s ruling against indefinite detention, the government passed new legislation in December 2023 allowing for the detention or “supervision” of immigrants convicted of serious violent or sexual offenses and deemed high-risk, a test not applied to Australian citizens.
Youth groups and multicultural societies have been influential, particularly in state policymaking, as shown by the development of several multiculturalism programs advancing the agendas of CSOs in this area (Jakubowicz 2023; Office for Youth 2022). However, many CSOs in this sector lack a strong and reliable funding base, relying on government grants to fund their operations and activities. This reliance on government grants constrains their capacity to advance their interests.
CSOs advocating for disadvantaged groups, such as the Australian Council of Social Service, are relatively prominent in public debates and have probably influenced policies in areas such as welfare payment levels.
The record of CSO influence across major policy areas is mixed. For example, there is evidence of government consultation with CSOs in the integrity domain in crafting recent laws to create a federal anti-corruption commission. However, the influence of CSOs in the contentious domains of asylum and immigration has been more muted. Following the High Court’s ruling against indefinite detention, the government passed new legislation in December 2023 allowing for the detention or “supervision” of immigrants convicted of serious violent or sexual offenses and deemed high-risk, a test not applied to Australian citizens.
Youth groups and multicultural societies have been influential, particularly in state policymaking, as shown by the development of several multiculturalism programs advancing the agendas of CSOs in this area (Jakubowicz 2023; Office for Youth 2022). However, many CSOs in this sector lack a strong and reliable funding base, relying on government grants to fund their operations and activities. This reliance on government grants constrains their capacity to advance their interests.
CSOs advocating for disadvantaged groups, such as the Australian Council of Social Service, are relatively prominent in public debates and have probably influenced policies in areas such as welfare payment levels.
Citations:
Jakubowicz, A. 2023. “A major review of the government’s multicultural policies is under way – what is it seeking to achieve?” The Conversation June 7. https://theconversation.com/a-major-review-of-the-governments-multicultural-policies-is-under-way-what-is-it-seeking-to-achieve-206983
Office for Youth. 2022. “Federal Budget Commits $10.5 Million for a New Youth Engagement Model.” https://www.youth.gov.au/news/announcements/federal-budget-commits-105-million-new-youth-engagement-model
Jakubowicz, A. 2023. “A major review of the government’s multicultural policies is under way – what is it seeking to achieve?” The Conversation June 7. https://theconversation.com/a-major-review-of-the-governments-multicultural-policies-is-under-way-what-is-it-seeking-to-achieve-206983
Office for Youth. 2022. “Federal Budget Commits $10.5 Million for a New Youth Engagement Model.” https://www.youth.gov.au/news/announcements/federal-budget-commits-105-million-new-youth-engagement-model
Canada
As stated previously, Canada has a free associational system, but in the social welfare sector as elsewhere, interest groups and civil society organizations have access to limited public funding.
In general, civil society organizations (CSOs) in Canada working in the social welfare sector do not have direct and continuous access to government officials and policymakers for effective advocacy and input. The degree of access, however, can vary. Larger, more established CSOs often have better connections. CSOs also need knowledge and expertise on the specific policy issues they seek to influence, which some possess to varying degrees. While larger CSOs may have specialized policy staff, smaller ones often lack dedicated expertise. Participating in consultations, advocacy campaigns, and similar activities also requires time and money. Larger CSOs have more resources to devote to policy work, whereas many smaller CSOs are underfunded (Phillips and Orsini 2002).
Connections with other CSOs and academics can help amplify influence and access expertise. While some CSOs collaborate effectively with each other, others operate in silos. There are opportunities to enhance CSO capacity through funding, partnerships, and government commitment to consultation. Some CSOs receive grants to provide services, such as refugee settlement or women’s shelters, and can use those funds to support their lobbying activities (Pal 1993). However, resource limitations and unequal access will persist to some degree.
Due to these constraints, the policy capacity of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the area of social policy in Canada can vary widely depending on the size, focus, and resources of each organization. “Policy capacity” refers to an organization’s ability to effectively engage in policy analysis, advocacy, and influence decision-making processes. Adequate funding and resources are crucial for civil society organizations (CSOs) and NGOs to build and maintain policy capacity. Funding sources may include grants, donations, and partnerships. Financial stability enables organizations to invest in staff training, research initiatives, and advocacy campaigns. Larger NGOs with significant resources, staffing, and expertise may have greater policy capacity. These organizations often have dedicated policy teams, researchers, and advocacy specialists.
NGOs with strong research capacity and subject-matter expertise are better equipped to analyze policy issues, propose solutions, and engage in evidence-based advocacy than those with weaker capabilities. Some NGOs may collaborate with academic institutions or experts to enhance their research capabilities. The ability to collaborate in this way and form strategic alliances with other NGOs, civil society groups, and stakeholders can enhance an organization’s policy influence. Networking allows NGOs to share resources, information, and amplify their collective voice.
NGOs with effective access to government officials, policymakers, and key decision-makers can have a greater impact on policy development than those without such access. Establishing relationships with government agencies and officials often allows NGOs to present their perspectives and recommendations directly (Brock 2020).
NGOs that effectively communicate their messages to the public and garner public support can influence policy debates and decisions. Public awareness campaigns, media outreach, and social media engagement contribute to an organization’s policy advocacy efforts. Issues that resonate with the public, policymakers, or specific interest groups may attract more attention and support.
The effectiveness of an NGO’s advocacy strategies – including its ability to engage in constructive dialogue, propose viable solutions, and mobilize public support – contributes to its policy capacity. NGOs that are adaptable and open to learning from their experiences are better positioned to navigate changing policy landscapes. This adaptability includes staying informed about policy developments, assessing the impact of their advocacy efforts, and adjusting strategies accordingly.
In general, civil society organizations (CSOs) in Canada working in the social welfare sector do not have direct and continuous access to government officials and policymakers for effective advocacy and input. The degree of access, however, can vary. Larger, more established CSOs often have better connections. CSOs also need knowledge and expertise on the specific policy issues they seek to influence, which some possess to varying degrees. While larger CSOs may have specialized policy staff, smaller ones often lack dedicated expertise. Participating in consultations, advocacy campaigns, and similar activities also requires time and money. Larger CSOs have more resources to devote to policy work, whereas many smaller CSOs are underfunded (Phillips and Orsini 2002).
Connections with other CSOs and academics can help amplify influence and access expertise. While some CSOs collaborate effectively with each other, others operate in silos. There are opportunities to enhance CSO capacity through funding, partnerships, and government commitment to consultation. Some CSOs receive grants to provide services, such as refugee settlement or women’s shelters, and can use those funds to support their lobbying activities (Pal 1993). However, resource limitations and unequal access will persist to some degree.
Due to these constraints, the policy capacity of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the area of social policy in Canada can vary widely depending on the size, focus, and resources of each organization. “Policy capacity” refers to an organization’s ability to effectively engage in policy analysis, advocacy, and influence decision-making processes. Adequate funding and resources are crucial for civil society organizations (CSOs) and NGOs to build and maintain policy capacity. Funding sources may include grants, donations, and partnerships. Financial stability enables organizations to invest in staff training, research initiatives, and advocacy campaigns. Larger NGOs with significant resources, staffing, and expertise may have greater policy capacity. These organizations often have dedicated policy teams, researchers, and advocacy specialists.
NGOs with strong research capacity and subject-matter expertise are better equipped to analyze policy issues, propose solutions, and engage in evidence-based advocacy than those with weaker capabilities. Some NGOs may collaborate with academic institutions or experts to enhance their research capabilities. The ability to collaborate in this way and form strategic alliances with other NGOs, civil society groups, and stakeholders can enhance an organization’s policy influence. Networking allows NGOs to share resources, information, and amplify their collective voice.
NGOs with effective access to government officials, policymakers, and key decision-makers can have a greater impact on policy development than those without such access. Establishing relationships with government agencies and officials often allows NGOs to present their perspectives and recommendations directly (Brock 2020).
NGOs that effectively communicate their messages to the public and garner public support can influence policy debates and decisions. Public awareness campaigns, media outreach, and social media engagement contribute to an organization’s policy advocacy efforts. Issues that resonate with the public, policymakers, or specific interest groups may attract more attention and support.
The effectiveness of an NGO’s advocacy strategies – including its ability to engage in constructive dialogue, propose viable solutions, and mobilize public support – contributes to its policy capacity. NGOs that are adaptable and open to learning from their experiences are better positioned to navigate changing policy landscapes. This adaptability includes staying informed about policy developments, assessing the impact of their advocacy efforts, and adjusting strategies accordingly.
Citations:
Brock, Kathy L. 2020. “Government and Non-Profit Collaboration in Times of Deliverology, Policy Innovation Laboratories and Hubs, and New Public Governance.” VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 31 (2): 257–70.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00145-0Pal, Leslie A. 1993. Interests of State: The Politics of Language, Multiculturalism, and Feminism in Canada. Montréal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Phillips, Susan D. 2007. “Policy Analysis and the Voluntary Sector: Evolving Policy Styles.” In Policy Analysis in Canada: The State of the Art, eds. L. Dobuzinskis, M. Howlett, and D. Laycock, 272–84. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Phillips, Susan, and Tessa Hebb. 2010. “Financing the Third Sector: Introduction.” Policy and Society 29 (3): 181–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polsoc.2010.07.001
Phillips, Susan, and Michael Orsini. 2002. Mapping the Links: Citizen Involvement in Policy Processes. Canadian Policy Research Networks, Discussion Paper.
Brock, Kathy L. 2020. “Government and Non-Profit Collaboration in Times of Deliverology, Policy Innovation Laboratories and Hubs, and New Public Governance.” VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 31 (2): 257–70.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00145-0Pal, Leslie A. 1993. Interests of State: The Politics of Language, Multiculturalism, and Feminism in Canada. Montréal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Phillips, Susan D. 2007. “Policy Analysis and the Voluntary Sector: Evolving Policy Styles.” In Policy Analysis in Canada: The State of the Art, eds. L. Dobuzinskis, M. Howlett, and D. Laycock, 272–84. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Phillips, Susan, and Tessa Hebb. 2010. “Financing the Third Sector: Introduction.” Policy and Society 29 (3): 181–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polsoc.2010.07.001
Phillips, Susan, and Michael Orsini. 2002. Mapping the Links: Citizen Involvement in Policy Processes. Canadian Policy Research Networks, Discussion Paper.
Portugal
CSOs dedicated to social welfare hold limited sway over Portuguese society. Some of these organizations find representation within the Economic and Social Council (CES), particularly through participation in the Permanent Commission for Social Concertation (CPCS).
Prominent CSOs in this field include Social Economy Entities, such as Private Social Solidarity Institutions (IPSS), as well as various foundations and non-governmental organizations with a social focus, such as the Portuguese Red Cross, the Portuguese Association for Victim Support (APAV) and Caritas (the official social charity organization of the Church). These organizations can access and rely on government financial support, albeit often encountering insufficiencies. Nevertheless, they manage to maintain their independence and autonomy.
Only a select few associations have the capability to formulate policy proposals, and even among those, resources are severely constrained. An exception to this pattern is the Portuguese League Against Cancer, which stands out as a civil society institution closely collaborating with the health ministry on cancer screening initiatives.
Prominent CSOs in this field include Social Economy Entities, such as Private Social Solidarity Institutions (IPSS), as well as various foundations and non-governmental organizations with a social focus, such as the Portuguese Red Cross, the Portuguese Association for Victim Support (APAV) and Caritas (the official social charity organization of the Church). These organizations can access and rely on government financial support, albeit often encountering insufficiencies. Nevertheless, they manage to maintain their independence and autonomy.
Only a select few associations have the capability to formulate policy proposals, and even among those, resources are severely constrained. An exception to this pattern is the Portuguese League Against Cancer, which stands out as a civil society institution closely collaborating with the health ministry on cancer screening initiatives.
Spain
With the exception of trade unions and employers’ associations, noneconomic interest groups in Spain are relatively weak, making it difficult for them to influence political decision-making with relevant policy proposals. The lack of a strong, organized civil society discourages the government from considering these associations’ views in policy formulation, as this would complicate the process without necessarily adding social legitimacy. Their influence largely depends on their participation within political parties.
For example, although women’s associations are weak as autonomous organizations, they have become increasingly influential within political parties, especially the PSOE. Similarly, the LGBTQ+ movement has successfully defended homosexual rights. Platforms and networks have been able to gain media attention and shape public policy by demanding more transparency, better mortgage regulation, and changes in healthcare and education. Over the last several years, pensioners have staged large protests to demand fairer pensions for themselves and future generations.
For example, although women’s associations are weak as autonomous organizations, they have become increasingly influential within political parties, especially the PSOE. Similarly, the LGBTQ+ movement has successfully defended homosexual rights. Platforms and networks have been able to gain media attention and shape public policy by demanding more transparency, better mortgage regulation, and changes in healthcare and education. Over the last several years, pensioners have staged large protests to demand fairer pensions for themselves and future generations.
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France
Social welfare CSOs are particularly active among the poorest sectors of society, including migrants, youth, the elderly and the disabled.
The decrease in subsidized jobs has hit the welfare sector particularly hard. In addition, the abolishment of the wealth tax – another major measure of the first Macron administration – also diminished donations, as these were previously used to reduce taxes. The pandemic years have created additional difficulties, with considerably more demand for services and a lower number of volunteers.
The major challenge such organizations face today is the need to find new funding in the context of declining public contributions. At the same time, public oversight has tended to become stricter, especially in the health sector, with the creation of regional oversight agencies that behave in a rather interventionist manner.
Social welfare CSOs’ influence on policymaking is limited, and there are no signs that it has increased in recent years. Rather, they are policy takers, subject to changing government priorities in a strongly centralized country. Only the largest associations, such as the Red Cross and a few others, have the effective ability to influence public decision-making.
The decrease in subsidized jobs has hit the welfare sector particularly hard. In addition, the abolishment of the wealth tax – another major measure of the first Macron administration – also diminished donations, as these were previously used to reduce taxes. The pandemic years have created additional difficulties, with considerably more demand for services and a lower number of volunteers.
The major challenge such organizations face today is the need to find new funding in the context of declining public contributions. At the same time, public oversight has tended to become stricter, especially in the health sector, with the creation of regional oversight agencies that behave in a rather interventionist manner.
Social welfare CSOs’ influence on policymaking is limited, and there are no signs that it has increased in recent years. Rather, they are policy takers, subject to changing government priorities in a strongly centralized country. Only the largest associations, such as the Red Cross and a few others, have the effective ability to influence public decision-making.
Citations:
Bolleyer, Nicole. 2018. The State and Civil Society: Regulating Interest Groups, Parties, and Public Benefit Organizations in Contemporary Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ewald, F. 2020. The Birth of Solidarity: The History of the French Welfare State. Durham: Duke University Press.
Bolleyer, Nicole. 2018. The State and Civil Society: Regulating Interest Groups, Parties, and Public Benefit Organizations in Contemporary Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ewald, F. 2020. The Birth of Solidarity: The History of the French Welfare State. Durham: Duke University Press.
Hungary
During the successive Orbán governments, the share of GDP dedicated to social welfare decreased from 21.8% in 2010 to 16% in 2022 (KSH 2024). This reduction makes CSOs important partners in addressing social issues. NGOs often provide services and support in areas where the state is unable or unwilling to do so. These organizations work in various fields, including homelessness, poverty reduction, disability services, elderly care, child protection and support for marginalized communities such as the Roma. Their activities range from direct service provision to advocacy and policy influence. In some cases, partnerships exist between the government and NGOs or CSOs, wherein the government may contract with these organizations to deliver certain social services. However, the organizational incapacity of Hungarian social welfare organizations to organize and advocate effectively makes them relatively minor players in the system. Foreign-based NGOs often face government-induced work limitations based on the Lex NGO and the Sovereignty Protection Act. This is especially true regarding migration issues and social issues surrounding LGBTQ+ rights.
Although most NGOs are organizationally weak with respect to membership, their social support, as expressed through 1% personal income tax donations, reached record-high levels in 2023 (Népszava 2023). This indicates that an increasing share of the population finds their work important and worthy of support.
Although most NGOs are organizationally weak with respect to membership, their social support, as expressed through 1% personal income tax donations, reached record-high levels in 2023 (Népszava 2023). This indicates that an increasing share of the population finds their work important and worthy of support.
Citations:
KSH (Hungarian Statistical Office). 2024. www.ksh.hu
Népszava. 2023. “Rekordot döntöttek az idei év adó 1 százalékos felajánlásai, a Partizán behúzta a harmadik helyet.” 15 September. https://nepszava.hu/3208783_rekordot-dontottek-az-idei-ev-ado-1-szazalekos-felajanlasai-a-partizan-behuzta-a-harmadik-helyet
KSH (Hungarian Statistical Office). 2024. www.ksh.hu
Népszava. 2023. “Rekordot döntöttek az idei év adó 1 százalékos felajánlásai, a Partizán behúzta a harmadik helyet.” 15 September. https://nepszava.hu/3208783_rekordot-dontottek-az-idei-ev-ado-1-szazalekos-felajanlasai-a-partizan-behuzta-a-harmadik-helyet
Japan
One important feature of Japan’s civil society is that most organizations are involved in the provision of services and do not seek to provide expertise or shape policy (Ogawa 2021). The number of organizations promoting healthcare and welfare is 29,641, making it the largest group among Japanese NPOs. NPOs have been particularly active in addressing social problems exacerbated by the economic stagnation of the 1990s, such as suicides and hikikomori (i.e., extreme social withdrawal). The government has provided some funding and encouraged private-public cooperation in this field.
Contrary to the employers’ associations and trade unions, social welfare NPOs do not possess strong connections with the political elites. Although government oversight over NPO activities is much less stringent than before 1998, it is still difficult to function as an NPO without the active promotion by or cooperation of authorities.
Contrary to the employers’ associations and trade unions, social welfare NPOs do not possess strong connections with the political elites. Although government oversight over NPO activities is much less stringent than before 1998, it is still difficult to function as an NPO without the active promotion by or cooperation of authorities.
Citations:
Cabinet Office, Government of Japan. 2023. “Tokutei Hieiri Katsudô Hôjin no Katsudô bun’ya ni tsuite” [On the Activities of Specified Non-profit Corporations]. https://www.npo-homepage.go.jp/about/toukei-info/ninshou-bunyabetsu
Japan NPO Center. 2014. “Non-profits in Japan.” https://www.jnpoc.ne.jp/en/nonprofits-in-japan/
Ogawa, Akihiro. 2021. “Civil Society in Japan.” In The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Politics, eds. R.J. Pekkanen and S.M. Pekkanen, 299-316. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
The Global Development Research Center. 1998. “Law to Promote Specified Nonprofit Activities.” https://www.gdrc.org/ngo/jp-npo_law.pdf
Cabinet Office, Government of Japan. 2023. “Tokutei Hieiri Katsudô Hôjin no Katsudô bun’ya ni tsuite” [On the Activities of Specified Non-profit Corporations]. https://www.npo-homepage.go.jp/about/toukei-info/ninshou-bunyabetsu
Japan NPO Center. 2014. “Non-profits in Japan.” https://www.jnpoc.ne.jp/en/nonprofits-in-japan/
Ogawa, Akihiro. 2021. “Civil Society in Japan.” In The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Politics, eds. R.J. Pekkanen and S.M. Pekkanen, 299-316. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
The Global Development Research Center. 1998. “Law to Promote Specified Nonprofit Activities.” https://www.gdrc.org/ngo/jp-npo_law.pdf
Poland
Poland has a wide array of organizations based on common interests, such as patient groups, parent associations and youth organizations. These groups can form federations and platforms, such as the portal ngo.pl. They enjoy the same legal protections as other collective activities, including benefits such as the ability to offset membership fees from income. Many large organizations, such as the Batory Foundation and Klon/Javor, have research units staffed by policy experts.
The number of registered organizations grew more than threefold from 2002 to 2021, reaching 138,000. However, the proportion of actively operating organizations is decreasing. The main areas of activity – sports, education and culture – constitute about two-thirds of the social sector in Poland. While the industry primarily provides services and information, fewer organizations are now engaged in advocacy and public mobilization activities such as representing member interests or educating the public. From 2004 to 2021, the average number of members and volunteers per organization declined from 42 to 25 and from 10 to five, respectively. This trend is partly due to the COVID-19 pandemic and a broader shift toward more grassroots-based social engagement, often outside traditional NGO structures (Klon, 2023).
Grants and subsidies from local authorities, public administration and private sources have been the strongest funding sources for NGOs, typically awarded through competitive processes. The ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has often used public funds to support pro-government organizations. The government’s engagement with civil society organizations in decision-making processes has been limited. For example, there was a notable lack of dialogue with teachers, parents and NGOs during efforts to centralize and increase supervision over the education system.
The number of registered organizations grew more than threefold from 2002 to 2021, reaching 138,000. However, the proportion of actively operating organizations is decreasing. The main areas of activity – sports, education and culture – constitute about two-thirds of the social sector in Poland. While the industry primarily provides services and information, fewer organizations are now engaged in advocacy and public mobilization activities such as representing member interests or educating the public. From 2004 to 2021, the average number of members and volunteers per organization declined from 42 to 25 and from 10 to five, respectively. This trend is partly due to the COVID-19 pandemic and a broader shift toward more grassroots-based social engagement, often outside traditional NGO structures (Klon, 2023).
Grants and subsidies from local authorities, public administration and private sources have been the strongest funding sources for NGOs, typically awarded through competitive processes. The ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has often used public funds to support pro-government organizations. The government’s engagement with civil society organizations in decision-making processes has been limited. For example, there was a notable lack of dialogue with teachers, parents and NGOs during efforts to centralize and increase supervision over the education system.
Citations:
Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights. 2023. “Statement by civil society organisations after the 2023 parliamentary elections.” https://hfhr.pl/en/news/statement-by-civil-society-organisations-after-the-2023-parliamentary-elections
Klon/Javor. 2023. “Kondycja organizacji pozarządowych. Trendy 2002-2022.” https://www.klon.org.pl/#section1
Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights. 2023. “Statement by civil society organisations after the 2023 parliamentary elections.” https://hfhr.pl/en/news/statement-by-civil-society-organisations-after-the-2023-parliamentary-elections
Klon/Javor. 2023. “Kondycja organizacji pozarządowych. Trendy 2002-2022.” https://www.klon.org.pl/#section1
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None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
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