To what extent are the organization and operations of legislative committees effective in guiding the development of legislative proposals?
The organization and operations of legislative committees are well-suited for effectively monitoring ministry activity.
10
Finland
In Finland, the task areas of legislative committees largely align with those of ministries.
The parliament comprises 16 permanent special committees alongside the Grand Committee, primarily dedicated to EU affairs. These special committees play a crucial role in preparing government bills, legislative initiatives and reports, facilitating the handling of these matters during plenary sessions. Additionally, committees provide statements upon request.
Typically, each committee focuses on issues falling within the purview of a corresponding ministry. For example, the Social Affairs and Health Committee addresses matters under the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, the Education and Culture Committee handles issues related to the Ministry of Education, and the Administration Committee deals with matters falling under the Ministry of the Interior. Committees responsible for cross-cutting policy areas effectively cover and address these areas.
Committees are appointed for the entire four-year electoral period. The composition of each committee mirrors the proportional representation of parliamentary groups. In practice, parliamentary groups distribute committee seats among themselves and appoint members to fulfill these roles. An opposition party can also chair an important legislative committee. However, since Finland has predominantly had majority governments over the last few decades, there is only a small likelihood that draft legislation will change as a result of committee deliberations. The changes, if they happen, concern only details.
The committees are not overwhelmed with the task of monitoring ministerial activities. The size of committees and the frequency with which they meet enable effective monitoring and discussion of ministerial activities.
The parliament comprises 16 permanent special committees alongside the Grand Committee, primarily dedicated to EU affairs. These special committees play a crucial role in preparing government bills, legislative initiatives and reports, facilitating the handling of these matters during plenary sessions. Additionally, committees provide statements upon request.
Typically, each committee focuses on issues falling within the purview of a corresponding ministry. For example, the Social Affairs and Health Committee addresses matters under the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, the Education and Culture Committee handles issues related to the Ministry of Education, and the Administration Committee deals with matters falling under the Ministry of the Interior. Committees responsible for cross-cutting policy areas effectively cover and address these areas.
Committees are appointed for the entire four-year electoral period. The composition of each committee mirrors the proportional representation of parliamentary groups. In practice, parliamentary groups distribute committee seats among themselves and appoint members to fulfill these roles. An opposition party can also chair an important legislative committee. However, since Finland has predominantly had majority governments over the last few decades, there is only a small likelihood that draft legislation will change as a result of committee deliberations. The changes, if they happen, concern only details.
The committees are not overwhelmed with the task of monitoring ministerial activities. The size of committees and the frequency with which they meet enable effective monitoring and discussion of ministerial activities.
Citations:
Parliamentary Committees. https://www.eduskunta.fi/EN/valiokunnat/Pages/default.aspx
Parliamentary Committees. https://www.eduskunta.fi/EN/valiokunnat/Pages/default.aspx
Germany
Committees in the Bundestag play a crucial role in guiding policies. Based on consultations within a committee and public hearings of experts, stakeholders and other relevant actors providing information on the issues, committees then give a recommendation to the plenary session (Deutscher Bundestag, 2016). Each legislative term, the legislature can independently decide on the number of its committees, with the exception of four committees defined in Basic Law. These are a committee on the European Union (Art. 45), a committee on foreign affairs and a defense committee (Art. 45a), and a petitions committee (Art. 45c).
For the 20th electoral term, the legislature set up 25 committees, whereby slightly more committees than ministries exist. Generally, the parliamentary committees for most policy areas fully align with the ministries’ areas. For example, the corresponding committee for the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs is the Committee of Labor and Social Affairs. In some cases, the overall policy areas of a ministry are split into two committees. This is the case, for instance, for the Economic Committee and the Committee on Climate Protection and Energy, which coincide with the responsibilities of the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, or for the Ministry of Finance, which is covered by the Committee of Finance and the Committee of Budget.
Additionally, it is possible that multiple committees can bear the responsibility for the policy areas of one ministry or that one committee handles issues not clearly assigned to a single ministry. Nevertheless, the division into diverse parliamentary committees still allows for effective monitoring of the executive and guiding of the development of legislative proposals (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a).
Generally, the sizes of the committees differ, but the distribution of seats is always proportional to the majority ratio in parliament. For the 20th electoral term specifically, committee sizes range from 19 to 49 members, with the Committee on Labor and Social Affairs being the largest (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a). Every year, parliament has at least 20 session weeks that are mandatory for members of parliament. During those weeks, committees meet every Wednesday, while some committees also meet on Thursdays. To manage the workload, additional meetings for hearings are often held on Mondays (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023b).
Opposition parties regularly hold chairs of legislative committees. The number of committee chairs held by opposition parties is proportional to their seat shares. Out of the 25 committees, opposition parties hold the chairs of eleven committees. The opposition always holds the chair of the budget committee. In the current term, the CDU/CSU holds the chairs of the Economic and Finance committees, while Die Linke holds the chair for the Committee on Climate Protection and Energy (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a).
Bills are routinely revised during the committee phase, although to varying degrees (Ismayr 2012). Generally, parliament makes its final decision based on the recommendations of the responsible committees (Deutscher Bundestag, n.d.), and only rarely does the final decision deviate from the committee recommendation.
For the 20th electoral term, the legislature set up 25 committees, whereby slightly more committees than ministries exist. Generally, the parliamentary committees for most policy areas fully align with the ministries’ areas. For example, the corresponding committee for the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs is the Committee of Labor and Social Affairs. In some cases, the overall policy areas of a ministry are split into two committees. This is the case, for instance, for the Economic Committee and the Committee on Climate Protection and Energy, which coincide with the responsibilities of the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, or for the Ministry of Finance, which is covered by the Committee of Finance and the Committee of Budget.
Additionally, it is possible that multiple committees can bear the responsibility for the policy areas of one ministry or that one committee handles issues not clearly assigned to a single ministry. Nevertheless, the division into diverse parliamentary committees still allows for effective monitoring of the executive and guiding of the development of legislative proposals (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a).
Generally, the sizes of the committees differ, but the distribution of seats is always proportional to the majority ratio in parliament. For the 20th electoral term specifically, committee sizes range from 19 to 49 members, with the Committee on Labor and Social Affairs being the largest (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a). Every year, parliament has at least 20 session weeks that are mandatory for members of parliament. During those weeks, committees meet every Wednesday, while some committees also meet on Thursdays. To manage the workload, additional meetings for hearings are often held on Mondays (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023b).
Opposition parties regularly hold chairs of legislative committees. The number of committee chairs held by opposition parties is proportional to their seat shares. Out of the 25 committees, opposition parties hold the chairs of eleven committees. The opposition always holds the chair of the budget committee. In the current term, the CDU/CSU holds the chairs of the Economic and Finance committees, while Die Linke holds the chair for the Committee on Climate Protection and Energy (Deutscher Bundestag, 2023a).
Bills are routinely revised during the committee phase, although to varying degrees (Ismayr 2012). Generally, parliament makes its final decision based on the recommendations of the responsible committees (Deutscher Bundestag, n.d.), and only rarely does the final decision deviate from the committee recommendation.
Citations:
Deutscher Bundestag. n.d. “Beschlussempfehlung.” https://www.bundestag.de/services/glossar/glossar/B/beschl_empf-245344
Deutscher Bundestag. 2016. “Ausarbeitung, Struktur und Aufgaben der ständigen Ausschüsse Ein Vergleich zwischen dem Deutschen Bundestag, der französischen Assemblée nationale und dem britischen House of Commons.” https://www.bundestag.de/resource/blob/413430/415104a9c385a42db463e68c00b37d92/WD-3-255-14-pdf-data.pdf
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023. “Die Ausschüsse des Deutschen Bundestages, Neuauflage 2023 20. Wahlperiode.” https://www.btg-bestellservice.de/pdf/20061000.pdf
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023b. “Die Arbeit der Bundestagsausschüsse – Fragen und Antworten.” https://www.bundestag.de/resource/blob/881160/681403d8f9c599f696cadb3cb5d737cd/arbeit_ausschuesse-data.pdf
Ismayr, Wolfgang. 2012. Der Deutsche Bundestag. 3rd ed. Wiesbaden: SpringerVS.
Deutscher Bundestag. n.d. “Beschlussempfehlung.” https://www.bundestag.de/services/glossar/glossar/B/beschl_empf-245344
Deutscher Bundestag. 2016. “Ausarbeitung, Struktur und Aufgaben der ständigen Ausschüsse Ein Vergleich zwischen dem Deutschen Bundestag, der französischen Assemblée nationale und dem britischen House of Commons.” https://www.bundestag.de/resource/blob/413430/415104a9c385a42db463e68c00b37d92/WD-3-255-14-pdf-data.pdf
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023. “Die Ausschüsse des Deutschen Bundestages, Neuauflage 2023 20. Wahlperiode.” https://www.btg-bestellservice.de/pdf/20061000.pdf
Deutscher Bundestag. 2023b. “Die Arbeit der Bundestagsausschüsse – Fragen und Antworten.” https://www.bundestag.de/resource/blob/881160/681403d8f9c599f696cadb3cb5d737cd/arbeit_ausschuesse-data.pdf
Ismayr, Wolfgang. 2012. Der Deutsche Bundestag. 3rd ed. Wiesbaden: SpringerVS.
Sweden
Parliamentary work takes place in 15 committees and one Committee on European Union Affairs. These roughly align with the ministries in the Government Offices. If there are issues cutting across two committees, a joint committee is formed. For example, if work needs to be performed across the Committees on Foreign Affairs and Defense, a joint committee would be created. Each committee has 17 members, proportionally divided according to the seats parties have in parliament. Committee chairs can – and often do – belong to opposition parties. The allocation of committee chairs is a bargaining process among political parties (Sveriges Riksdag, 2024).
In a rare public glimpse into parliamentary committee work, this bargaining was highlighted after the 2022 election. The radical right-wing Sweden Democrats had sufficient voter backing to negotiate the leadership of committees, including the chair of the Committee on Justice and the vice chair of the Committee on Defense.
In a rare public glimpse into parliamentary committee work, this bargaining was highlighted after the 2022 election. The radical right-wing Sweden Democrats had sufficient voter backing to negotiate the leadership of committees, including the chair of the Committee on Justice and the vice chair of the Committee on Defense.
Citations:
Sveriges Riksdag. 2024. “Så arbetar utskotten.” https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/sa-fungerar-riksdagen/utskotten-och-eu-namnden/sa-arbetar-utskotten/
Sveriges Riksdag. 2024. “Så arbetar utskotten.” https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/sa-fungerar-riksdagen/utskotten-och-eu-namnden/sa-arbetar-utskotten/
9
Austria
The organization and operations of legislative committees in the Austrian Nationalrat are effective in guiding the development of legislative proposals, including the substantive review of government bills.
Although parliamentary committees outnumber ministries, their task areas are, with few exceptions, more or less identical to those of the ministries. The National Council’s General Committee has a broad range of competencies, including determining the government’s position within the European Council.
In the current lineup of legislative committees (as of early 2024), several committees have a cross-cutting policy profile, such as the Committee for Economics, Industry, and Energy. This structure does not neatly match the organization at the level of cabinet departments, which includes a Ministry for Labor and Economics (a result of a 2022 merger of two independent ministries for labor and economics) and a Ministry for Climate Protection, Environment, Mobility, Innovation, and Technology.
Several policy areas, which are combined into one portfolio at the ministerial level, face individual specialized committees. For example, the Committee for Consumer Protection deals with a policy area integrated into the larger ministerial portfolio of Social Affairs, Health, Nursing, and Consumer Protection. Additionally, some legislative committees focus specifically on a single policy area that is not named in the titles of individual ministries, such as tourism.
Importantly, these committees are staffed for the entire legislative period. They bring together policy specialists from different parties and deliberate on bills behind closed doors, which promotes a highly substantive review of government bills. Additionally, some legislative committees, by convention, are chaired by MPs representing the parliamentary opposition.
Although parliamentary committees outnumber ministries, their task areas are, with few exceptions, more or less identical to those of the ministries. The National Council’s General Committee has a broad range of competencies, including determining the government’s position within the European Council.
In the current lineup of legislative committees (as of early 2024), several committees have a cross-cutting policy profile, such as the Committee for Economics, Industry, and Energy. This structure does not neatly match the organization at the level of cabinet departments, which includes a Ministry for Labor and Economics (a result of a 2022 merger of two independent ministries for labor and economics) and a Ministry for Climate Protection, Environment, Mobility, Innovation, and Technology.
Several policy areas, which are combined into one portfolio at the ministerial level, face individual specialized committees. For example, the Committee for Consumer Protection deals with a policy area integrated into the larger ministerial portfolio of Social Affairs, Health, Nursing, and Consumer Protection. Additionally, some legislative committees focus specifically on a single policy area that is not named in the titles of individual ministries, such as tourism.
Importantly, these committees are staffed for the entire legislative period. They bring together policy specialists from different parties and deliberate on bills behind closed doors, which promotes a highly substantive review of government bills. Additionally, some legislative committees, by convention, are chaired by MPs representing the parliamentary opposition.
Citations:
https://www.parlament.gv.at/recherchieren/ausschuesse
Schnapp, Kai-Uwe, and Philipp Harfst. 2005. “Parlamentarische Informations- und Kontrollressourcen in 22 westlichen Demokratien.” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 36 (2): 348-370.
https://www.parlament.gv.at/recherchieren/ausschuesse
Schnapp, Kai-Uwe, and Philipp Harfst. 2005. “Parlamentarische Informations- und Kontrollressourcen in 22 westlichen Demokratien.” Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 36 (2): 348-370.
Denmark
Government policies have traditionally been consensus-driven. This applies both to parliament, as most governments have been minority governments, and to negotiations involving organizations and the political system, most notably concerning labor market issues.
The committee structure largely corresponds to the structure of ministries. The Ministry of Social Affairs, for instance, corresponds to the social affairs committee in the parliament (Folketinget). The Ministry of Taxation corresponds to the fiscal affairs committee in the assembly. Other committees, for instance, deal with the topics of energy, defense, culture, environment, healthcare and education, and have strong ties to the applicable minister.
A few committees, such as the European Affairs Committee, do not have a direct parallel. Although the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is responsible for coordinating EU policy, the European Affairs Committee engages in consultations (samråd) with all ministers who take part in European Council meetings, and seeks a mandate for upcoming negotiations in the council. This may create internal coordination problems in parliament between the European Affairs Committee and the committees handling the substance of EU legislation (fagudvalg).
Committees in the Danish parliament typically have 29 members. The Finance Committee, however, has fewer members, at just 17. Membership of the committees follows a proportional allocation procedure among members of parliament. Traditionally, the parties in parliament form two coalitions across which committee memberships are assigned. Given that Denmark frequently has minority governments, it is not uncommon to have committee chairs who are not members of the governing parties (Green-Pedersen et al. 2022).
Committees meet weekly when the parliament is in session, and meeting dates are published on the website of the Danish parliament.
The committee structure largely corresponds to the structure of ministries. The Ministry of Social Affairs, for instance, corresponds to the social affairs committee in the parliament (Folketinget). The Ministry of Taxation corresponds to the fiscal affairs committee in the assembly. Other committees, for instance, deal with the topics of energy, defense, culture, environment, healthcare and education, and have strong ties to the applicable minister.
A few committees, such as the European Affairs Committee, do not have a direct parallel. Although the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is responsible for coordinating EU policy, the European Affairs Committee engages in consultations (samråd) with all ministers who take part in European Council meetings, and seeks a mandate for upcoming negotiations in the council. This may create internal coordination problems in parliament between the European Affairs Committee and the committees handling the substance of EU legislation (fagudvalg).
Committees in the Danish parliament typically have 29 members. The Finance Committee, however, has fewer members, at just 17. Membership of the committees follows a proportional allocation procedure among members of parliament. Traditionally, the parties in parliament form two coalitions across which committee memberships are assigned. Given that Denmark frequently has minority governments, it is not uncommon to have committee chairs who are not members of the governing parties (Green-Pedersen et al. 2022).
Committees meet weekly when the parliament is in session, and meeting dates are published on the website of the Danish parliament.
Citations:
Green-Pedersen et al. 2022. Offentlig politik. Copenhagen: Hans Reitzel.
Green-Pedersen et al. 2022. Offentlig politik. Copenhagen: Hans Reitzel.
Norway
The members of parliament are divided into 12 committees, which roughly correspond to the ministries in the government. The workload is substantial but not so high as to prevent effective oversight of government activities. The chairs of the committees are distributed according to the relative size of the parties in parliament, with the parliamentary majority – either as a formal or de facto coalition – naming the committee chairpersons. Since there are 12 chairs to fill, a parliamentary majority of fewer than 12 implies that some committees must be chaired by members of the opposition. It is an informal norm that the vice chairperson belongs to the opposing party or coalition of the chairperson. The conventional order of proceedings in a committee is that a government proposal is debated, and changes are common.
Portugal
The committee system is pivotal to decision-making processes within the Portuguese Assembleia da República. These committees, essential in legislative lawmaking, have the authority to amend bills after their initial approval in the Plenum. Although changes made at the committee stage require a final floor vote, political parties often reach consensus on bill versions within the committees (Fernandes & Riera, 2019).
In the Portuguese legislative system, there are two distinct categories of committees: permanent (comissões permanentes) and ad hoc (comissões eventuais). These committees are designed to parallel the executive portfolios. Currently, the Assembleia da República includes 14 permanent specialized committees, each focusing on a unique policy area. Although there are 17 executive portfolios, the existing committee structure ensures comprehensive coverage of every policy domain.
These committees are supplemented by subcommittees and working groups, with the former requiring authorization from the Assembly’s president. These groups focus on particular legislative aspects or monitor specific issues, including occasional committees of inquiry for government oversight.
Political parties play a crucial role in determining committee assignments. The allocation of committee positions follows a rule of proportionality, ensuring representation aligns with each party’s size on the legislative floor. However, safeguards exist for smaller parties; regardless of their size, they are guaranteed at least one seat on every committee (Fernandes & Riera, 2019). In the most recent legislative term, the PSD (Social Democratic Party), as the largest opposition party, chaired five major committees, while the PS (Socialist Party) maintained a substantial presence across these committees.
The regular meeting schedule, typically occurring several times a month, facilitates consistent oversight of executive activities. Regular sessions are scheduled for Tuesday and Wednesday mornings, with additional meetings as needed, indicating a system flexible enough to address emerging concerns (Assembly’s Rules of Procedure, Article 57, Paragraph 7).
In the Portuguese legislative system, there are two distinct categories of committees: permanent (comissões permanentes) and ad hoc (comissões eventuais). These committees are designed to parallel the executive portfolios. Currently, the Assembleia da República includes 14 permanent specialized committees, each focusing on a unique policy area. Although there are 17 executive portfolios, the existing committee structure ensures comprehensive coverage of every policy domain.
These committees are supplemented by subcommittees and working groups, with the former requiring authorization from the Assembly’s president. These groups focus on particular legislative aspects or monitor specific issues, including occasional committees of inquiry for government oversight.
Political parties play a crucial role in determining committee assignments. The allocation of committee positions follows a rule of proportionality, ensuring representation aligns with each party’s size on the legislative floor. However, safeguards exist for smaller parties; regardless of their size, they are guaranteed at least one seat on every committee (Fernandes & Riera, 2019). In the most recent legislative term, the PSD (Social Democratic Party), as the largest opposition party, chaired five major committees, while the PS (Socialist Party) maintained a substantial presence across these committees.
The regular meeting schedule, typically occurring several times a month, facilitates consistent oversight of executive activities. Regular sessions are scheduled for Tuesday and Wednesday mornings, with additional meetings as needed, indicating a system flexible enough to address emerging concerns (Assembly’s Rules of Procedure, Article 57, Paragraph 7).
Citations:
Assembleia da República. n.d. “Comissões – Competências.” https://www.parlamento.pt/sites/COM/XIIILeg/Paginas/Competencias.aspx
Fernandes, J., and P. Riera. 2019. “Committee Systems in Portugal and Spain.” In Fernandes, J., and C. Leston-Bandeira, eds., The Iberian Legislatures in Comparative Perspective. London: Routledge.
Regimento da Assembleia da República n.º 1/2020. 2020. Available at https://www.parlamento.pt/Legislacao/Documents/Legislacao_Anotada/RegimentoAR_Simples.pdf
Assembleia da República. n.d. “Comissões – Competências.” https://www.parlamento.pt/sites/COM/XIIILeg/Paginas/Competencias.aspx
Fernandes, J., and P. Riera. 2019. “Committee Systems in Portugal and Spain.” In Fernandes, J., and C. Leston-Bandeira, eds., The Iberian Legislatures in Comparative Perspective. London: Routledge.
Regimento da Assembleia da República n.º 1/2020. 2020. Available at https://www.parlamento.pt/Legislacao/Documents/Legislacao_Anotada/RegimentoAR_Simples.pdf
Slovenia
The National Assembly has two types of working bodies – commissions and committees. Some of the commissions are standing bodies, while the committees usually cover the work of ministries. In the 2022 – 2024 period, there were eight commissions. After the 2022 elections, 17 ministries (three without portfolios) were formed, and the Assembly had 13 committees. However, in 2023, while three additional ministries were established, the number of Assembly committees did not increase. This means some committees oversee more than one ministry. This situation is not unusual in Slovenia, even though the number of ministries and committees is relatively similar.
The rules of procedure for the National Assembly stipulate that the leading positions and the majority of seats in the Commission for the Control of Public Finances and the Commission for the Supervision of Intelligence and Security Services are held by members of parliament from opposition parliamentary groups. This is respected. When distributing seats in the individual working bodies, the ratio between governing coalition members and opposition members is considered. At present, all but one of the commissions are chaired by members of the opposition, while only in two committees does the president come from the opposition. As a rule, each parliamentary group is guaranteed at least one seat on each working body. In Slovenia, at least three members of parliament are required to form a parliamentary group. In the 2022 – 2024 period, almost all committees had 15 seats, some even 17, and in most commissions, there were more than 10. This means participation in working bodies is a considerable burden for parliamentary groups with fewer members.
The rules of procedure for the National Assembly stipulate that the leading positions and the majority of seats in the Commission for the Control of Public Finances and the Commission for the Supervision of Intelligence and Security Services are held by members of parliament from opposition parliamentary groups. This is respected. When distributing seats in the individual working bodies, the ratio between governing coalition members and opposition members is considered. At present, all but one of the commissions are chaired by members of the opposition, while only in two committees does the president come from the opposition. As a rule, each parliamentary group is guaranteed at least one seat on each working body. In Slovenia, at least three members of parliament are required to form a parliamentary group. In the 2022 – 2024 period, almost all committees had 15 seats, some even 17, and in most commissions, there were more than 10. This means participation in working bodies is a considerable burden for parliamentary groups with fewer members.
Citations:
Državni zbor. 2024. “https://www.dz-rs.si”
Državni zbor. 2024. “Rules of Procedure.” https://www.dz-rs.si/wps/portal/Home/odz/pristojnosti/PoslovnikDrzavnegaZbora
Državni zbor. 2024. “https://www.dz-rs.si”
Državni zbor. 2024. “Rules of Procedure.” https://www.dz-rs.si/wps/portal/Home/odz/pristojnosti/PoslovnikDrzavnegaZbora
Switzerland
The Swiss government is an oversized grand coalition of the four major parties, which together hold 80% (2023) of the seats in the House of Representatives (Nationalrat). The government-opposition dichotomy does not apply to the Swiss system. The federal government is elected every four years by both houses of the parliament (Vereinigte Bundesversammlung) and cannot be dismissed by parliament within these four years. There is no impeachment procedure. Corresponding to the quasi-presidential structure, political parties in the federal parliament did not follow strict party discipline in parliamentary votes for many years. This has changed considerably in recent decades. Currently, the political party with the largest vote share in national elections, the Swiss People’s Party, systematically opposes the policies of the other three large parties, acting as an “opposition” – even though it holds two of the seven seats in the collegial government structure. There is neither a prime minister nor a “super” minister. All seven members of the government are on equal footing. The president of the council, a position that rotates annually, is primus inter pares and has no superior role in directing the politics and policies of the government.
All attempts to enlarge the number of ministries have failed due to political opposition within parliament. Hence, most of the seven ministries have responsibility for many more issue areas than in other democracies. Both the first and the second parliamentary chambers have nine committees dealing with legislation and two committees with oversight functions. There are nine committees for policy issues (foreign policy; transport and communication; legal questions; social security and health; security, state policy and politics (i.e., organization of government and administration, relationship between federation and cantons, etc.); environment, spatial planning and energy; economy and taxes; and science, education and culture), and two supervisory committees for financial matters (examining budgets, supplementary credits and the federal government’s accounts) and general oversight (Geschäftsprüfungskommission; scrutinizes the conduct of business by the Federal Council, the federal administration and other bodies).
Members of these committees are elected by parliament in proportion to the parties’ seats in the parliament (Vatter 2018). Members of the (small) opposition may become committee chairs. For example, the current president of the Political Institutions Committee and the vice-president of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National Council are members of the Green Party, which is not represented in the federal government. Four other committees have additional tasks (e.g., the Drafting Committee, which checks the wording of bills and legal texts before final votes). Thus, the task areas of the parliamentary committees do not correspond closely to the task areas of the ministries. Nonetheless, this does not suggest that the committees are not able to monitor the ministries or legislative proposals. As the mismatch between ministerial committees and ministries is a function of how the federal government is organized, it does not impair parliament’s oversight function. The congruence between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries is therefore largely suited to the monitoring of ministries and legislative proposals.
All attempts to enlarge the number of ministries have failed due to political opposition within parliament. Hence, most of the seven ministries have responsibility for many more issue areas than in other democracies. Both the first and the second parliamentary chambers have nine committees dealing with legislation and two committees with oversight functions. There are nine committees for policy issues (foreign policy; transport and communication; legal questions; social security and health; security, state policy and politics (i.e., organization of government and administration, relationship between federation and cantons, etc.); environment, spatial planning and energy; economy and taxes; and science, education and culture), and two supervisory committees for financial matters (examining budgets, supplementary credits and the federal government’s accounts) and general oversight (Geschäftsprüfungskommission; scrutinizes the conduct of business by the Federal Council, the federal administration and other bodies).
Members of these committees are elected by parliament in proportion to the parties’ seats in the parliament (Vatter 2018). Members of the (small) opposition may become committee chairs. For example, the current president of the Political Institutions Committee and the vice-president of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National Council are members of the Green Party, which is not represented in the federal government. Four other committees have additional tasks (e.g., the Drafting Committee, which checks the wording of bills and legal texts before final votes). Thus, the task areas of the parliamentary committees do not correspond closely to the task areas of the ministries. Nonetheless, this does not suggest that the committees are not able to monitor the ministries or legislative proposals. As the mismatch between ministerial committees and ministries is a function of how the federal government is organized, it does not impair parliament’s oversight function. The congruence between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries is therefore largely suited to the monitoring of ministries and legislative proposals.
Citations:
Vatter, Adrian. 2018. Das politische System der Schweiz. 3rd ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB).
Vatter, Adrian. 2018. Das politische System der Schweiz. 3rd ed. Baden-Baden: Nomos (UTB).
The organization and operations of legislative committees are, for the most part, suited for effectively monitoring ministry activity.
8
Belgium
The number of parliamentary committees in the Chamber of Deputies slightly exceeds the number of ministries. There are 11 permanent committees addressing key policy areas aligned with ministerial portfolios, while 14 special committees focus on specific topics or cross-cutting issues. Committees can effectively monitor ministries, but this monitoring can be underwhelming, as demonstrated by the nuclear safety and electricity supply case. It ultimately took Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and the imminent risk of power cuts to prompt effective government action.
While these committees can effectively monitor government actions ex post or amend government law projects, they are less effective at guiding policy ex ante. That role has been taken over by ministers’ cabinets of experts, with almost all legislative proposals being tabled by the government rather than parliament.
While these committees can effectively monitor government actions ex post or amend government law projects, they are less effective at guiding policy ex ante. That role has been taken over by ministers’ cabinets of experts, with almost all legislative proposals being tabled by the government rather than parliament.
Citations:
List and functioning of commissions:
https://www.lachambre.be/kvvcr/showpage.cfm?section=/none&language=fr&cfm=/site/wwwcfm/comm/LstCom.cfm
https://www.lachambre.be/kvvcr/pdf_sections/pri/fiche/fr_12_02.pdf
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20220611_94598864
Er dreigt betonrot in het huis van de democratie: ‘Het Vlaams Parlement wordt meer en meer een praatbarak’ | De Standaard: https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20230319_97203506
List and functioning of commissions:
https://www.lachambre.be/kvvcr/showpage.cfm?section=/none&language=fr&cfm=/site/wwwcfm/comm/LstCom.cfm
https://www.lachambre.be/kvvcr/pdf_sections/pri/fiche/fr_12_02.pdf
https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20220611_94598864
Er dreigt betonrot in het huis van de democratie: ‘Het Vlaams Parlement wordt meer en meer een praatbarak’ | De Standaard: https://www.standaard.be/cnt/dmf20230319_97203506
Czechia
Major legislative committees align with ministerial portfolios. Opposition parties can hold and often do obtain the chairmanship of parliamentary committees, albeit not the most important ones. Draft legislation can undergo changes after deliberations in committees. The Rules of Procedure of the Chamber of Deputies do not prescribe a
The text edits are as follows:
The chamber is obliged to establish the Mandate and Immunity Committee, the Committee on Petitions, the Budget Committee, the Control Committee, and the Organizing Committee.
Committee, the Electoral Committee, and the Committee on European Affairs. However, the establishment of additional committees is within its competence. Committee meetings are public, except for Organizing Committee meetings and Mandate and Immunity Committee meetings. In the 2021 – 2025 term, there
There were 18 parliamentary committees, 15 of which shadowed government ministries or ministerial agendas. However, there was no exact match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries. For example, the
The Economic Committee covered the agendas of two ministries: the Ministry of Industry and Trade and the Ministry of Transportation. Parliamentary committees can and frequently do establish subcommittees.
The text edits are as follows:
The chamber is obliged to establish the Mandate and Immunity Committee, the Committee on Petitions, the Budget Committee, the Control Committee, and the Organizing Committee.
Committee, the Electoral Committee, and the Committee on European Affairs. However, the establishment of additional committees is within its competence. Committee meetings are public, except for Organizing Committee meetings and Mandate and Immunity Committee meetings. In the 2021 – 2025 term, there
There were 18 parliamentary committees, 15 of which shadowed government ministries or ministerial agendas. However, there was no exact match between the task areas of parliamentary committees and ministries. For example, the
The Economic Committee covered the agendas of two ministries: the Ministry of Industry and Trade and the Ministry of Transportation. Parliamentary committees can and frequently do establish subcommittees.
Latvia
Committees play a crucial role in the work of parliament. Parliamentary commissions specialize in specific areas of legislation, preparing bills for consideration by the Saeima and exercising parliamentary control over the government’s activities. Some parliamentary committees also undertake additional tasks, such as evaluating the justification of public spending, investigating ethical breaches, or assessing Latvia’s national position on European Union (EU) issues. According to the Saeima’s Rules of Procedure, the Saeima has 16 standing committees.
Committee representatives are elected at the start of each parliamentary term but can be changed later during the parliament’s work. Each committee comprises members from different political groups, with proportional representation of the political forces elected to the Saeima. The exceptions are the Committee on Mandates, Ethics and Submissions, composed of two members elected from each parliamentary faction, and the National Security Committee, composed of one member from each faction. Article 150 of the Rules of Procedure of the Saeima provides that the Saeima may establish special committees to carry out specific legislative tasks.
Subcommittees may be established in addition to the Saeima committees. Their creation and election do not require a vote of the Saeima. Subcommittees may also include members who are not part of the relevant committee. The subcommittee submits its decisions and proposals to the committee. The subcommittee’s work is conducted by a chairman and a secretary elected from among the subcommittee members. A member may serve on up to two standing committees and three subcommittees at any time. A member may hold the office of chairperson of only one standing committee.
In 2022, members of the 13th Saeima served on 18 subcommittees; members of the 14th Saeima served on nine. In the 13th Saeima, a range of standing and subcommittees (commissions) oversee various national governance and policy aspects. Each committee focuses on specific areas, with subcommittees diving deeper into specialized topics.
As a rule, a committee can be chaired by a coalition or opposition member of parliament. Members of opposition parties chair several committees: the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Defense, Home Affairs and Anti-Corruption Committee, and the Sustainable Development Committee. However, the leadership of the committees can change if the political parties forming the coalition change.
The Saeima’s committees play a significant role in the legislative process. Out of 476 proposed laws, 359 were reviewed by committees, demonstrating their active involvement in evaluating legislation. Moreover, the high number of proposals (4,446) assessed in the second and third readings highlights the committees’ detailed scrutiny of legislative content. The acceptance of 207 laws, including 34 new ones, further underlines the practical impact of these committees in shaping legislation. This suggests that committees in the Saeima are actively engaged and influential in the legislative process.
Committee representatives are elected at the start of each parliamentary term but can be changed later during the parliament’s work. Each committee comprises members from different political groups, with proportional representation of the political forces elected to the Saeima. The exceptions are the Committee on Mandates, Ethics and Submissions, composed of two members elected from each parliamentary faction, and the National Security Committee, composed of one member from each faction. Article 150 of the Rules of Procedure of the Saeima provides that the Saeima may establish special committees to carry out specific legislative tasks.
Subcommittees may be established in addition to the Saeima committees. Their creation and election do not require a vote of the Saeima. Subcommittees may also include members who are not part of the relevant committee. The subcommittee submits its decisions and proposals to the committee. The subcommittee’s work is conducted by a chairman and a secretary elected from among the subcommittee members. A member may serve on up to two standing committees and three subcommittees at any time. A member may hold the office of chairperson of only one standing committee.
In 2022, members of the 13th Saeima served on 18 subcommittees; members of the 14th Saeima served on nine. In the 13th Saeima, a range of standing and subcommittees (commissions) oversee various national governance and policy aspects. Each committee focuses on specific areas, with subcommittees diving deeper into specialized topics.
As a rule, a committee can be chaired by a coalition or opposition member of parliament. Members of opposition parties chair several committees: the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Defense, Home Affairs and Anti-Corruption Committee, and the Sustainable Development Committee. However, the leadership of the committees can change if the political parties forming the coalition change.
The Saeima’s committees play a significant role in the legislative process. Out of 476 proposed laws, 359 were reviewed by committees, demonstrating their active involvement in evaluating legislation. Moreover, the high number of proposals (4,446) assessed in the second and third readings highlights the committees’ detailed scrutiny of legislative content. The acceptance of 207 laws, including 34 new ones, further underlines the practical impact of these committees in shaping legislation. This suggests that committees in the Saeima are actively engaged and influential in the legislative process.
Citations:
Saeima. 1994. “Rules of Order of Saeima.” https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/57517-rules-of-order-of-saeima
Saeima. 2023. Saeimas gada pārskats 2022. gads. https://www.saeima.lv/files/PP/Saeimasgadaparskats2022.pdf
Ministru kabinets. 2023. “Ministru kabineta sastāvs.” https://www.mk.gov.lv/lv/ministru-kabineta-sastavs
Saeima. “Saeimas komisijas un apakškomisijas.” https://www.saeima.lv/lv/14-saeima/komisijas-un-apakskomisijas-14/
Saeima. 1994. “Rules of Order of Saeima.” https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/57517-rules-of-order-of-saeima
Saeima. 2023. Saeimas gada pārskats 2022. gads. https://www.saeima.lv/files/PP/Saeimasgadaparskats2022.pdf
Ministru kabinets. 2023. “Ministru kabineta sastāvs.” https://www.mk.gov.lv/lv/ministru-kabineta-sastavs
Saeima. “Saeimas komisijas un apakškomisijas.” https://www.saeima.lv/lv/14-saeima/komisijas-un-apakskomisijas-14/
Lithuania
The organization and operations of legislative committees are for the most part well-suited for effectively monitoring ministry activities. There is extensive congruence between the current structure of 16 parliamentary committees and the primary areas of competence of Lithuania’s 14 ministries. The Committee for the Future is the most recent addition, established in 2020.
However, there are a few mismatches. Several ministries, such as Economy, Transport and Communications, as well as other state institutions, are monitored by a single Committee on Economics. Conversely, there are several horizontal parliamentary committees, including those on the issues of government audits, European affairs, and human rights.
In addition to these, the parliament had 11 standing commissions as of 2023, some of which were related to policy areas assigned to the Lithuanian ministries. One such example was the Commission for Energy and Sustainable Development. Thus, the composition of parliamentary committees allows government policy to be monitored on both a sectoral and horizontal basis.
Committees meet regularly, but most of their activities focus on considering draft legislation. The workload of individual committees in the legislative process varies substantially, with the committees on Legal Affairs, State Administration and Local Authorities, Social Affairs and Labor, and Budget and Finance accounting for most of the legislative review work delegated to committees. The attention given to parliamentary oversight remains insufficient, although the exact amount depends on the particular committee and its chair.
However, there are a few mismatches. Several ministries, such as Economy, Transport and Communications, as well as other state institutions, are monitored by a single Committee on Economics. Conversely, there are several horizontal parliamentary committees, including those on the issues of government audits, European affairs, and human rights.
In addition to these, the parliament had 11 standing commissions as of 2023, some of which were related to policy areas assigned to the Lithuanian ministries. One such example was the Commission for Energy and Sustainable Development. Thus, the composition of parliamentary committees allows government policy to be monitored on both a sectoral and horizontal basis.
Committees meet regularly, but most of their activities focus on considering draft legislation. The workload of individual committees in the legislative process varies substantially, with the committees on Legal Affairs, State Administration and Local Authorities, Social Affairs and Labor, and Budget and Finance accounting for most of the legislative review work delegated to committees. The attention given to parliamentary oversight remains insufficient, although the exact amount depends on the particular committee and its chair.
Citations:
The Seimas, Committees and Commissions, https://www.lrs.lt/sip/portal.show?p_r=35733&p_k=2
The Seimas, Committees and Commissions, https://www.lrs.lt/sip/portal.show?p_r=35733&p_k=2
New Zealand
Select committees actively engage in the legislative process and significantly contribute to the development and refinement of legislation by examining legislative proposals in detail. They also conduct consultations, seek public submissions and gather expert opinions.
The task areas of select committees usually align with the responsibilities of government ministries in related policy areas. Committees interact with relevant ministries and government agencies to gather information, seek explanations, and request documents related to their inquiries or the legislation under review. Committee chairs are generally allocated to reflect the proportionality of political parties in Parliament, following debates among a small number of MPs from different parties and invited submissions from interest groups and other stakeholders.
One area of concern is the size of New Zealand’s Parliament, which is relatively small compared to other democracies with similar population counts, such as Denmark, Finland or Ireland. This small size is problematic because it means that MPs are stretched thinly across multiple committees, which in turn affects the ability of select committees to scrutinize proposed legislation (Boston et al. 2019: 71).
Despite the heavy workload, select committees have successfully changed draft legislation through their deliberations. One debated example was the “Three Waters” reform proposal by the previous Labour government, which aimed to consolidate responsibilities for drinking water, wastewater and stormwater into four regional entities. In November 2022, the government agreed to revise the bill based on recommendations made by the Finance and Expenditure Committee (RNZ 2022).
The task areas of select committees usually align with the responsibilities of government ministries in related policy areas. Committees interact with relevant ministries and government agencies to gather information, seek explanations, and request documents related to their inquiries or the legislation under review. Committee chairs are generally allocated to reflect the proportionality of political parties in Parliament, following debates among a small number of MPs from different parties and invited submissions from interest groups and other stakeholders.
One area of concern is the size of New Zealand’s Parliament, which is relatively small compared to other democracies with similar population counts, such as Denmark, Finland or Ireland. This small size is problematic because it means that MPs are stretched thinly across multiple committees, which in turn affects the ability of select committees to scrutinize proposed legislation (Boston et al. 2019: 71).
Despite the heavy workload, select committees have successfully changed draft legislation through their deliberations. One debated example was the “Three Waters” reform proposal by the previous Labour government, which aimed to consolidate responsibilities for drinking water, wastewater and stormwater into four regional entities. In November 2022, the government agreed to revise the bill based on recommendations made by the Finance and Expenditure Committee (RNZ 2022).
Citations:
Boston, J., et al. 2019. Foresight, Insight and Oversight: Enhancing Long-Term Governance through Better Parliamentary Scrutiny. Wellington: Victoria University. https://www.victoria.ac.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/1753571/Foresight-insight-and-oversight.pdf
RNZ. 2022. “Three Waters: Government Agrees to Changes after Select Committee Recommendations.” 22 November. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/478549/three-waters-government-agrees-to-changes-after-select-committee-recommendations
Boston, J., et al. 2019. Foresight, Insight and Oversight: Enhancing Long-Term Governance through Better Parliamentary Scrutiny. Wellington: Victoria University. https://www.victoria.ac.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/1753571/Foresight-insight-and-oversight.pdf
RNZ. 2022. “Three Waters: Government Agrees to Changes after Select Committee Recommendations.” 22 November. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/478549/three-waters-government-agrees-to-changes-after-select-committee-recommendations
Spain
The responsibilities of the regular parliamentary committees in the Congress of Deputies and the Senate align with government ministries’ functions. Since 2020, 22 ministries have been monitored by 21 standing legislative committees in Congress, renamed to match ministerial portfolios. Changes in committee structures were approved in December 2023 due to the new government’s redesign of ministries, ensuring no mismatch (Congreso 2023). However, limited committee resources present significant challenges for effective monitoring.
Non-permanent committees address cross-cutting policy areas, though no commission oversees the core executive, the office of the president. Committees effectively monitor and discuss ministerial activities, and opposition parties can chair legislative committees, reflecting the Chamber’s power distribution. For example, during 2020-2023, the Finance Commission was chaired by the opposition.
Committee work is crucial for preparing legislative acts and reaching agreements among parliamentary parties, especially in minority governments. However, during the analyzed period, legislative capacity faced constraints due to increased emergency legislation use, exemplified by rule-by-decree practices to bypass parliamentary scrutiny. The Bills of Parliament mechanism, intended to facilitate legislative projects, was misused to avoid mandatory assessments by esteemed bodies like the Council of State. This practice empowered an acting government to expedite bill passage without proper legislative processing, even in crucial matters like the Amnesty Law.
Non-permanent committees address cross-cutting policy areas, though no commission oversees the core executive, the office of the president. Committees effectively monitor and discuss ministerial activities, and opposition parties can chair legislative committees, reflecting the Chamber’s power distribution. For example, during 2020-2023, the Finance Commission was chaired by the opposition.
Committee work is crucial for preparing legislative acts and reaching agreements among parliamentary parties, especially in minority governments. However, during the analyzed period, legislative capacity faced constraints due to increased emergency legislation use, exemplified by rule-by-decree practices to bypass parliamentary scrutiny. The Bills of Parliament mechanism, intended to facilitate legislative projects, was misused to avoid mandatory assessments by esteemed bodies like the Council of State. This practice empowered an acting government to expedite bill passage without proper legislative processing, even in crucial matters like the Amnesty Law.
Citations:
Congreso. 2023. “Index of Commissions, XV Legislature.” https://www.congreso.es/comisiones
Index of Commissions, XV Legislature. https://www.congreso.es/comisiones
Congreso. 2023. “Index of Commissions, XV Legislature.” https://www.congreso.es/comisiones
Index of Commissions, XV Legislature. https://www.congreso.es/comisiones
UK
Because the House of Commons selects committees that match departments and adapt if the government reconfigures ministries, there is a clear correspondence in monitoring. A majority of members usually belong to the governing party (or, in the exceptional case of the 2010 – 2015 coalition government), but chairs of several committees are from opposition parties. By convention, the opposition usually chairs the powerful public accounts committee.
In addition to monitoring, public bill committees play an important role in passing legislation through Parliament. These committees handle the “committee stage” of bills, where detailed scrutiny occurs, and amendments are proposed. A separate committee stage takes place in the House of Lords. However, once the bill returns to the House of Commons, the amendments made in the Lords can still be overturned.
In deliberate contrast to Westminster, committees in the Scottish and Welsh parliaments combine the functions of select committees and legislative scrutiny. They consider bill principles and draft legislation before the plenary debate.
In addition to monitoring, public bill committees play an important role in passing legislation through Parliament. These committees handle the “committee stage” of bills, where detailed scrutiny occurs, and amendments are proposed. A separate committee stage takes place in the House of Lords. However, once the bill returns to the House of Commons, the amendments made in the Lords can still be overturned.
In deliberate contrast to Westminster, committees in the Scottish and Welsh parliaments combine the functions of select committees and legislative scrutiny. They consider bill principles and draft legislation before the plenary debate.
7
Australia
Parliamentary committees are effectively organized to monitor executive activity. There is broad alignment of standing committees with executive functional areas, and select committees can be established to investigate important but non-enduring issues. The government retains significant influence over the chairmanship of important committees and decides which committee recommendations to incorporate into legislative plans or actions, meaning the oversight powers of committees are not always fully exercised. This risk is greater in the House of Representatives than in the Senate. The House tends to have more seats allocated to the government and high party discipline, whereas the Senate has more minor-party and independent members of parliament, leading to more scrutiny of the government.
Committees benefit from being able to examine government activity in a small group. Generally, the small-group context supports mostly cordial and collegial relations in committees, even among politicians from rival parties. There are exceptions, however. For instance, the federal Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security (PJCIS) has attracted attention following the Labor government’s proposal to expand the committee membership (from 11 to 13 members) and open up spaces on the committee to minor parties and independents. The Liberal-National Coalition has expressed its strong opposition to these moves, causing tension in this normally collegial committee (Grayson 2023).
Committees benefit from being able to examine government activity in a small group. Generally, the small-group context supports mostly cordial and collegial relations in committees, even among politicians from rival parties. There are exceptions, however. For instance, the federal Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security (PJCIS) has attracted attention following the Labor government’s proposal to expand the committee membership (from 11 to 13 members) and open up spaces on the committee to minor parties and independents. The Liberal-National Coalition has expressed its strong opposition to these moves, causing tension in this normally collegial committee (Grayson 2023).
Citations:
Grayson, K. 2023. “Gatekeeping the parliamentary intelligence committee won’t make Australia safer.” The Strategist. https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/gatekeeping-the-parliamentary-intelligence-committee-wont-make-australia-safer/
Grayson, K. 2023. “Gatekeeping the parliamentary intelligence committee won’t make Australia safer.” The Strategist. https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/gatekeeping-the-parliamentary-intelligence-committee-wont-make-australia-safer/
Canada
Governments control parliamentary committees and do not act as an effective check on the executive (Savoie 1999). However, they do play an important role in vetting legislation (Glenn 2018).
Parliamentary committees have the right to receive government documents during their deliberations, and committee members frequently ask ministers and officials giving testimony to provide further information.
in writing.
However, these requests may be ignored or delayed by the government. Ministers, for example, are normally expected to appear before parliamentary committees, but they too may decline a committee invitation or send a representative in their place.
A representative, even when receiving a formal summons approved through a committee motion, may be substituted. For example, a deputy minister may appear instead of a minister for questions related to departmental operations. Alternatively, a parliamentary secretary may stand in for the minister if the matter at hand is legislative in nature.
Parliamentary committees have the right to summon any expert they choose to provide testimony, and experts are frequent contributors to the work of committees. However, committees cannot compel experts to appear.
Documents often arrive incomplete and are redacted due to confidentiality considerations, further reducing the effectiveness of committees in this role.
Parliamentary committees have the right to receive government documents during their deliberations, and committee members frequently ask ministers and officials giving testimony to provide further information.
in writing.
However, these requests may be ignored or delayed by the government. Ministers, for example, are normally expected to appear before parliamentary committees, but they too may decline a committee invitation or send a representative in their place.
A representative, even when receiving a formal summons approved through a committee motion, may be substituted. For example, a deputy minister may appear instead of a minister for questions related to departmental operations. Alternatively, a parliamentary secretary may stand in for the minister if the matter at hand is legislative in nature.
Parliamentary committees have the right to summon any expert they choose to provide testimony, and experts are frequent contributors to the work of committees. However, committees cannot compel experts to appear.
Documents often arrive incomplete and are redacted due to confidentiality considerations, further reducing the effectiveness of committees in this role.
Citations:
Glenn, Ted. 2018. “Canadian Legislatures, Public Policy and Policy Analysis.” In Policy Analysis in Canada, eds. Laurent Dobuzinskis and Michael Howlett. Policy Press. https://doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0010
Savoie, Donald J. 1999. “The Rise of Court Government in Canada.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 32 (4): 635–64. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423900016930
Glenn, Ted. 2018. “Canadian Legislatures, Public Policy and Policy Analysis.” In Policy Analysis in Canada, eds. Laurent Dobuzinskis and Michael Howlett. Policy Press. https://doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0010
Savoie, Donald J. 1999. “The Rise of Court Government in Canada.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 32 (4): 635–64. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423900016930
Estonia
The 11 standing committees of the parliament generally mirror the structure of the government, which is composed of 11 ministries. In addition to committees that correspond to ministries, there is also a European Union Affairs Committee that monitors the country’s EU policy. Legal affairs are divided between two permanent committees: the Constitutional Committee and the Legal Affairs Committee. Cultural and educational affairs both fall under the purview of the Cultural Affairs Committee.
The working schedule of the standing committees is established by the Riigikogu Rules of Procedure and Internal Rules Act, with committee work sessions spread over three days and totaling 12 hours per week. All members of parliament belong to one standing committee (excluding the EU Affairs Committee), with each committee having about 10 members. Currently, no standing committee is chaired by an opposition member of parliament, which represents a challenge to the democratic principle of checks and balances.
The working schedule of the standing committees is established by the Riigikogu Rules of Procedure and Internal Rules Act, with committee work sessions spread over three days and totaling 12 hours per week. All members of parliament belong to one standing committee (excluding the EU Affairs Committee), with each committee having about 10 members. Currently, no standing committee is chaired by an opposition member of parliament, which represents a challenge to the democratic principle of checks and balances.
Greece
Although there are more ministries than parliamentary committees, this mismatch does not hinder the committees’ oversight responsibilities.
During the government term from 2019 to 2023, there were 19 ministries, which increased to 20 after the June 2023 elections with the creation of the Ministry of Family and Social Cohesion. Despite these changes, the number of standing parliamentary committees has remained at six.
Parliamentary scrutiny is conducted through joint committees when necessary. For example, the Standing Committee on Cultural and Educational Affairs oversees both the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Culture, while the Standing Committee on National Defense and Foreign Affairs scrutinizes both the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Additionally, special parliamentary committees focus on narrower policy areas, such as armaments, and there are ten such “special permanent committees.” There are also “special standing committees” that address cross-cutting policy areas, such as Social Insurance and Pensions or European Affairs.
Committee debates can be lively, although absenteeism is not uncommon, especially when MPs prefer to visit their electoral districts. It is rare for an opposition member of parliament to chair a parliamentary committee, as the parliamentary majority typically controls the chair to coordinate the passage of legislation. Nonetheless, there is room for amendments to draft legislation within committees. Both opposition MPs and government-supporting MPs can propose amendments, many of which are accepted by the government and the parliamentary majority. However, if too many amendments are made, the quality of the final legislation may suffer.
During the government term from 2019 to 2023, there were 19 ministries, which increased to 20 after the June 2023 elections with the creation of the Ministry of Family and Social Cohesion. Despite these changes, the number of standing parliamentary committees has remained at six.
Parliamentary scrutiny is conducted through joint committees when necessary. For example, the Standing Committee on Cultural and Educational Affairs oversees both the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Culture, while the Standing Committee on National Defense and Foreign Affairs scrutinizes both the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Additionally, special parliamentary committees focus on narrower policy areas, such as armaments, and there are ten such “special permanent committees.” There are also “special standing committees” that address cross-cutting policy areas, such as Social Insurance and Pensions or European Affairs.
Committee debates can be lively, although absenteeism is not uncommon, especially when MPs prefer to visit their electoral districts. It is rare for an opposition member of parliament to chair a parliamentary committee, as the parliamentary majority typically controls the chair to coordinate the passage of legislation. Nonetheless, there is room for amendments to draft legislation within committees. Both opposition MPs and government-supporting MPs can propose amendments, many of which are accepted by the government and the parliamentary majority. However, if too many amendments are made, the quality of the final legislation may suffer.
Citations:
Greek Parliament. Year. “Categories of Parliamentary Committees.” https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/Katigories
Prime Minister’s Office. “The Government’s Composition.” https://www.government.gov.gr/kivernisi/
Greek Parliament. Year. “Categories of Parliamentary Committees.” https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/Koinovouleftikes-Epitropes/Katigories
Prime Minister’s Office. “The Government’s Composition.” https://www.government.gov.gr/kivernisi/
Ireland
The task areas of legislative committees generally align with those of ministries but there can also be effective specific task focused committees -for example gender equality committee- or overlapping coordination committees in the examples of Covid 19 and climate action. The size of committees (up to 15 members) and their frequent meetings (often weekly during parliamentary terms) enable effective monitoring and discussion of ministerial activities. Opposition parties can chair legislative committees, which are distributed on a pro-rata proportional basis. Notably, the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), the most powerful committee, must be chaired by an opposition member. Draft legislation can and does change as a result of committee deliberations. Cross-cutting policy areas, typically organized under specific ministries (such as PMOs, finance ministries or “super-ministries”), tend to be managed by cabinet-level committees or cabinet subcommittees. However, these entities face considerable challenges in delivering policy integration across the policy silos that characterize Irish policy, particularly in sustainable development and climate action, which significantly impacts policy effectiveness (Torney and O’Mahony, 2023; Flynn and Ó hUiginn, 2019).
The Government Legislation Committee (GLC) is chaired by the government chief whip and includes members such as the attorney general, the chief parliamentary counsel, the program managers of the main parties in government, the leader of Seanad Éireann (the upper house of the Irish Parliament) and representatives of the Department of the Taoiseach and the Office of Parliamentary Counsel (OPC). The process of determining the legislative timetable can be opaque. The OPC works closely with the GLC to ensure that the government legislation program is implemented. The GLC assists the government in setting legislative priorities and implementing the government legislation program. The OPC, part of the Attorney General’s office, recommends to the government the level of priority for drafting each Bill and anticipates blockages, suggesting appropriate actions to avoid delays. Lynch (2017) and Lynch et al. (2017) have assessed the effects of legislative reforms on improving the Irish legislature. However, they express caution in drawing conclusions due to the complexities associated with coalition governments.
The Government Legislation Committee (GLC) is chaired by the government chief whip and includes members such as the attorney general, the chief parliamentary counsel, the program managers of the main parties in government, the leader of Seanad Éireann (the upper house of the Irish Parliament) and representatives of the Department of the Taoiseach and the Office of Parliamentary Counsel (OPC). The process of determining the legislative timetable can be opaque. The OPC works closely with the GLC to ensure that the government legislation program is implemented. The GLC assists the government in setting legislative priorities and implementing the government legislation program. The OPC, part of the Attorney General’s office, recommends to the government the level of priority for drafting each Bill and anticipates blockages, suggesting appropriate actions to avoid delays. Lynch (2017) and Lynch et al. (2017) have assessed the effects of legislative reforms on improving the Irish legislature. However, they express caution in drawing conclusions due to the complexities associated with coalition governments.
Citations:
Lynch, C. 2017. “The Effect of Parliamentary Reforms (2011-2016) on the Oireachtas Committee System.” Administration 65 (2): 59-87.
Lynch, C., O’Malley, E., Reidy, T., Farrell, D., and Suiter, J. 2017. “Dáil Reforms since 2011: Pathway to Power for the ‘Puny’ Parliament?” Administration 65 (2): 37-57.
Flynn, B., and P. Ó hUiginn. 2019. Environmental Policy Integration: Innovation and Change. Environmental Protection Agency. https://www.epa.ie/publications/research/socio-economics/Research_Report_290.pdf
Torney, D., and O’Mahony, T. 2023. “Transforming Governance and Policy.” In Irish Climate Change Assessment, Volume 4, Chapter 7. https://www.epa.ie/publications/monitoring–assessment/climate-change/ICCA_Volume-4.pdf
Lynch, C. 2017. “The Effect of Parliamentary Reforms (2011-2016) on the Oireachtas Committee System.” Administration 65 (2): 59-87.
Lynch, C., O’Malley, E., Reidy, T., Farrell, D., and Suiter, J. 2017. “Dáil Reforms since 2011: Pathway to Power for the ‘Puny’ Parliament?” Administration 65 (2): 37-57.
Flynn, B., and P. Ó hUiginn. 2019. Environmental Policy Integration: Innovation and Change. Environmental Protection Agency. https://www.epa.ie/publications/research/socio-economics/Research_Report_290.pdf
Torney, D., and O’Mahony, T. 2023. “Transforming Governance and Policy.” In Irish Climate Change Assessment, Volume 4, Chapter 7. https://www.epa.ie/publications/monitoring–assessment/climate-change/ICCA_Volume-4.pdf
Israel
In the Israeli Knesset, there is alignment between the task areas of Knesset committees and government ministries. In general, there are fewer committees than ministries. Some committees oversee only one ministry. For example, the Immigration and Absorption Committee oversees the Ministry of Absorption. Other committees oversee many ministries. The Economic Affairs Committee oversees the ministries of transportation, energy, environment, communication, economy, agriculture and tourism. The Economic Affairs Committee is, therefore, overwhelmed with both oversight and legislative tasks. Most committees, however, are less overwhelmed, overseeing two or three ministries, most of which do not produce much legislation.
The cross-cutting issues of finance and legal matters are addressed by the Finance Committee, and the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, respectively. By having each committee handle specific ministries, they can specialize in their respective issue areas.
The committees meet three times a week, with two or three meetings each day. This schedule allows for the discussion of many issues.
A member of the opposition chaired the Economic Affairs Committee until 2019, when they were replaced by a member of the coalition government. Today, only marginal Knesset committees are chaired by members of the opposition.
Draft legislation often changes following committee deliberations. There are, however, some important exceptions. The judicial reform suggested by Minister of Justice Levin was deliberated for a very short period and remained unchanged following the deliberation.
The cross-cutting issues of finance and legal matters are addressed by the Finance Committee, and the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, respectively. By having each committee handle specific ministries, they can specialize in their respective issue areas.
The committees meet three times a week, with two or three meetings each day. This schedule allows for the discussion of many issues.
A member of the opposition chaired the Economic Affairs Committee until 2019, when they were replaced by a member of the coalition government. Today, only marginal Knesset committees are chaired by members of the opposition.
Draft legislation often changes following committee deliberations. There are, however, some important exceptions. The judicial reform suggested by Minister of Justice Levin was deliberated for a very short period and remained unchanged following the deliberation.
Italy
The Italian parliament possesses a robust committee system that effectively empowers the legislature to scrutinize, control, and amend government policies (Martin 2011; Martin and Vanberg 2020). Both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate have numerous standing committees that foster specialization and policy expertise among their members. Until the 18th legislature, both chambers had 14 committees. Following the 2022 constitutional reform, the Senate reduced the number of committees to 10, in line with the reduction of senators to 200. Conversely, the Chamber of Deputies retained 14 committees, even as the number of deputies was reduced to 400.
The organization of committees generally aligns with ministerial jurisdictions, with some minor exceptions, especially in the Senate following the reduction in committees. This structure further enhances policy expertise. Committees also hold the authority to propose amendments to draft bills and can substantially rewrite them. Additionally, committees convene frequently, and their members are supported by highly qualified technical personnel.
Although the Italian parliament retains a significant role in guiding policy, recent research suggests it has lost influence, particularly in the area of budget laws (Cavalieri 2023). The trend toward greater executive dominance, especially evident during the 2024 budget process, combined with Prime Minister Meloni’s growing political clout, has raised concerns about parliament’s ability to safeguard its institutional role.
The composition of parliamentary committees reflects the distribution of power among political parties in parliament. This is evident in the appointment of committee chairpersons, typically drawn from the governing majority parties. However, this does not preclude the opposition from influencing committee proceedings. Enlarged majorities often emerge in committee decisions, driven by members’ seniority, shared interest in specific issues, and common expertise acquired outside the parliamentary sphere (De Micheli and Verzichelli 2004).
The organization of committees generally aligns with ministerial jurisdictions, with some minor exceptions, especially in the Senate following the reduction in committees. This structure further enhances policy expertise. Committees also hold the authority to propose amendments to draft bills and can substantially rewrite them. Additionally, committees convene frequently, and their members are supported by highly qualified technical personnel.
Although the Italian parliament retains a significant role in guiding policy, recent research suggests it has lost influence, particularly in the area of budget laws (Cavalieri 2023). The trend toward greater executive dominance, especially evident during the 2024 budget process, combined with Prime Minister Meloni’s growing political clout, has raised concerns about parliament’s ability to safeguard its institutional role.
The composition of parliamentary committees reflects the distribution of power among political parties in parliament. This is evident in the appointment of committee chairpersons, typically drawn from the governing majority parties. However, this does not preclude the opposition from influencing committee proceedings. Enlarged majorities often emerge in committee decisions, driven by members’ seniority, shared interest in specific issues, and common expertise acquired outside the parliamentary sphere (De Micheli and Verzichelli 2004).
Citations:
Martin, S. 2011. “Electoral Institutions, the Personal Vote, and Legislative Organization.” Legislative Studies Quarterly 36 (3): 339–361.
Martin, L.W., and Vanberg, G. 2020. “Coalition Government, Legislative Institutions, and Public Policy in Parliamentary Democracies.” American Journal of Political Science 64(2): 325–340.
De Micheli, C., and Verzichelli, L. 2004. Il Parlamento. Bologna: Il Mulino.
Cavalieri, A. 2023. Italian Budgeting Policy: Between Punctuations and Incrementalism. Cham: Springer.
Martin, S. 2011. “Electoral Institutions, the Personal Vote, and Legislative Organization.” Legislative Studies Quarterly 36 (3): 339–361.
Martin, L.W., and Vanberg, G. 2020. “Coalition Government, Legislative Institutions, and Public Policy in Parliamentary Democracies.” American Journal of Political Science 64(2): 325–340.
De Micheli, C., and Verzichelli, L. 2004. Il Parlamento. Bologna: Il Mulino.
Cavalieri, A. 2023. Italian Budgeting Policy: Between Punctuations and Incrementalism. Cham: Springer.
USA
Congressional committees have sometimes been described as “Congress at work” (Bianco 2000). They are where bill drafting, markup, debate, investigation, and information collection take place (Kornberg 2023). Congress has strong committees that are well-resourced and contain expert staff who support committee members. Committee places are highly coveted and usually assigned based on some familiarity or connection with the policy area. Members can spend many years on the same committee, building policy expertise and gaining insights into the workings of the relevant executive branch agencies they are responsible for scrutinizing.
One issue for congressional committees today is the significant difference in their willingness to investigate the executive branch, depending on whether the committee’s majority party aligns with that of the president. This discrepancy has led some commentators to suggest that the United States now has a system more clearly structured by the separation of parties than by the separation of powers (Rubin 2017).
One issue for congressional committees today is the significant difference in their willingness to investigate the executive branch, depending on whether the committee’s majority party aligns with that of the president. This discrepancy has led some commentators to suggest that the United States now has a system more clearly structured by the separation of parties than by the separation of powers (Rubin 2017).
Citations:
Maya Kornberg. 2023. Inside Congressional Committees: Function and Dysfunction in the Legislative Process. New York: Columbia University Press.
Ruth Bloch Rubin. 2017. Building the Bloc: Intraparty Organization in the US Congress. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
William Bianco. 2000. Congress on Display, Congress at Work. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Maya Kornberg. 2023. Inside Congressional Committees: Function and Dysfunction in the Legislative Process. New York: Columbia University Press.
Ruth Bloch Rubin. 2017. Building the Bloc: Intraparty Organization in the US Congress. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
William Bianco. 2000. Congress on Display, Congress at Work. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
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Poland
In the ninth and tenth terms of the Sejm (2019 and 2023), there were 29 standing committees. The number of Senate committees increased from 16 to 20. The quantity of Sejm committees surpassed that of ministries. Nevertheless, most ministries, even the more significant ones, are associated with only one oversight committee, commonly called a branch committee. Consequently, allocating subject areas among committees does not compromise the parliament’s capacity to oversee ministries.
During the 2019 – 2023 term, the committees varied in size, ranging from several members to more than 50. The number of sessions depended on the committee. For example, the Public Finance Committee held 460 meetings, while the Committee on National and Ethnic Minorities had only 75. In most cases, the frequency of meetings provided a sufficient overview of government activities.
Committee chairpersons and deputies are elected at the first committee meeting via an open simple majority vote. Agreements among parliamentary groups determine the political faction that will provided the committee chairperson. As a result, despite having a significant number of legislators, the opposition was able to exert appreciable influence within only a few committees of lesser importance after the elections in both 2019 and 2023.
During the 2019 – 2023 term, the committees varied in size, ranging from several members to more than 50. The number of sessions depended on the committee. For example, the Public Finance Committee held 460 meetings, while the Committee on National and Ethnic Minorities had only 75. In most cases, the frequency of meetings provided a sufficient overview of government activities.
Committee chairpersons and deputies are elected at the first committee meeting via an open simple majority vote. Agreements among parliamentary groups determine the political faction that will provided the committee chairperson. As a result, despite having a significant number of legislators, the opposition was able to exert appreciable influence within only a few committees of lesser importance after the elections in both 2019 and 2023.
The organization and operations of legislative committees are rarely suitable for monitoring ministry activity.
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Hungary
Since the 2010 reduction in the number of ministries, there has been a significant mismatch between the task areas of ministries and committees. The fact that ministries are covered not by a single committee but by several has complicated the monitoring of ministries. Moreover, the decision-making centers – the Prime Minister’s Office and the Cabinet Office – are not covered by any parliamentary committee. Since 2022, the number of ministers (15 plus the prime minister) mirrors the number of committees, but area alignment has not yet been completely established. Several important policy areas with a designated parliamentary committee, such as sustainability and culture, do not have a separate ministry, but are represented at the state secretary level. The government controls most of the committees due to its two-thirds majority. Currently, five out of 15 committees are controlled by the opposition, not counting the exceptional committee for national minorities, reflecting the electoral outcome. Government-allied politicians control key committees for foreign policy and European integration, as well as the judicial committee. The only exceptions are the Budgetary Committee and the National Security Committee, which opposition politicians lead.
Japan
Standing committees in the Japanese Diet generally correspond to the matters under the jurisdiction of separate ministries, while special committees deal with important matters exceeding the competence of one standing committee. Special parliamentary committees are sometimes used by the government to bypass standing committees, in which deliberations are subject to numerous institutional constraints.
Membership of parliamentary committees is distributed proportionally to the size of political groups in each house. All decisions in the committees are made by a majority vote, with the chairperson’s vote decisive in case of a tie. In the past, with a minimal majority in the house, the ruling party often had to choose between securing a majority of votes or the position of committee chairperson. As of November 2023, however, the ruling parties hold a majority in all House of Representative committees. Opposition politicians chair three of 25 committees in the lower house and seven of 25 committees in the upper house. Only in the House of Councilors, where the ruling coalition has a minimal majority, do opposition lawmakers chair some important committees, such as the Committee on Economy and Industry.
Committees typically meet on a weekly basis or less often. The schedule of Diet deliberations is established by the committees on rules and administration of both chambers, which host the representatives of all parliamentary caucuses. As the government has no way to directly control the legislative process after submission of a bill to the Diet, it relies on a comprehensive advance screening of all bill proposals at the ruling-party level. Once a project is acknowledged as a party decision by the LDP General Council, all LDP lawmakers are obliged to vote for the bill. Because serious deliberations on bill proposals take place in the ruling party before their submission to the Diet, discussion in parliamentary committees is conducted mainly by the opposition parties. Discussion time during plenary sessions is greatly limited in comparison with other parliamentary systems in the world. Negotiations with opposition politicians are conducted outside the Diet by the Diet affairs committees of different parties, which decreases the transparency of the legislative process. For this reason, committee deliberations rarely play a role in modifying draft legislation or monitoring ministry activity.
Membership of parliamentary committees is distributed proportionally to the size of political groups in each house. All decisions in the committees are made by a majority vote, with the chairperson’s vote decisive in case of a tie. In the past, with a minimal majority in the house, the ruling party often had to choose between securing a majority of votes or the position of committee chairperson. As of November 2023, however, the ruling parties hold a majority in all House of Representative committees. Opposition politicians chair three of 25 committees in the lower house and seven of 25 committees in the upper house. Only in the House of Councilors, where the ruling coalition has a minimal majority, do opposition lawmakers chair some important committees, such as the Committee on Economy and Industry.
Committees typically meet on a weekly basis or less often. The schedule of Diet deliberations is established by the committees on rules and administration of both chambers, which host the representatives of all parliamentary caucuses. As the government has no way to directly control the legislative process after submission of a bill to the Diet, it relies on a comprehensive advance screening of all bill proposals at the ruling-party level. Once a project is acknowledged as a party decision by the LDP General Council, all LDP lawmakers are obliged to vote for the bill. Because serious deliberations on bill proposals take place in the ruling party before their submission to the Diet, discussion in parliamentary committees is conducted mainly by the opposition parties. Discussion time during plenary sessions is greatly limited in comparison with other parliamentary systems in the world. Negotiations with opposition politicians are conducted outside the Diet by the Diet affairs committees of different parties, which decreases the transparency of the legislative process. For this reason, committee deliberations rarely play a role in modifying draft legislation or monitoring ministry activity.
Citations:
House of Councillors, The National Diet of Japan. “The Diet Law.” https://www.sangiin.go.jp/eng/law/diet/index.htm
Nonaka, Naoto, and Saraba Garapagosu Seiji. 2013. Kimerareru Nihon ni Tsukurinaosu Farewell Galapagos Politics: Rebuilding of Japan that Can Make Decisions]. Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbun Shuppansha.
Zakowski, Karol. 2021. Gradual Institutional Change in Japan. Kantei Leadership under the Abe Administration. London – New York: Routledge, 155-158.
House of Councillors, The National Diet of Japan. “The Diet Law.” https://www.sangiin.go.jp/eng/law/diet/index.htm
Nonaka, Naoto, and Saraba Garapagosu Seiji. 2013. Kimerareru Nihon ni Tsukurinaosu Farewell Galapagos Politics: Rebuilding of Japan that Can Make Decisions]. Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbun Shuppansha.
Zakowski, Karol. 2021. Gradual Institutional Change in Japan. Kantei Leadership under the Abe Administration. London – New York: Routledge, 155-158.
Slovakia
During the period under review, the National Council of the Slovak Republic has more parliamentary committees than ministries. This includes Mandate and Immunity Committees and at least three specialized committees overseeing intelligence services and the National Security Authority (NBÚ). Since the 1998 elections, the law has required proportional representation in these committees, with an informal practice that members of the opposition chair them. This practice has been respected since the 2023 elections.
The European Affairs Committee and the Committee for Human Rights and National Minorities have several ministerial counterparts, and the committees cover all ministerial task areas. Thus, allocating subject regions among committees does not hinder parliamentary oversight of ministries. The size of committees and the frequency with which they meet enable effective monitoring and discussion of ministerial activities.
Since the 2023 elections, the coalition has chaired 12 committees, and the opposition has chaired seven. The opposition currently chairs the following legislative committees:
Mandate and Immunity Committee
Committee public administration and regional development
Committee for human rights and national minorities
Special control committee to control the activities of the NBU
Special control committee to control SIS activities
The Special Control Committee oversees the activities of the Military Intelligence Service.
Committee to review the decisions of the NBU
This composition de facto means that only one “substantive” committee is chaired by an opposition member of parliament.
The likelihood that draft legislation will change due to committee deliberations is high, especially for “less politically sensitive” laws; however, exact data are unavailable.
The European Affairs Committee and the Committee for Human Rights and National Minorities have several ministerial counterparts, and the committees cover all ministerial task areas. Thus, allocating subject regions among committees does not hinder parliamentary oversight of ministries. The size of committees and the frequency with which they meet enable effective monitoring and discussion of ministerial activities.
Since the 2023 elections, the coalition has chaired 12 committees, and the opposition has chaired seven. The opposition currently chairs the following legislative committees:
Mandate and Immunity Committee
Committee public administration and regional development
Committee for human rights and national minorities
Special control committee to control the activities of the NBU
Special control committee to control SIS activities
The Special Control Committee oversees the activities of the Military Intelligence Service.
Committee to review the decisions of the NBU
This composition de facto means that only one “substantive” committee is chaired by an opposition member of parliament.
The likelihood that draft legislation will change due to committee deliberations is high, especially for “less politically sensitive” laws; however, exact data are unavailable.
Citations:
ACT OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC (No. 350/1996 Coll.) ON RULES OF PROCEDURE
OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC. https://www.nrsr.sk/web/Static/en-US/NRSR/rules_of_procedure_20230101.pdf
ACT OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC (No. 350/1996 Coll.) ON RULES OF PROCEDURE
OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC. https://www.nrsr.sk/web/Static/en-US/NRSR/rules_of_procedure_20230101.pdf
Netherlands
There are 12 Permanent parliamentary committees (vaste kamercommissies) in the Netherlands, each corresponding to the policy domains of the ministries. In 2023, only two of these committees were chaired by opposition-party members. The prime minister’s Department of General Affairs is the only ministry without a corresponding parliamentary committee. There are also permanent commissions for interdepartmental policymaking on aggregate government expenditure, European affairs, and foreign trade and development aid. Parliamentary committees usually have 25 members, representing all political parties with seats in the States General. Smaller political parties tend to participate only in committees that align closely with their platforms. In recent decades, the core of parliamentary activity has shifted from plenary oversight sessions to the co-legislative committees. Most parliamentary work occurs in these committees, which held an estimated 1,700 public and nonpublic meetings per year, averaging almost three per committee per week. However, this trend has recently reversed.
The number of plenary debates on bills has been decreasing, paralleling the declining number of bills tabled. Instead, the chamber is increasingly holding plenary debates on subjects other than legislation. Retrospective debates, which examine the roles of ministers or knowledge institutes in the preparation of bills or important decisions, primarily serve an oversight function. Consequently, the relationship between legislation and control on the plenary agenda has shifted, with significantly more “oversight debates” now taking place.
Various publications have indicated that during legislative debates, there is little systematic attention to the quality of legislation, and especially to core values such as consistency, enforceability, practicability, constitutionality, the European dimension, and a proper understanding of citizens’ needs and capabilities. To address this, the Van der Staay Working Group, which was tasked with developing proposals to strengthen the role of parliament, suggested nominating one legislator as a “rapporteur” tasked with alerting other MPs to salient issues in new bills. Currently, over 100 MPs hold the status of rapporteur’ for designated bills.
Overall, it seems that in a fragmented parliament with many political factions of fewer than 10 members, the legislative capacity for policy guidance is in serious decline. This indicates that in the Dutch dual system, the executive branch increasingly outweighs the legislative branch. To counter this imbalance, the Van der Staay Working Group recommends not waiting for bills to come to the House but instead periodically discussing the legislative agenda in committees, especially after a new administration takes office.
The number of plenary debates on bills has been decreasing, paralleling the declining number of bills tabled. Instead, the chamber is increasingly holding plenary debates on subjects other than legislation. Retrospective debates, which examine the roles of ministers or knowledge institutes in the preparation of bills or important decisions, primarily serve an oversight function. Consequently, the relationship between legislation and control on the plenary agenda has shifted, with significantly more “oversight debates” now taking place.
Various publications have indicated that during legislative debates, there is little systematic attention to the quality of legislation, and especially to core values such as consistency, enforceability, practicability, constitutionality, the European dimension, and a proper understanding of citizens’ needs and capabilities. To address this, the Van der Staay Working Group, which was tasked with developing proposals to strengthen the role of parliament, suggested nominating one legislator as a “rapporteur” tasked with alerting other MPs to salient issues in new bills. Currently, over 100 MPs hold the status of rapporteur’ for designated bills.
Overall, it seems that in a fragmented parliament with many political factions of fewer than 10 members, the legislative capacity for policy guidance is in serious decline. This indicates that in the Dutch dual system, the executive branch increasingly outweighs the legislative branch. To counter this imbalance, the Van der Staay Working Group recommends not waiting for bills to come to the House but instead periodically discussing the legislative agenda in committees, especially after a new administration takes office.
Citations:
Parlement.com, consulted 21 December 2023.
Investico, Kuipers et al. 2021. “Wat geeft de wetgever om de wetten?”
Tweede Kamer. 2023. “Kamervoorzitter ontvangt eindrapport over versterking functies.” 6 June.
Parlement.com, consulted 21 December 2023.
Investico, Kuipers et al. 2021. “Wat geeft de wetgever om de wetten?”
Tweede Kamer. 2023. “Kamervoorzitter ontvangt eindrapport over versterking functies.” 6 June.
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France
There is no congruence between the structures of ministries and those of parliamentary committees. The number of parliamentary committees is limited to eight (up from six in 2008) while there are 25 to 30 ministries or state secretaries. This rule, introduced in 1958, was meant as, and resulted in, a limitation of deputies’ power to follow and oversee each ministry’s activities closely and precisely. The 2007 – 2008 constitutional reform permitted a slight increase in the number of committees and allowed the establishment of committees dealing with European affairs.
Since 2009, the chair of the Finance Committee is given to the opposition. It is virtually impossible for an opposition politician to preside over any of the other seven permanent committees.
The influence on lawmaking is important to the extent that this provides backbenchers the opportunity to negotiate with the executive. However, the executive has several instruments to enforce the passage of its original proposal. It may reject any amendments that reduce government income or increase expenditure (Art. 40 of the constitution). Moreover, it may, use a “package” vote (Art. 44.3) – a procedure that is no longer used very often.
The 2022 legislative election did not yield a clear majority for the presidential camp. This situation had not been experienced since the 8th legislature (1988 – 1993). Rather than strengthening the influence of committees on draft legislation, the situation repeatedly led to situations of gridlock, with the government having a hard time adapting. As a consequence, Macron’s government repeatedly resorted to the procedure specified in Article 49.3, which allows the government to declare a bill adopted unless the government is removed by a no-confidence vote. Prime Minister Borne had used this procedure 20 times at the time of writing (January 2024), illustrating how governments may have their way in the legislature even without a majority.
Since 2009, the chair of the Finance Committee is given to the opposition. It is virtually impossible for an opposition politician to preside over any of the other seven permanent committees.
The influence on lawmaking is important to the extent that this provides backbenchers the opportunity to negotiate with the executive. However, the executive has several instruments to enforce the passage of its original proposal. It may reject any amendments that reduce government income or increase expenditure (Art. 40 of the constitution). Moreover, it may, use a “package” vote (Art. 44.3) – a procedure that is no longer used very often.
The 2022 legislative election did not yield a clear majority for the presidential camp. This situation had not been experienced since the 8th legislature (1988 – 1993). Rather than strengthening the influence of committees on draft legislation, the situation repeatedly led to situations of gridlock, with the government having a hard time adapting. As a consequence, Macron’s government repeatedly resorted to the procedure specified in Article 49.3, which allows the government to declare a bill adopted unless the government is removed by a no-confidence vote. Prime Minister Borne had used this procedure 20 times at the time of writing (January 2024), illustrating how governments may have their way in the legislature even without a majority.
Citations:
Brouard, S. 2013. “France: Systematic Institutional Advantage of Government in Lawmaking.” In S. Brouard, ed., The Role of Governments in Legislative Agenda Setting, 38-52. London: Routledge.
Brouard, S. 2013. “France: Systematic Institutional Advantage of Government in Lawmaking.” In S. Brouard, ed., The Role of Governments in Legislative Agenda Setting, 38-52. London: Routledge.
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The organization and operations of legislative committees are not at all suitable for monitoring ministry activity.
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