To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
10
Austria
Voting rights are granted to all Austrian citizens living in Austria. Since 2007, all resident Austrian nationals from the age of 16 have enjoyed the right to vote. Austrian residents do not have to register to participate in elections. By contrast, Austrian citizens living abroad have to register with the Austrian county where they lived before they left the country in order to participate in nationwide elections (Nationalrat, federal president, and European Parliament elections). Registrations are valid for 10 years and must be renewed after that.
Austrians convicted of crimes resulting in more than five years of imprisonment, or specific political crimes such as electoral fraud or terrorism with imprisonment exceeding one year, may lose their right to vote for the duration of their imprisonment. The loss of the right to vote requires an individual decision by a criminal court judge.
As Austrians aged 16 and older do not need to register, there is no disenfranchisement resulting from any flawed voter registry.
Non-Austrians have no right to vote in any nationwide election, regardless of the length of their residence, proficiency in German, or other qualifications such as paying taxes. The share of the resident population on Austrian soil has significantly increased over the past decades. Twenty years ago, 580,000 non-Austrian residents had no right to vote; at the most recent nationwide election, the presidential election of 2022, no less than 1.4 million non-Austrian residents – 18% of Austria’s population aged over 16 – had no right to vote. However, with the exception of the state of Vienna, non-Austrians from other EU countries have the right to vote not only in European Parliament elections but also in local elections if their primary address is in Austria. Non-Austrians from non-EU member states do not have any voting rights in Austria.
Individuals who have been denied the right to vote can appeal to the administrative court at the relevant level. The most commonly raised issue involves the status of residence in a given electoral district.
All democratic elections in Austria must be assessed as free and fair. Impartial and effective electoral management bodies operate at the various levels where elections occur. The highest authority in this network is the federal electoral commission, which is reconstituted for each new legislative term and chaired by the federal minister of the interior. In collaboration with Austrian courts, these authorities have ensured high standards for free and fair democratic elections.
There are more than 10,000 easily accessible polling stations for an electorate of slightly less than 6.4 million, including 62,000 non-resident Austrians (figures as of late 2022). Since 2007, Austria has operated postal voting. There have been no incidents of harassment, violence, intimidation, or any other developments violating the principle of free and fair elections. The presidential election of 2016 marked an extremely rare case of a miscalculation of votes. However, the strict ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court – which ordered a repeat election of the second ballot – bore witness to Austria’s firm commitment to free and fair elections.
Austrians convicted of crimes resulting in more than five years of imprisonment, or specific political crimes such as electoral fraud or terrorism with imprisonment exceeding one year, may lose their right to vote for the duration of their imprisonment. The loss of the right to vote requires an individual decision by a criminal court judge.
As Austrians aged 16 and older do not need to register, there is no disenfranchisement resulting from any flawed voter registry.
Non-Austrians have no right to vote in any nationwide election, regardless of the length of their residence, proficiency in German, or other qualifications such as paying taxes. The share of the resident population on Austrian soil has significantly increased over the past decades. Twenty years ago, 580,000 non-Austrian residents had no right to vote; at the most recent nationwide election, the presidential election of 2022, no less than 1.4 million non-Austrian residents – 18% of Austria’s population aged over 16 – had no right to vote. However, with the exception of the state of Vienna, non-Austrians from other EU countries have the right to vote not only in European Parliament elections but also in local elections if their primary address is in Austria. Non-Austrians from non-EU member states do not have any voting rights in Austria.
Individuals who have been denied the right to vote can appeal to the administrative court at the relevant level. The most commonly raised issue involves the status of residence in a given electoral district.
All democratic elections in Austria must be assessed as free and fair. Impartial and effective electoral management bodies operate at the various levels where elections occur. The highest authority in this network is the federal electoral commission, which is reconstituted for each new legislative term and chaired by the federal minister of the interior. In collaboration with Austrian courts, these authorities have ensured high standards for free and fair democratic elections.
There are more than 10,000 easily accessible polling stations for an electorate of slightly less than 6.4 million, including 62,000 non-resident Austrians (figures as of late 2022). Since 2007, Austria has operated postal voting. There have been no incidents of harassment, violence, intimidation, or any other developments violating the principle of free and fair elections. The presidential election of 2016 marked an extremely rare case of a miscalculation of votes. However, the strict ruling of the Federal Constitutional Court – which ordered a repeat election of the second ballot – bore witness to Austria’s firm commitment to free and fair elections.
Citations:
https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000138278942/1-4-millionen-ueber-16-jaehrige-bei-bundespraesidentenwahl-nicht-wahlberechtigt
https://noe.orf.at/magazin/stories/3028548/
https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000132333855/juristische-aufarbeitung-der-bundespraesidentenwahl-2016-immer-noch-nicht-abgeschlossen
https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000138278942/1-4-millionen-ueber-16-jaehrige-bei-bundespraesidentenwahl-nicht-wahlberechtigt
https://noe.orf.at/magazin/stories/3028548/
https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000132333855/juristische-aufarbeitung-der-bundespraesidentenwahl-2016-immer-noch-nicht-abgeschlossen
Belgium
Voting is compulsory for all Belgians aged 18 and above in all first-order elections (EU, federal, and regional levels). At the local level, voting is mandatory in Wallonia and Brussels, and for the first time in 2024, voting will not be mandatory at the local elections in Flanders. Citizens are automatically registered as voters and receive an official invitation to vote by mail. For the European Elections of 2024, a reform introduced voting rights for citizens aged 16 and 17, with automatic registration, though voting is not compulsory for this age group (elections.fgov.be). Since 2004, non-Belgian citizens with their main residence in Belgium for more than five years can also register to vote in municipal elections. Citizens from other EU countries can register to elect their Belgian European representatives if they decide not to vote in the EU election in their home country.
The European, national, and regional elections are typically held on the same day to facilitate citizen participation. Voting is compulsory by law, and noncompliance can lead to penalties and the loss of political and civil rights. However, in practice, no one has been charged for abstention since 2003 (Le Soir, May 25, 2019). The latest election was in 2019, with a turnout rate above 88% for both the national and European parliaments. V-Dem’s Democracy report 2023 ranks Belgium in the top 10% of most democratic countries, above the Netherlands, Germany, and France but below Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.
The European, national, and regional elections are typically held on the same day to facilitate citizen participation. Voting is compulsory by law, and noncompliance can lead to penalties and the loss of political and civil rights. However, in practice, no one has been charged for abstention since 2003 (Le Soir, May 25, 2019). The latest election was in 2019, with a turnout rate above 88% for both the national and European parliaments. V-Dem’s Democracy report 2023 ranks Belgium in the top 10% of most democratic countries, above the Netherlands, Germany, and France but below Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.
Citations:
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Droit_de_vote_des_%C3%A9trangers_aux_%C3%A9lections_communales_en_Belgique
https://elections2018.brussels/electeur.html
Vlaamse regering schrapt opkomstplicht bij lokale verkiezingen | De Standaard
https://www.lesoir.be/226381/article/2019-05-24/elections-2019-risquez-vous-vraiment-des-sanctions-si-vous-nallez-pas-voter
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Droit_de_vote_des_%C3%A9trangers_aux_%C3%A9lections_communales_en_Belgique
https://elections2018.brussels/electeur.html
Vlaamse regering schrapt opkomstplicht bij lokale verkiezingen | De Standaard
https://www.lesoir.be/226381/article/2019-05-24/elections-2019-risquez-vous-vraiment-des-sanctions-si-vous-nallez-pas-voter
Denmark
All Danish citizens aged 18 or older can vote in national elections. It is very difficult to revoke the right to vote, and this only happens if a judge finds that a citizen is incapable of protecting their personal interests (Danish Institute for Human Rights 2018). This disempowerment happens only in cases of severe cognitive impairment and occurs only rarely. Since voting is centrally planned and information about citizens comes from national registries, there are very few instances where voters are denied the right to vote. When such cases arise, it is due to a lag in bureaucratic processes.
A general election must be held at least every four years, but the prime minister can call for a general election at any time. This should give the prime minister a strategic advantage, although the evidence on whether this advantage translates reliably into electoral wins is unclear. The number of polling stations has been decreasing, which has marginally reduced turnout rates (Hansen 2019). However, turnout rates overall remain high in Denmark, with a recorded turnout rate of 84.2% in the 2022 election.
Elections at the regional and municipal levels run on a four-year interval and take place on the third Tuesday in November of the election year (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). The last municipal and regional elections occurred in 2021.
Election results are almost never contested, and reports of violence or harassment at polling stations are very rare. There are no observations of irregularities in vote counting or the withholding of information concerning elections. There has never been a dispute over national election results. At the municipal level, recounts have occurred when controls did not match preliminary results, but there has never been a recount of votes after results have been made public.
Early voting is available in municipal offices that handle various citizen requests, as well as in hospitals, elder-care facilities and prisons. A resident must provide valid identification in order to vote (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). One notable issue in Danish democracy is the participation rates of immigrants, which are consistently and significantly lower than those of native Danes (Bhatti 2018).
Since 2018, citizens have had the power to send so-called citizens’ initiatives (borgerforslag) to parliament. These initiatives are posted on borgerforslag.dk, where other citizens can choose to support them. If at least 50,000 citizens support an initiative, it is forwarded to parliament, and political parties may decide to present it as a proposal for parliamentary resolution. However, citizens’ initiatives are not automatically presented in parliament even when they reach the 50,000-supporter threshold.
A general election must be held at least every four years, but the prime minister can call for a general election at any time. This should give the prime minister a strategic advantage, although the evidence on whether this advantage translates reliably into electoral wins is unclear. The number of polling stations has been decreasing, which has marginally reduced turnout rates (Hansen 2019). However, turnout rates overall remain high in Denmark, with a recorded turnout rate of 84.2% in the 2022 election.
Elections at the regional and municipal levels run on a four-year interval and take place on the third Tuesday in November of the election year (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). The last municipal and regional elections occurred in 2021.
Election results are almost never contested, and reports of violence or harassment at polling stations are very rare. There are no observations of irregularities in vote counting or the withholding of information concerning elections. There has never been a dispute over national election results. At the municipal level, recounts have occurred when controls did not match preliminary results, but there has never been a recount of votes after results have been made public.
Early voting is available in municipal offices that handle various citizen requests, as well as in hospitals, elder-care facilities and prisons. A resident must provide valid identification in order to vote (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). One notable issue in Danish democracy is the participation rates of immigrants, which are consistently and significantly lower than those of native Danes (Bhatti 2018).
Since 2018, citizens have had the power to send so-called citizens’ initiatives (borgerforslag) to parliament. These initiatives are posted on borgerforslag.dk, where other citizens can choose to support them. If at least 50,000 citizens support an initiative, it is forwarded to parliament, and political parties may decide to present it as a proposal for parliamentary resolution. However, citizens’ initiatives are not automatically presented in parliament even when they reach the 50,000-supporter threshold.
Citations:
Bhatti, Y. 2018. “Valgdeltagelsen blandt ikke-vestlige indvandrere og efterkommere.” Politica. https://tidsskrift.dk/politica/article/view/131248
Danish Institute for Human Rights. 2018. “Staten sagsøges for manglende stemmeret.” https://menneskeret.dk/nyheder/staten-sagsoeges-manglende-stemmeret
Hansen, K. 2019. “Valgdeltagelsen ved folketingsvalget 2019.” https://cvap.polsci.ku.dk/forskning/valgdeltagelse/papers_og_rapporter/valgdeltagelse_fv19.pdf
Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024: https://valg.im.dk/valg/kommunale-og-regionale-valg
Ministry of the Interior and Health. 2024. https://valg.im.dk/vaelgere/brevstemmeafgivning/
Folketinget. https://www.thedanishparliament.dk/en/democracy/the-parliament
Bhatti, Y. 2018. “Valgdeltagelsen blandt ikke-vestlige indvandrere og efterkommere.” Politica. https://tidsskrift.dk/politica/article/view/131248
Danish Institute for Human Rights. 2018. “Staten sagsøges for manglende stemmeret.” https://menneskeret.dk/nyheder/staten-sagsoeges-manglende-stemmeret
Hansen, K. 2019. “Valgdeltagelsen ved folketingsvalget 2019.” https://cvap.polsci.ku.dk/forskning/valgdeltagelse/papers_og_rapporter/valgdeltagelse_fv19.pdf
Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024: https://valg.im.dk/valg/kommunale-og-regionale-valg
Ministry of the Interior and Health. 2024. https://valg.im.dk/vaelgere/brevstemmeafgivning/
Folketinget. https://www.thedanishparliament.dk/en/democracy/the-parliament
Estonia
The Estonian constitution and relevant laws guarantee universal suffrage. The voting age is 18 for national and European elections and 16 for municipal elections. About 6% of the population, or 16% of the voting-age population, are non-citizens who cannot vote in parliamentary elections but have the right to vote in local elections. EU citizens residing in Estonia can vote in municipal and European Parliament elections (National Electoral Committee 2023). Estonian citizens residing abroad, about 10% of the electorate, can vote in all Estonian elections either at an Estonian embassy or online. The Referendum Act and the election acts (2021) allow voters to choose the most convenient polling station in their electoral district.
State authorities maintain the voter register based on population-register data. Eligible voters take no action to be included in the voter register. Each registered voter is informed by mail or email about all voting options, including the voting day and the location and opening hours of polling places in their municipality.
Two impartial bodies administer the elections. The National Electoral Committee (NEC) – consisting of seven members, mainly with a background in law – ensures compliance with the principles of freedom, generality, uniformity and directness of voting, as well as the secrecy of voting. The State Electoral Office (SEO) is an independent unit within the Chancellery of the Riigikogu that organizes voting in Estonia and abroad, prepares the ballot papers, and acquires the equipment necessary for conducting the voting. The SEO employs legal specialists and professionals in the area of IT systems and cybersecurity. At the subnational level, voting district committees are established to organize voting at polling places within the territory of a voting district. Half of the members of the voting district committee are presented by the rural municipality or city secretary. The remaining members are presented by political parties, while considering the principle of political balance. Members of the committee must not campaign.
Multiparty elections in Estonia are held every four years according to a set schedule, including elections for local government councils, the Riigikogu and the European Parliament. To facilitate voter participation, Estonia employs advance voting, home voting and internet voting.
Advance voting is available for six days prior to election day. Both advance voting and online voting are gaining in popularity; in the 2023 parliamentary elections, 74% of all votes were cast before election day, while 51% were cast online. The rate of home voting, however, has declined, likely due to the ease of internet voting and the high level of digital literacy in Estonia. For instance, more than 33% of voters aged 75 and above voted electronically (National Electoral Committee, 2023).
The secrecy and cybersecurity of online voting are taken very seriously, and amendments to electoral laws to provide a more detailed description of these aspects are currently in preparation.
In all elections, Estonia uses an open-list proportional system with a simple ballot design where voters write down the number of their preferred candidate, or tick their preferred candidate online. Invalid ballots constitute a minor share of the total, less than 1% of all ballots cast, suggesting that the ballot design is easy to understand (National Electoral Committee, 2023).
The modest degree of engagement by ethnic minorities in election processes has long been a concern. To address this issue, state authorities are providing more voting information in Russian. The National Electoral Committee (NEC) website now offers election information in three languages: Estonian, Russian and English. Additionally, tools for disabled persons have been added to the website.
State authorities maintain the voter register based on population-register data. Eligible voters take no action to be included in the voter register. Each registered voter is informed by mail or email about all voting options, including the voting day and the location and opening hours of polling places in their municipality.
Two impartial bodies administer the elections. The National Electoral Committee (NEC) – consisting of seven members, mainly with a background in law – ensures compliance with the principles of freedom, generality, uniformity and directness of voting, as well as the secrecy of voting. The State Electoral Office (SEO) is an independent unit within the Chancellery of the Riigikogu that organizes voting in Estonia and abroad, prepares the ballot papers, and acquires the equipment necessary for conducting the voting. The SEO employs legal specialists and professionals in the area of IT systems and cybersecurity. At the subnational level, voting district committees are established to organize voting at polling places within the territory of a voting district. Half of the members of the voting district committee are presented by the rural municipality or city secretary. The remaining members are presented by political parties, while considering the principle of political balance. Members of the committee must not campaign.
Multiparty elections in Estonia are held every four years according to a set schedule, including elections for local government councils, the Riigikogu and the European Parliament. To facilitate voter participation, Estonia employs advance voting, home voting and internet voting.
Advance voting is available for six days prior to election day. Both advance voting and online voting are gaining in popularity; in the 2023 parliamentary elections, 74% of all votes were cast before election day, while 51% were cast online. The rate of home voting, however, has declined, likely due to the ease of internet voting and the high level of digital literacy in Estonia. For instance, more than 33% of voters aged 75 and above voted electronically (National Electoral Committee, 2023).
The secrecy and cybersecurity of online voting are taken very seriously, and amendments to electoral laws to provide a more detailed description of these aspects are currently in preparation.
In all elections, Estonia uses an open-list proportional system with a simple ballot design where voters write down the number of their preferred candidate, or tick their preferred candidate online. Invalid ballots constitute a minor share of the total, less than 1% of all ballots cast, suggesting that the ballot design is easy to understand (National Electoral Committee, 2023).
The modest degree of engagement by ethnic minorities in election processes has long been a concern. To address this issue, state authorities are providing more voting information in Russian. The National Electoral Committee (NEC) website now offers election information in three languages: Estonian, Russian and English. Additionally, tools for disabled persons have been added to the website.
Citations:
National Electoral Committee. 2023. https://www.valimised.ee/en/archive/statistics
National Electoral Committee. 2023. https://www.valimised.ee/en/archive/statistics
Finland
Registered political parties have the right to nominate candidates, though all voters can influence the nomination process. Electoral associations of at least 100 enfranchised citizens also have the right of nomination. However, the role of these associations has been marginal.
Candidates for presidential elections can be nominated by any political party represented in parliament at the time of nomination. Candidates may also be nominated by associations of at least 20,000 enfranchised citizens.
Voting rights in municipal elections are granted to all citizens, including those without permanent residence in the country. Felony convictions do not affect voting rights.
There is no disenfranchisement resulting from a flawed voter registry. Individuals who have been denied the right to vote or to register as voters have the opportunity to appeal to a competent jurisdiction, which can review such decisions and rectify errors in a timely and effective manner.
There is an impartial and highly capable electoral management body equipped with sufficient, trained staff and the financial resources to effectively administer elections.
The elections are conducted according to the established schedule. However, during the pandemic, municipal elections in 2021 were postponed for a few months.
The election process in Finland is carried out in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner. There is an adequate number of polling stations relative to population density. Polling stations are accessible with regard to their location and the availability of free public transport, especially for handicapped citizens. There is also no impartiality or discrimination regarding the voting time frame and date, the comprehensive ballot design, the implementation of the secret ballot, or the provision of voter assistance, such as water supply in waiting lines.
Absentee, email and early voting processes are conducted in a straightforward, impartial and nondiscriminatory manner. There have been no incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters. No irregularities have been observed in the voter registry.
Petteri Orpo’s government is committed to enhancing fairness and representation in the electoral system through democratic principles and legislative measures governing elections and political parties. According to the government program (Orpo 2023), the administration plans to address the issue of disproportionality in the electoral system by initiating a parliamentary process to create a new model for electoral regions, specifically targeting electoral districts with a high hidden vote threshold. The primary focus will be on the Lapland electoral district, which will be combined with the North Ostrobothnia electoral district to form a unified electoral region for the purposes of calculating results.
The approach to distributing seats among parties will be based on the number of votes received by each candidate and the proportion of members of parliament elected from the electoral districts relative to the population. While both electoral districts will maintain their independence and existing boundaries, their regional identity will also be considered. In the future, a similar methodology may be applied to other electoral districts with fewer than eight or seven members of parliament to be elected in the future. The decision on the electoral region model is anticipated to be finalized in 2024, with the goal of implementing the new model in the parliamentary elections of 2031 at the latest.
Candidates for presidential elections can be nominated by any political party represented in parliament at the time of nomination. Candidates may also be nominated by associations of at least 20,000 enfranchised citizens.
Voting rights in municipal elections are granted to all citizens, including those without permanent residence in the country. Felony convictions do not affect voting rights.
There is no disenfranchisement resulting from a flawed voter registry. Individuals who have been denied the right to vote or to register as voters have the opportunity to appeal to a competent jurisdiction, which can review such decisions and rectify errors in a timely and effective manner.
There is an impartial and highly capable electoral management body equipped with sufficient, trained staff and the financial resources to effectively administer elections.
The elections are conducted according to the established schedule. However, during the pandemic, municipal elections in 2021 were postponed for a few months.
The election process in Finland is carried out in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner. There is an adequate number of polling stations relative to population density. Polling stations are accessible with regard to their location and the availability of free public transport, especially for handicapped citizens. There is also no impartiality or discrimination regarding the voting time frame and date, the comprehensive ballot design, the implementation of the secret ballot, or the provision of voter assistance, such as water supply in waiting lines.
Absentee, email and early voting processes are conducted in a straightforward, impartial and nondiscriminatory manner. There have been no incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters. No irregularities have been observed in the voter registry.
Petteri Orpo’s government is committed to enhancing fairness and representation in the electoral system through democratic principles and legislative measures governing elections and political parties. According to the government program (Orpo 2023), the administration plans to address the issue of disproportionality in the electoral system by initiating a parliamentary process to create a new model for electoral regions, specifically targeting electoral districts with a high hidden vote threshold. The primary focus will be on the Lapland electoral district, which will be combined with the North Ostrobothnia electoral district to form a unified electoral region for the purposes of calculating results.
The approach to distributing seats among parties will be based on the number of votes received by each candidate and the proportion of members of parliament elected from the electoral districts relative to the population. While both electoral districts will maintain their independence and existing boundaries, their regional identity will also be considered. In the future, a similar methodology may be applied to other electoral districts with fewer than eight or seven members of parliament to be elected in the future. The decision on the electoral region model is anticipated to be finalized in 2024, with the goal of implementing the new model in the parliamentary elections of 2031 at the latest.
Citations:
Orpo, Petteri. 2023. Government Program: A Strong and Committed Finland.
Publications of the Finnish Government. 2023. https://valtioneuvosto.fi/en/governments/government-programme#/
Orpo, Petteri. 2023. Government Program: A Strong and Committed Finland.
Publications of the Finnish Government. 2023. https://valtioneuvosto.fi/en/governments/government-programme#/
France
The right to participate in elections is fully guaranteed. Every citizen age 18 or older enjoys voting rights provided by the constitution. This includes expatriates and convicts, if no specific deprivation of civic capacity has been pronounced. There is no option to vote by mail, but those not living in France can either vote abroad (in consulates or embassies) or by delegating power to a designated person in France. No progress has been made with regard to extending this right to vote to residents holding foreign citizenship, except in the case of EU citizens for both local and European elections (Service-Public 2024).
Voter registration is easy. It is almost automatic when young people register for the first time. Registration requires only an ID. It is usually estimated that some 10% of the electorate is not registered. This concerns two main groups: those who refuse to vote and those who have changed residence and subsequently neglected to register in their new place of residence. The monitoring of voter rolls has largely improved since 2016, with the creation of the “Répertoire électoral unique” (INSEE 2024) – a national integrated file for electoral registers. The National Statistical Institute oversees the maintenance of this file, a task it performs quite efficiently.
Voting operations are organized at the municipal level under the scrutiny of the Ministry of Interior, which is in charge of the organization of elections. Voting stations are usually easily accessible by foot for most people, but no individualized service is available for those with disabilities. Local authorities sometimes organize stations for institutionalized persons (mostly for those in retirement homes). Prisoners have yet to vote by proxy in most cases.
Proxy voting is the only way to cast a vote without doing so in person. This has been made easier over the years. In 2022, 6.7% of registered voters had voted at least once by proxy voting (Stéphan 2022).
In practice, the organization of elections goes smoothly in most cases. Elections are organized on time and on the basis of well-established directives. Although the COVID-19 pandemic made local organization tasks more complicated, elections were held with limited difficulties even then, aside from concerns about further virus spread. Voting stations are open on Sundays from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. (up to 8 p.m. in large cities). Cheating at the voting booth may exist, but is not widespread. The only actual troubles encountered recently have stemmed from the use of electronic voting devices especially for those living abroad (Conseil Constitutionnel 2024). Major anomalies – such as the fact that a majority of validation codes were been distributed – led the Constitutional Council to nullify results in two districts in the legislative elections of 2022.
The simplicity of the electoral system, the fact that elections are in most cases held one at a time, and the involvement of local authorities and citizen volunteers (especially for counting votes) in the organization of the operations all contribute to making the electoral process transparent and uncontroversial. The absence of an impartial and independent electoral management body has not proved problematic in this regard to date. The decline observed in electoral turnout rates should not be attributed to issues relating to the organization of elections, but rather to more general social and political dynamics.
Voter registration is easy. It is almost automatic when young people register for the first time. Registration requires only an ID. It is usually estimated that some 10% of the electorate is not registered. This concerns two main groups: those who refuse to vote and those who have changed residence and subsequently neglected to register in their new place of residence. The monitoring of voter rolls has largely improved since 2016, with the creation of the “Répertoire électoral unique” (INSEE 2024) – a national integrated file for electoral registers. The National Statistical Institute oversees the maintenance of this file, a task it performs quite efficiently.
Voting operations are organized at the municipal level under the scrutiny of the Ministry of Interior, which is in charge of the organization of elections. Voting stations are usually easily accessible by foot for most people, but no individualized service is available for those with disabilities. Local authorities sometimes organize stations for institutionalized persons (mostly for those in retirement homes). Prisoners have yet to vote by proxy in most cases.
Proxy voting is the only way to cast a vote without doing so in person. This has been made easier over the years. In 2022, 6.7% of registered voters had voted at least once by proxy voting (Stéphan 2022).
In practice, the organization of elections goes smoothly in most cases. Elections are organized on time and on the basis of well-established directives. Although the COVID-19 pandemic made local organization tasks more complicated, elections were held with limited difficulties even then, aside from concerns about further virus spread. Voting stations are open on Sundays from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. (up to 8 p.m. in large cities). Cheating at the voting booth may exist, but is not widespread. The only actual troubles encountered recently have stemmed from the use of electronic voting devices especially for those living abroad (Conseil Constitutionnel 2024). Major anomalies – such as the fact that a majority of validation codes were been distributed – led the Constitutional Council to nullify results in two districts in the legislative elections of 2022.
The simplicity of the electoral system, the fact that elections are in most cases held one at a time, and the involvement of local authorities and citizen volunteers (especially for counting votes) in the organization of the operations all contribute to making the electoral process transparent and uncontroversial. The absence of an impartial and independent electoral management body has not proved problematic in this regard to date. The decline observed in electoral turnout rates should not be attributed to issues relating to the organization of elections, but rather to more general social and political dynamics.
Citations:
Conseil Constitutionnel. 2024. “Le Conseil constitutionnel annule, en raison des dysfonctionnements intervenus lors du vote électronique.” https://www.conseil-constitutionnel.fr/actualites/le-conseil-constitutionnel-annule-en-raison-des-dysfonctionnements-intervenus-lors-du-vote
INSEE. 2024. “Le répertoire électoral unique.” https://www.insee.fr/fr/information/3539086
Service-Public. 2024. “Élections : droit de vote d’un citoyen européen en France.” https://www.service-public.fr/particuliers/vosdroits/F1937
Stéphan, N. 2022. “3,3 millions d’électeurs ont établi au moins une procuration pour les élections de 2022.” INSEE Focus 273. Available at https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/6480276
Conseil Constitutionnel. 2024. “Le Conseil constitutionnel annule, en raison des dysfonctionnements intervenus lors du vote électronique.” https://www.conseil-constitutionnel.fr/actualites/le-conseil-constitutionnel-annule-en-raison-des-dysfonctionnements-intervenus-lors-du-vote
INSEE. 2024. “Le répertoire électoral unique.” https://www.insee.fr/fr/information/3539086
Service-Public. 2024. “Élections : droit de vote d’un citoyen européen en France.” https://www.service-public.fr/particuliers/vosdroits/F1937
Stéphan, N. 2022. “3,3 millions d’électeurs ont établi au moins une procuration pour les élections de 2022.” INSEE Focus 273. Available at https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/6480276
Germany
According to the Federal Election Act (Bundeswahlgesetz), all German citizens who are at least 18 years old are eligible to vote. German citizenship is defined in Article 116 of the Basic Law. At the state level, analogous State Election Acts are in place. In recent years, several states and their municipalities have reduced the voting age to 16 years. Only at the municipal level and in elections to the European Parliament do non-Germans with EU citizenship have a right to vote.
German citizens residing abroad are eligible to vote if they have lived in the Federal Republic of Germany for at least three uninterrupted months. This stay must occur after the age of 14 and cannot be more than 25 years ago. If no such residency took place, citizens permanently residing outside of Germany can provide proof that they are personally affected by the political situation in Germany.
German citizens can only be disqualified from voting based on a judicial decision that declares them ineligible to vote (Bundeswahlleiterin, 2021a). This includes convicted criminals with a prison sentence of one year or more (§45 Abs.1 StGB). The exclusion of people incapable of contracting guilt and residing in psychiatric clinics and of disabled citizens needing caregivers for all matters was ruled unconstitutional by the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, 2019).
Regarding voter registration, it is generally not necessary for individuals to register to vote. Instead, all eligible voters are included in their municipality’s electoral roll if they reported their residence within Germany to the registration office at least 42 days before the election. In that case, all entitled voters receive an election notification up to 21 days before the election. If someone erroneously does not receive the notification, they can appeal against the electoral roll within the time frame of 20 to 16 days before the election (BMI, 2023).
The specific procedure for elections is described in the Federal Election Act and by Federal Election Regulations, with similar acts at the state level. This procedure includes the preparation of elections, the elections themselves, and the determination of the results. For supervision, the Federal Election Act prescribes electoral bodies whose members are bound to discretion and to perform their duties impartially. Additionally, the execution of the election in the polling stations is organized by election workers (Wahlhelfer*innen), who are responsible for tasks such as verifying a voter’s eligibility based on the electoral roll, counting the votes, and determining the result for the respective district. The role of election workers is honorary; if appointed, the position is obligatory for each eligible voter.
Elections in Germany are always held on a Sunday, with polling stations open from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. This schedule ensures that a majority of voters are able to vote in person. German elections follow five electoral principles based on Article 38 of the Basic Law: they are universal, direct, free, equal, and secret.
In addition to voting on Election Day, early voting is available to all eligible voters, either in person or by mail. Voters receive a form to request a ballot paper along with their election notification. This ballot paper can then be used to vote before the election date, either by mail or in person at the responsible municipal authority office. Voters can request ballot papers until the Friday before the election. For the vote to be counted, the ballot must be submitted to the relevant office no later than 6 p.m. on the Sunday of the election.
The Federal Ministry of Interior and Community estimates there are around 90,000 polling stations, given that an electoral district comprises municipalities or districts with up to 2,500 inhabitants. Polling stations should be barrier-free for voters with disabilities, considering the general accessibility of the location itself and the setup of the polling station. The election notification informs voters whether the polling station is barrier-free in practice. If needed, election workers provide voter assistance to people with disabilities.
The free and fair elections index assigned Germany a value of 0.95, suggesting that government intimidation and election fraud are not particularly present in Germany. Similarly, the clean elections index for 2022 categorizes Germany as having almost no voting irregularities, assuming that any observed irregularities are likely unintentional and not biased toward specific groups’ participation (V-Dem, 2022).
German citizens residing abroad are eligible to vote if they have lived in the Federal Republic of Germany for at least three uninterrupted months. This stay must occur after the age of 14 and cannot be more than 25 years ago. If no such residency took place, citizens permanently residing outside of Germany can provide proof that they are personally affected by the political situation in Germany.
German citizens can only be disqualified from voting based on a judicial decision that declares them ineligible to vote (Bundeswahlleiterin, 2021a). This includes convicted criminals with a prison sentence of one year or more (§45 Abs.1 StGB). The exclusion of people incapable of contracting guilt and residing in psychiatric clinics and of disabled citizens needing caregivers for all matters was ruled unconstitutional by the Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht, 2019).
Regarding voter registration, it is generally not necessary for individuals to register to vote. Instead, all eligible voters are included in their municipality’s electoral roll if they reported their residence within Germany to the registration office at least 42 days before the election. In that case, all entitled voters receive an election notification up to 21 days before the election. If someone erroneously does not receive the notification, they can appeal against the electoral roll within the time frame of 20 to 16 days before the election (BMI, 2023).
The specific procedure for elections is described in the Federal Election Act and by Federal Election Regulations, with similar acts at the state level. This procedure includes the preparation of elections, the elections themselves, and the determination of the results. For supervision, the Federal Election Act prescribes electoral bodies whose members are bound to discretion and to perform their duties impartially. Additionally, the execution of the election in the polling stations is organized by election workers (Wahlhelfer*innen), who are responsible for tasks such as verifying a voter’s eligibility based on the electoral roll, counting the votes, and determining the result for the respective district. The role of election workers is honorary; if appointed, the position is obligatory for each eligible voter.
Elections in Germany are always held on a Sunday, with polling stations open from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. This schedule ensures that a majority of voters are able to vote in person. German elections follow five electoral principles based on Article 38 of the Basic Law: they are universal, direct, free, equal, and secret.
In addition to voting on Election Day, early voting is available to all eligible voters, either in person or by mail. Voters receive a form to request a ballot paper along with their election notification. This ballot paper can then be used to vote before the election date, either by mail or in person at the responsible municipal authority office. Voters can request ballot papers until the Friday before the election. For the vote to be counted, the ballot must be submitted to the relevant office no later than 6 p.m. on the Sunday of the election.
The Federal Ministry of Interior and Community estimates there are around 90,000 polling stations, given that an electoral district comprises municipalities or districts with up to 2,500 inhabitants. Polling stations should be barrier-free for voters with disabilities, considering the general accessibility of the location itself and the setup of the polling station. The election notification informs voters whether the polling station is barrier-free in practice. If needed, election workers provide voter assistance to people with disabilities.
The free and fair elections index assigned Germany a value of 0.95, suggesting that government intimidation and election fraud are not particularly present in Germany. Similarly, the clean elections index for 2022 categorizes Germany as having almost no voting irregularities, assuming that any observed irregularities are likely unintentional and not biased toward specific groups’ participation (V-Dem, 2022).
Citations:
Bundeswahlleiterin. 2021. “Federal Elections Act.” https://bundeswahlleiterin.de/en/dam/jcr/4ff317c1-041f-4ba7-bbbf-1e5dc45097b3/bundeswahlgesetz_engl.pdf
Bundesverfassungsgericht. 2019. “Wahlrechtsausschlüsse für Betreute in allen Angelegenheiten und wegen Schuldunfähigkeit untergebrachte Straftäter verfassungswidrig.” Pressemitteilung Nr. 13/2019 vom 21. Februar 2019.
BMI, Bundesministerium des Inneren und für Heimat. 2023. “Ablauf der Bundestagswahl.” https://www.bmi.bund.de/DE/themen/verfassung/wahlrecht/bundestagswahl-ablauf/bundestagswahl-ablauf-node.html
Bundeswahlleiterin. 2021. “Information für Wahlhelfende.” https://bundeswahlleiterin.de/bundestagswahlen/2021/informationen-wahlhelfer.html#364debfa-09ab-40a9-913f-dc3b483cf432
Our World in Data. 2022. https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/free-and-fair-elections-index?tab=chart&country=~DEU
Varieties of Democracy. 2022. “https://www.v-dem.net/data_analysis/CountryGraph/”
Bundeswahlleiterin. 2021. “Federal Elections Act.” https://bundeswahlleiterin.de/en/dam/jcr/4ff317c1-041f-4ba7-bbbf-1e5dc45097b3/bundeswahlgesetz_engl.pdf
Bundesverfassungsgericht. 2019. “Wahlrechtsausschlüsse für Betreute in allen Angelegenheiten und wegen Schuldunfähigkeit untergebrachte Straftäter verfassungswidrig.” Pressemitteilung Nr. 13/2019 vom 21. Februar 2019.
BMI, Bundesministerium des Inneren und für Heimat. 2023. “Ablauf der Bundestagswahl.” https://www.bmi.bund.de/DE/themen/verfassung/wahlrecht/bundestagswahl-ablauf/bundestagswahl-ablauf-node.html
Bundeswahlleiterin. 2021. “Information für Wahlhelfende.” https://bundeswahlleiterin.de/bundestagswahlen/2021/informationen-wahlhelfer.html#364debfa-09ab-40a9-913f-dc3b483cf432
Our World in Data. 2022. https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/free-and-fair-elections-index?tab=chart&country=~DEU
Varieties of Democracy. 2022. “https://www.v-dem.net/data_analysis/CountryGraph/”
Greece
In Greece, there are no significant legal or practical barriers that prevent citizens or specific societal groups from exercising their right to vote. Citizens face no discrimination or disincentives in this regard.
Until 2023, Greek citizens living abroad had to return to Greece to vote. However, a new law now allows these citizens to vote by mail, which will be tested for the first time in the European Parliament elections in May 2024 (Michalopoulos, 2023).
Since 2016, the minimum voting age in Greece has been lowered to 17 years. Voter registration is automatic and without barriers, as Greeks are registered at birth in the municipality where their family resides. Consequently, municipal records serve the dual purpose of containing demographic data for all Greek citizens and acting as the official list of eligible voters.
However, delays in updating these records – specifically in removing the names of deceased citizens or those who have permanently left Greece – result in over-inflated electoral registers. This inflation leads to a discrepancy between the number of registered voters and the actual number of eligible voters, thus affecting the calculation of electoral turnout. A new bill, expected to be adopted in early 2023, aims to address this issue by regulating the process of cleansing electoral registers.
Elections in Greece are conducted smoothly, thanks to an impartial and highly competent electoral management body composed of senior officials from the Ministry of Interior. These officials are supported by well-trained staff and receive the necessary financial resources to administer elections effectively. Trained civil servants and practicing lawyers from all electoral districts are summoned before election day, provided with instructions, and compensated for their work as polling station managers. Any issues that arise on election day are resolved by local first-instance courts.
Greece adheres to a regular four-year electoral cycle for multiparty elections. In the past, Greek governments occasionally exercised their right to dissolve parliament, leading to snap elections. However, since 2015, elections have followed a predictable four-year cycle.
Greece boasts a high number of polling stations – 21,199 across the country – with an average of 453 registered voters per station. Low-fare public transportation is available in mainland Greece, and polling stations are equipped with facilities for citizens with disabilities.
The ballot design is comprehensive and user-friendly, ensuring that the secrecy of the ballot is maintained without issues. There have been no reported incidents of voter harassment, violence, or intimidation, nor have there been cases of double voting or impersonation. In summary, the election process in Greece is conducted in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner.
Until 2023, Greek citizens living abroad had to return to Greece to vote. However, a new law now allows these citizens to vote by mail, which will be tested for the first time in the European Parliament elections in May 2024 (Michalopoulos, 2023).
Since 2016, the minimum voting age in Greece has been lowered to 17 years. Voter registration is automatic and without barriers, as Greeks are registered at birth in the municipality where their family resides. Consequently, municipal records serve the dual purpose of containing demographic data for all Greek citizens and acting as the official list of eligible voters.
However, delays in updating these records – specifically in removing the names of deceased citizens or those who have permanently left Greece – result in over-inflated electoral registers. This inflation leads to a discrepancy between the number of registered voters and the actual number of eligible voters, thus affecting the calculation of electoral turnout. A new bill, expected to be adopted in early 2023, aims to address this issue by regulating the process of cleansing electoral registers.
Elections in Greece are conducted smoothly, thanks to an impartial and highly competent electoral management body composed of senior officials from the Ministry of Interior. These officials are supported by well-trained staff and receive the necessary financial resources to administer elections effectively. Trained civil servants and practicing lawyers from all electoral districts are summoned before election day, provided with instructions, and compensated for their work as polling station managers. Any issues that arise on election day are resolved by local first-instance courts.
Greece adheres to a regular four-year electoral cycle for multiparty elections. In the past, Greek governments occasionally exercised their right to dissolve parliament, leading to snap elections. However, since 2015, elections have followed a predictable four-year cycle.
Greece boasts a high number of polling stations – 21,199 across the country – with an average of 453 registered voters per station. Low-fare public transportation is available in mainland Greece, and polling stations are equipped with facilities for citizens with disabilities.
The ballot design is comprehensive and user-friendly, ensuring that the secrecy of the ballot is maintained without issues. There have been no reported incidents of voter harassment, violence, or intimidation, nor have there been cases of double voting or impersonation. In summary, the election process in Greece is conducted in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner.
Citations:
Michalopoulos, S. 2023. “Greece to test postal voting in EU elections for the first time.” Euractiv.com January 12. https://www.euractiv.com/section/elections/news/greece-to-test-postal-voting-in-eu-elections-for-the-first-time
Data on polling stations is drawn on the official website of the Ministry of Interior: https://www.ypes.gr/eklogika-tmimata/
Michalopoulos, S. 2023. “Greece to test postal voting in EU elections for the first time.” Euractiv.com January 12. https://www.euractiv.com/section/elections/news/greece-to-test-postal-voting-in-eu-elections-for-the-first-time
Data on polling stations is drawn on the official website of the Ministry of Interior: https://www.ypes.gr/eklogika-tmimata/
Lithuania
All citizens over the age of 18 on election day are eligible to vote. Citizens living abroad may vote if they preregister. Several proposals for the introduction of internet-based voting have been rejected by the parliament, although this issue continues to reappear on the political agenda. Votes can be cast in person on election day, but provisions are also made for early voting, out-of-country voting, voting in special institutions and voting for those who are housebound. According to the Central Electoral Commission (2023), in the municipal elections of March 2023, 9.41% of votes were cast during the period of early voting – that is, before election day on March 5. The elections are conducted according to the established schedule.
In general, the election process is carried out impartially and without discrimination. There are no specific disincentives to voting, although the absence of internet voting capabilities may limit participation rates for citizens living abroad, as overseas voting must be done in person at diplomatic missions typically located in the capitals or other major cities of foreign countries.
After the 2016 parliamentary elections, alleged cases of vote-buying in rural electoral districts emerged, leading to police investigations and the removal of one elected member of parliament from the party list. No such major cases of suspected vote-buying or other irregularities came to light during the 2019 municipal, presidential or European Parliament elections, the 2020 parliamentary elections, or the 2023 municipal elections.
It should be noted that the parliamentary elections in autumn 2020 took place amid the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. A longer period of early voting was allowed, more polling stations were established and drive-through voting was provided for voters in self-isolation. Social distancing measures were also enacted during voting on election day. As observed by the OSCE/ODIHR (2020), voters were afforded ample opportunities to cast ballots.
In general, the election process is carried out impartially and without discrimination. There are no specific disincentives to voting, although the absence of internet voting capabilities may limit participation rates for citizens living abroad, as overseas voting must be done in person at diplomatic missions typically located in the capitals or other major cities of foreign countries.
After the 2016 parliamentary elections, alleged cases of vote-buying in rural electoral districts emerged, leading to police investigations and the removal of one elected member of parliament from the party list. No such major cases of suspected vote-buying or other irregularities came to light during the 2019 municipal, presidential or European Parliament elections, the 2020 parliamentary elections, or the 2023 municipal elections.
It should be noted that the parliamentary elections in autumn 2020 took place amid the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. A longer period of early voting was allowed, more polling stations were established and drive-through voting was provided for voters in self-isolation. Social distancing measures were also enacted during voting on election day. As observed by the OSCE/ODIHR (2020), voters were afforded ample opportunities to cast ballots.
Citations:
Central Electoral Commission of Lithuania. 2023. “The Results of the Municipal Elections 2023 (in Lithuanian).” https://www.vrk.lt/savivaldybiu-tarybu-ir-meru-2023/rezultatai?srcUrl=/rinkimai/1304/1/aktyvumasIsankstinis/lt/aktyvumasIsankstinisBendras_balsData-2023-03-04T00-00-00.html?p_p_id=82&p_p_lifecycle=1&p_p_state=normal&p_p_mode=view&_82_struts_action=%2Flanguage%2Fview&languageId=en_GB?p_p_id=82&p_p_lifecycle=1&p_p_state=normal&p_p_mode=view&_82_struts_action=%2Flanguage%2Fview&languageId=en_GB
OSCE/ODIHR Lithuania. 2020. “Parliamentary Elections, 11 and 25 October 2020: Final Report.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/lithuania/477730
OSCE/ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report on the 2019 presidential election in Lithuania, https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/lithuania/433352?download=true
OSCE/ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Report on the 2016 parliamentary elections in Lithuania, http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/lithuania/296446
Central Electoral Commission of Lithuania. 2023. “The Results of the Municipal Elections 2023 (in Lithuanian).” https://www.vrk.lt/savivaldybiu-tarybu-ir-meru-2023/rezultatai?srcUrl=/rinkimai/1304/1/aktyvumasIsankstinis/lt/aktyvumasIsankstinisBendras_balsData-2023-03-04T00-00-00.html?p_p_id=82&p_p_lifecycle=1&p_p_state=normal&p_p_mode=view&_82_struts_action=%2Flanguage%2Fview&languageId=en_GB?p_p_id=82&p_p_lifecycle=1&p_p_state=normal&p_p_mode=view&_82_struts_action=%2Flanguage%2Fview&languageId=en_GB
OSCE/ODIHR Lithuania. 2020. “Parliamentary Elections, 11 and 25 October 2020: Final Report.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/lithuania/477730
OSCE/ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report on the 2019 presidential election in Lithuania, https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/lithuania/433352?download=true
OSCE/ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Report on the 2016 parliamentary elections in Lithuania, http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/lithuania/296446
Norway
All Norwegian citizens over the age of 18 have the right to vote in national elections. In local elections, individuals over 18 with at least three years of legal residence in Norway or those who are citizens of another Nordic country also have the right to vote. Elections are held every four years for both the national parliament (the Storting) and the municipal and county councils. Voting rights are generally based on objective criteria, with few disputes over individual voting rights. Municipal electoral committees, appointed by the democratically elected municipal councils (kommunestyrer), are responsible for the practical organization and administration of municipal and national parliamentary elections in Norway (Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development, 2017).
Electoral campaigns and the voting process are generally considered fair and transparent. Polling stations are traditionally located in primary schools, but other locations – such as old-age care institutions and kiosks in public spaces – are increasingly used. Political parties typically provide transportation to polling stations for those in need. Early voting has become popular; in the 2023 local elections, 42% of all votes were cast early. All voting requires personal attendance. Polling stations are plentiful, and queues are not a problem. The counting of votes is peaceful and typically uncontested. The distribution of seats in municipal and county councils, as well as in the national parliament, follows clearly defined and transparent rules, and electoral outcomes are typically undisputed.
In cases of reported misconduct, mistakes, or other irregularities, the Ministry of Interior may decide to repeal the original result and hold a new election. This rarely happens, but in the local elections in 2023, the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development (2023) nullified the county council election results in one municipality due to an inadvertent error in the availability of ballot papers at one polling station.
Electoral campaigns and the voting process are generally considered fair and transparent. Polling stations are traditionally located in primary schools, but other locations – such as old-age care institutions and kiosks in public spaces – are increasingly used. Political parties typically provide transportation to polling stations for those in need. Early voting has become popular; in the 2023 local elections, 42% of all votes were cast early. All voting requires personal attendance. Polling stations are plentiful, and queues are not a problem. The counting of votes is peaceful and typically uncontested. The distribution of seats in municipal and county councils, as well as in the national parliament, follows clearly defined and transparent rules, and electoral outcomes are typically undisputed.
In cases of reported misconduct, mistakes, or other irregularities, the Ministry of Interior may decide to repeal the original result and hold a new election. This rarely happens, but in the local elections in 2023, the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development (2023) nullified the county council election results in one municipality due to an inadvertent error in the availability of ballot papers at one polling station.
Citations:
https://www.valg.no/en/
Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development. 2023. October 4.
Departementet påbyr omvalg i fylkestingsvalget i Moss kommune. https://www.regjeringen.no/no/aktuelt/departementet-pabyr-omvalg-i-fylkestingsvalget-i-moss-kommune/id2997404/
Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development. 2017. “Main Features of the Norwegian Electoral System.” https://www.regjeringen.no/en/topics/elections-and-democracy/den-norske-valgordningen/the-norwegian-electoral-system/id456636/#fire
https://www.valg.no/en/
Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development. 2023. October 4.
Departementet påbyr omvalg i fylkestingsvalget i Moss kommune. https://www.regjeringen.no/no/aktuelt/departementet-pabyr-omvalg-i-fylkestingsvalget-i-moss-kommune/id2997404/
Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development. 2017. “Main Features of the Norwegian Electoral System.” https://www.regjeringen.no/en/topics/elections-and-democracy/den-norske-valgordningen/the-norwegian-electoral-system/id456636/#fire
Slovakia
All citizens, both de jure and de facto, can exercise their right to vote without restrictions. Voting rights are granted to all citizens, including those without permanent residence or with felony convictions. There is no disenfranchisement due to a flawed voter registry since registration is passive. In rare cases of registry errors, citizens can request corrections through municipal administration and appeal decisions to the administrative court.
Elections are organized by three levels of election commissions, headed by the State Commission for Elections and Control of Financing of Political Parties (SEC). These levels include 50 District Election Commissions (DECs) and around 6,000 Local Election Commissions (PECs) serving a country with 5.5 million inhabitants. Voters who are unable to visit polling stations on election day, usually for health reasons, can request to vote via a portable ballot box.
The Ministry of Interior (MoI) and the Statistical Office support election commissions at all levels. The MoI handles technical preparations and methodological support. DECs and PECs, which are formed before each election, manage voting, counting, and results tabulation. Each DEC and PEC has at least five members nominated by election contestants. The Statistical Office administers results tabulation, sets up units in all DECs and the SEC, and installs a system for electronically processing election results.
The early 2023 parliamentary elections proceeded as scheduled, with minor delays in two PECs due to extended voting times for health reasons. Disabled citizens had the option to vote at home, highlighting issues with access. There were few incidents of harassment, violence, or intimidation against voters and voting commissions during the elections. Six thousand five hundred police officers maintained public order, and out of 123 reported violations before or during the elections, only five were classified as penal code violations. The results from one PEC were annulled due to the manipulation of envelopes by a commission member; this did not affect the overall election outcome.
Elections are organized by three levels of election commissions, headed by the State Commission for Elections and Control of Financing of Political Parties (SEC). These levels include 50 District Election Commissions (DECs) and around 6,000 Local Election Commissions (PECs) serving a country with 5.5 million inhabitants. Voters who are unable to visit polling stations on election day, usually for health reasons, can request to vote via a portable ballot box.
The Ministry of Interior (MoI) and the Statistical Office support election commissions at all levels. The MoI handles technical preparations and methodological support. DECs and PECs, which are formed before each election, manage voting, counting, and results tabulation. Each DEC and PEC has at least five members nominated by election contestants. The Statistical Office administers results tabulation, sets up units in all DECs and the SEC, and installs a system for electronically processing election results.
The early 2023 parliamentary elections proceeded as scheduled, with minor delays in two PECs due to extended voting times for health reasons. Disabled citizens had the option to vote at home, highlighting issues with access. There were few incidents of harassment, violence, or intimidation against voters and voting commissions during the elections. Six thousand five hundred police officers maintained public order, and out of 123 reported violations before or during the elections, only five were classified as penal code violations. The results from one PEC were annulled due to the manipulation of envelopes by a commission member; this did not affect the overall election outcome.
Citations:
Ministerstvo vnútra SR. 2023. “Štátna komisia pre voľby a kontrolu financovania politických strán vyhlásila oficiálne výsledky volieb do NR SR 2023.” https://www.minv.sk/?informacie-komisia-pre-volby&sprava=statna-komisia-pre-volby-a-kontrolu-financovania-politickych-stran-vyhlasila-oficialne-vysledky-volieb-do-nr-sr-2023
OSCE. 2023. “Slovak Republic. Early Parliamentary Elections 30 September 2023. ODHIR Needs Assessment Mission Report.” https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/f/c/548809_0.pdf
Zákon o podmienkach výkonu volebného práva a o zmene a doplnení niektorých zákonov. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2014-180
Ministerstvo vnútra SR. 2023. “Štátna komisia pre voľby a kontrolu financovania politických strán vyhlásila oficiálne výsledky volieb do NR SR 2023.” https://www.minv.sk/?informacie-komisia-pre-volby&sprava=statna-komisia-pre-volby-a-kontrolu-financovania-politickych-stran-vyhlasila-oficialne-vysledky-volieb-do-nr-sr-2023
OSCE. 2023. “Slovak Republic. Early Parliamentary Elections 30 September 2023. ODHIR Needs Assessment Mission Report.” https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/f/c/548809_0.pdf
Zákon o podmienkach výkonu volebného práva a o zmene a doplnení niektorých zákonov. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2014-180
Sweden
Eligible voters for the Swedish national elections include Swedish citizens over 18 who are either currently registered as residents or were registered as residents in the past in Sweden. EU citizens living in Sweden, regardless of how long they have been residents, along with residents from other countries or stateless persons who have resided in Sweden for 3 years prior to the election, have the right to vote in regional and local elections (Valmyndigheten, 2024).
The quality and robustness of the electoral system notwithstanding, the Swedish Election Authority has identified weaknesses following the 2022 elections and has made several recommendations, including (i) evaluating and simplifying the ballot system; (ii) demanding more rigor from parties regarding substantive representation in districts, such as implementing tighter registration rules; (iii) reviewing the system for voting from abroad; (iv) allocating more resources to the Swedish Election Authority to investigate complaints; and (v) giving more authority and power to the Election Authority to issue binding regulations (Valmyndigheten, 2023).
Recent work by Högström and colleagues (Högström and Jerhov 2023a; 2023b) highlights that despite robust democracy in Sweden, minor human errors in handling early votes and managing queues at voting places affect poll workers’ perception of the voting process quality, even if no serious errors occurred in the actual conduct of the elections. A recent report concludes that although there were fears about the spread of disinformation and misinformation on social media ahead of the 2022 elections, this did not happen, with the exception of small-scale activity on Twitter (currently known as X) (Svenonius et al. 2023).
The quality and robustness of the electoral system notwithstanding, the Swedish Election Authority has identified weaknesses following the 2022 elections and has made several recommendations, including (i) evaluating and simplifying the ballot system; (ii) demanding more rigor from parties regarding substantive representation in districts, such as implementing tighter registration rules; (iii) reviewing the system for voting from abroad; (iv) allocating more resources to the Swedish Election Authority to investigate complaints; and (v) giving more authority and power to the Election Authority to issue binding regulations (Valmyndigheten, 2023).
Recent work by Högström and colleagues (Högström and Jerhov 2023a; 2023b) highlights that despite robust democracy in Sweden, minor human errors in handling early votes and managing queues at voting places affect poll workers’ perception of the voting process quality, even if no serious errors occurred in the actual conduct of the elections. A recent report concludes that although there were fears about the spread of disinformation and misinformation on social media ahead of the 2022 elections, this did not happen, with the exception of small-scale activity on Twitter (currently known as X) (Svenonius et al. 2023).
Citations:
Högström, J., and C. Jerhov. 2023a. “Complaints Concerning Electoral Fraud and Administrative Inaccuracies: A Study of Complaints About the Parliamentary Elections in Sweden Between 2010 and 2018.” Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 22 (1): 27-44.
Högström, J., and C. Jerhov. 2023. “Köer och röstmottagningens kvalitet vid det svenska valet 2022: En studie med fokus på röstmottagarnas erfarenheter från valet.” Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift 125(4): 887–915.
Svenonius, O., Olsson, S., Michélsen Forsgren, M., Dungel, E., and Jarlsbo, M. 2023. Så Någon Valfusk? Informationsmiljön på Sociala Medier i Samband med Valrörelsen 2022. FOI Totalförsvarets Institutet. FOI-R – 5429-SE https://www.foi.se/rapportsammanfattning?reportNo=FOI-R–5429–SE
Valmyndigheten. 2023. “Erferenheter från Valen 2022.” Rapport: VAL-686. https://www.val.se/om-oss/vart-uppdrag/erfarenheter-fran-val.html
Valmyndigheten. 2024. “Rösträtt och Rostlängd.” https://www.val.se/att-rosta/vem-har-rostratt/rostratt-och-rostlangd.html
Högström, J., and C. Jerhov. 2023a. “Complaints Concerning Electoral Fraud and Administrative Inaccuracies: A Study of Complaints About the Parliamentary Elections in Sweden Between 2010 and 2018.” Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 22 (1): 27-44.
Högström, J., and C. Jerhov. 2023. “Köer och röstmottagningens kvalitet vid det svenska valet 2022: En studie med fokus på röstmottagarnas erfarenheter från valet.” Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift 125(4): 887–915.
Svenonius, O., Olsson, S., Michélsen Forsgren, M., Dungel, E., and Jarlsbo, M. 2023. Så Någon Valfusk? Informationsmiljön på Sociala Medier i Samband med Valrörelsen 2022. FOI Totalförsvarets Institutet. FOI-R – 5429-SE https://www.foi.se/rapportsammanfattning?reportNo=FOI-R–5429–SE
Valmyndigheten. 2023. “Erferenheter från Valen 2022.” Rapport: VAL-686. https://www.val.se/om-oss/vart-uppdrag/erfarenheter-fran-val.html
Valmyndigheten. 2024. “Rösträtt och Rostlängd.” https://www.val.se/att-rosta/vem-har-rostratt/rostratt-och-rostlangd.html
Netherlands
This observation period saw three elections: one national election (22 November 2023), combined local and water board elections (16 March 2022), and provincial elections (16 March 2023).
In each election, more than 20 national political parties and many more local political parties fielded candidates. Ballot design had to be changed due to the increase in the number of political parties on the ballot: in 2021, 37 parties fielded 1,579 candidates; in 2023, 26 parties fielded 1,128 candidates. Because of the large number of participating parties, vote counting (by hand, not by computer) took more time. Each election resulted in a different “winner” (meaning the minority party gathering the most votes and seats), which testifies both to the enormous volatility of the Dutch electorate and to the fact that elections are truly free and fair.
All Dutch citizens aged 18 or over residing in the Netherlands are equally entitled to run for election, although some restrictions apply in cases which the candidate suffers from a mental disorder, or when a special court order has temporarily deprived the individual of eligibility for election. Convicts have the right to vote by authorization only; as part of their conviction, some may be denied voting rights for two to five years over and above their prison terms. Convicts have turned to the court to acquire the right to have polling stations inside prisons, but were denied.
Contrary to other civil rights, the right to vote in national, provincial or water board elections is restricted to the 13.3 million citizens with Dutch nationality who are at least 18 years old (as of election day). Since the elections in 2010, each voter has been obliged to show a legally approved ID in addition to a voting card/pass. Legally approved IDs include either a (nonexpired) passport or driver’s license. For local elections, voting rights apply to all individuals who have been registered as legal residents for at least five years, and to all EU nationals residing in the Netherlands.
Persons entitled to vote receive an invitation to vote and a voting pass/card at their home address no later than 14 days before the elections. No later than the Friday before voting, eligible voters will receive at home the list of candidates, as well as the addresses and opening times of polling stations and mobile polling stations. In 2023 there were approximately 9,500 polling stations, all wheelchair accessible. Corrected for housing prices, the median distance between a voter’s home address and a polling station was 300-400 meters.
Bearing testimony to the high level of trust in election procedures, the law regulates complaints and appeals regarding specific “up-front” parts of the electoral process, such as voter registration, registration of party names, candidate registration and election day proceedings, but there are no specific rules or regulations permitting judicial appeals related to crucial aspects including campaign finance behavior, campaigning or challenges to the election results. Only as late as 2023, in a generally more distrusting public mood, was the ballot counting process made public. In the 2023 election ballot-tallying process, the Election Council ordered one local government to recount due to a difference between the number of voting passes and votes cast.
Persons entitled to vote receive an invitation to vote at their home address no later than 14 days before the elections: a voting pass. No later than the Friday before voting, eligible voters are to receive the list of candidates, as well as the addresses and opening times of polling stations and mobile polling stations at home. Indicative of the high level of trust in election procedures in the Netherlands is the fact that the law regulates complaints and appeals regarding the input and some throughput parts of the electoral process, such as voter registration, registration of party names, candidate registration and election day proceedings, but there are no specific rules or regulations permitting judicial appeals to crucial throughput aspects such as campaign finance and style of campaigning. Nor are there provisions for challenging the election results themselves. However, election results in 2021 were also checked by volunteers from the Open State Foundation. Except for some aggression directed at extreme right-wing FvD’s political leader, Baudet, there were no irregularities reported in 2023.
In each election, more than 20 national political parties and many more local political parties fielded candidates. Ballot design had to be changed due to the increase in the number of political parties on the ballot: in 2021, 37 parties fielded 1,579 candidates; in 2023, 26 parties fielded 1,128 candidates. Because of the large number of participating parties, vote counting (by hand, not by computer) took more time. Each election resulted in a different “winner” (meaning the minority party gathering the most votes and seats), which testifies both to the enormous volatility of the Dutch electorate and to the fact that elections are truly free and fair.
All Dutch citizens aged 18 or over residing in the Netherlands are equally entitled to run for election, although some restrictions apply in cases which the candidate suffers from a mental disorder, or when a special court order has temporarily deprived the individual of eligibility for election. Convicts have the right to vote by authorization only; as part of their conviction, some may be denied voting rights for two to five years over and above their prison terms. Convicts have turned to the court to acquire the right to have polling stations inside prisons, but were denied.
Contrary to other civil rights, the right to vote in national, provincial or water board elections is restricted to the 13.3 million citizens with Dutch nationality who are at least 18 years old (as of election day). Since the elections in 2010, each voter has been obliged to show a legally approved ID in addition to a voting card/pass. Legally approved IDs include either a (nonexpired) passport or driver’s license. For local elections, voting rights apply to all individuals who have been registered as legal residents for at least five years, and to all EU nationals residing in the Netherlands.
Persons entitled to vote receive an invitation to vote and a voting pass/card at their home address no later than 14 days before the elections. No later than the Friday before voting, eligible voters will receive at home the list of candidates, as well as the addresses and opening times of polling stations and mobile polling stations. In 2023 there were approximately 9,500 polling stations, all wheelchair accessible. Corrected for housing prices, the median distance between a voter’s home address and a polling station was 300-400 meters.
Bearing testimony to the high level of trust in election procedures, the law regulates complaints and appeals regarding specific “up-front” parts of the electoral process, such as voter registration, registration of party names, candidate registration and election day proceedings, but there are no specific rules or regulations permitting judicial appeals related to crucial aspects including campaign finance behavior, campaigning or challenges to the election results. Only as late as 2023, in a generally more distrusting public mood, was the ballot counting process made public. In the 2023 election ballot-tallying process, the Election Council ordered one local government to recount due to a difference between the number of voting passes and votes cast.
Persons entitled to vote receive an invitation to vote at their home address no later than 14 days before the elections: a voting pass. No later than the Friday before voting, eligible voters are to receive the list of candidates, as well as the addresses and opening times of polling stations and mobile polling stations at home. Indicative of the high level of trust in election procedures in the Netherlands is the fact that the law regulates complaints and appeals regarding the input and some throughput parts of the electoral process, such as voter registration, registration of party names, candidate registration and election day proceedings, but there are no specific rules or regulations permitting judicial appeals to crucial throughput aspects such as campaign finance and style of campaigning. Nor are there provisions for challenging the election results themselves. However, election results in 2021 were also checked by volunteers from the Open State Foundation. Except for some aggression directed at extreme right-wing FvD’s political leader, Baudet, there were no irregularities reported in 2023.
Citations:
NOS Nieuws. 2023. “Minder stembureaus dan in 2019, maar wel beter toegankelijk.” maandag 13 maart.
Kantar Public. 2023. “Evaluatie Verkiezingen. Evaluatie van de verkiezingen van de leden van de Provinciale Staten en van de Waterschappen, 15 maart 2023.” Published April 25.
NU.nl. 2023. “Politieke kopstukken geschokt na tweede aanval op Baudet: ‘Unacceptabel’.” November 20.
Open State Foundation. n.d. “Open Verkiezingsuitslagen 2021.”
NOS Nieuws. 2023. “Minder stembureaus dan in 2019, maar wel beter toegankelijk.” maandag 13 maart.
Kantar Public. 2023. “Evaluatie Verkiezingen. Evaluatie van de verkiezingen van de leden van de Provinciale Staten en van de Waterschappen, 15 maart 2023.” Published April 25.
NU.nl. 2023. “Politieke kopstukken geschokt na tweede aanval op Baudet: ‘Unacceptabel’.” November 20.
Open State Foundation. n.d. “Open Verkiezingsuitslagen 2021.”
9
Australia
However, there is noteworthy variation in turnout across the country. Lower turnout rates in regional areas with large Indigenous populations are of particular concern (Central Land Council 2022). Contributing factors to this disparity include lower information penetration, lower levels of educational literacy, and inadequate interpreter and translation services in these regions. Post-election analyses also show higher rates of informal voting – when a vote is submitted but not counted due to errors in ballot completion – in Indigenous communities compared to other areas.
The homeless population also exhibits low levels of electoral participation (Coram et al. 2019). This demographic faces difficulties enrolling to vote and maintaining their enrollment due to frequent changes in accommodation.
Certain minority communities encounter barriers to participation, often related to English language proficiency. For instance, while the rate of informal voting was around 3% nationwide in the 2022 federal election, it was significantly higher in multicultural communities. In the electorate of Fowler in western Sydney, which has large Vietnamese and Chinese populations, the informal vote rate exceeded 10% (Jakubowicz 2023). Additionally, non-citizen permanent residents are not eligible to vote.
Individuals with cognitive disabilities represent another marginalized group. Thousands of Australians have been removed from the electoral roll under the “soundness of mind” clause (Ramcharan et al. 2023). There has been little systematic effort by government agencies to increase the inclusion of people with cognitive disabilities, and there is no requirement for political parties and candidates to provide campaign information in cognitively accessible ways.
Prisoners serving sentences of less than three years, those on early release, or those on parole are entitled to vote via postal vote or prison mobile polling teams, provided they satisfy other voting requirements (Australian Electoral Commission 2023).
The homeless population also exhibits low levels of electoral participation (Coram et al. 2019). This demographic faces difficulties enrolling to vote and maintaining their enrollment due to frequent changes in accommodation.
Certain minority communities encounter barriers to participation, often related to English language proficiency. For instance, while the rate of informal voting was around 3% nationwide in the 2022 federal election, it was significantly higher in multicultural communities. In the electorate of Fowler in western Sydney, which has large Vietnamese and Chinese populations, the informal vote rate exceeded 10% (Jakubowicz 2023). Additionally, non-citizen permanent residents are not eligible to vote.
Individuals with cognitive disabilities represent another marginalized group. Thousands of Australians have been removed from the electoral roll under the “soundness of mind” clause (Ramcharan et al. 2023). There has been little systematic effort by government agencies to increase the inclusion of people with cognitive disabilities, and there is no requirement for political parties and candidates to provide campaign information in cognitively accessible ways.
Prisoners serving sentences of less than three years, those on early release, or those on parole are entitled to vote via postal vote or prison mobile polling teams, provided they satisfy other voting requirements (Australian Electoral Commission 2023).
Citations:
Jakubowicz, A. 2023. “Will multicultural Australians support the Voice? The success of the referendum may hinge on it.” The Conversation February 9. https://theconversation.com/will-multicultural-australians-support-the-voice-the-success-of-the-referendum-may-hinge-on-it-199304
Ramcharan, P., McVilly, K., Despott, N., and Bloomfield, C. 2023. “Australia Must Include People with Cognitive Disability in Politics.” Pursuit September 20. https://pursuit.unimelb.edu.au/articles/australia-must-include-people-with-cognitive-disability-in-politics
Australian Electoral Commission. 2007. “Fact Sheet: Prisoner Voting.” Australian Electoral Commission October.
https://aec.gov.au/About_AEC/Publications/Fact_Sheets/fact_sheets/prisoner-voting.pdf
Central Land Council. 2022. “Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters Inquiry into the 2022 Federal Election.” Central Land Council. https://www.clc.org.au/files/SUB-221024-CLC-submission-to-JSCEM-Inquiry-into-2022-Federal-Election-FINAL.pdf
Coram, V., Louth, J., Hill, L., Tually, S., and Goodwin-Smith, I. 2019. An Exploration of Homelessness and Electoral Participation. University of South Australia and The University of Adelaide. https://www.aec.gov.au/About_AEC/research/files/an-exploration-of-homelessness-and-electoral-participation.pdf
Jakubowicz, A. 2023. “Will multicultural Australians support the Voice? The success of the referendum may hinge on it.” The Conversation February 9. https://theconversation.com/will-multicultural-australians-support-the-voice-the-success-of-the-referendum-may-hinge-on-it-199304
Ramcharan, P., McVilly, K., Despott, N., and Bloomfield, C. 2023. “Australia Must Include People with Cognitive Disability in Politics.” Pursuit September 20. https://pursuit.unimelb.edu.au/articles/australia-must-include-people-with-cognitive-disability-in-politics
Australian Electoral Commission. 2007. “Fact Sheet: Prisoner Voting.” Australian Electoral Commission October.
https://aec.gov.au/About_AEC/Publications/Fact_Sheets/fact_sheets/prisoner-voting.pdf
Central Land Council. 2022. “Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters Inquiry into the 2022 Federal Election.” Central Land Council. https://www.clc.org.au/files/SUB-221024-CLC-submission-to-JSCEM-Inquiry-into-2022-Federal-Election-FINAL.pdf
Coram, V., Louth, J., Hill, L., Tually, S., and Goodwin-Smith, I. 2019. An Exploration of Homelessness and Electoral Participation. University of South Australia and The University of Adelaide. https://www.aec.gov.au/About_AEC/research/files/an-exploration-of-homelessness-and-electoral-participation.pdf
Canada
Voting in Canada is free and fair, having been conducted with a universal adult franchise since the 1960s, with female suffrage established at the beginning of the 20th century. Election agencies operate at arm’s length from the government and are deemed to be of high quality. Significant efforts are made to facilitate voting through early voting, mail-in ballots, and widespread rural polling in public buildings within small communities.
In Canada, citizens generally enjoy both de jure (legal) and de facto (practical) rights to vote. The most important de jure aspect is universal suffrage. Although earlier in its history the vote was limited to adult male literate property owners, Canada now practices universal suffrage. This means that all citizens who meet certain minimum requirements regarding age and citizenship have the right to vote in federal, provincial/territorial, and municipal elections. The legal voting age in Canada is 18 years old. Citizens who have reached this age are eligible to vote in federal, provincial, and municipal elections. Generally, only Canadian citizens are eligible to vote in federal elections. In some provinces and territories, there are also residency requirements for voting in provincial or territorial elections. Voters are usually required to be residents of the electoral district in which they wish to vote, and sometimes must have resided in a particular location for a set period of time (Blais et al. 2003).
To vote, citizens must be registered on the electoral roll. Registration processes vary by jurisdiction but are generally designed to ensure all eligible voters are included. Registration can usually be completed up to and including the day of voting.
Other de facto (or practical) aspects of the franchise exist. These include efforts to ensure that polling stations are accessible to all citizens, including those with disabilities, and that accommodations are provided in terms of poll locations to facilitate voting in rural and other widespread areas. To accommodate different schedules and situations, provisions for early voting and absentee voting are typically available in some jurisdictions.
Governments and election authorities conduct voter education campaigns to inform citizens about the electoral process, registration procedures, and voting methods through traditional and extensive social media information campaigns.
At the federal level, Canada recognizes both English and French as official languages, and citizens have the right to receive election information in either language. This helps ensure that language barriers do not impede the exercise of voting rights.
While Canada makes significant efforts to ensure broad and inclusive participation, challenges or barriers may still exist and can vary by region. Some groups, such as Indigenous communities or those facing socioeconomic challenges, may encounter unique obstacles to fully exercising their voting rights, including language issues and difficulties voting in thinly populated rural areas.
In Canada, citizens generally enjoy both de jure (legal) and de facto (practical) rights to vote. The most important de jure aspect is universal suffrage. Although earlier in its history the vote was limited to adult male literate property owners, Canada now practices universal suffrage. This means that all citizens who meet certain minimum requirements regarding age and citizenship have the right to vote in federal, provincial/territorial, and municipal elections. The legal voting age in Canada is 18 years old. Citizens who have reached this age are eligible to vote in federal, provincial, and municipal elections. Generally, only Canadian citizens are eligible to vote in federal elections. In some provinces and territories, there are also residency requirements for voting in provincial or territorial elections. Voters are usually required to be residents of the electoral district in which they wish to vote, and sometimes must have resided in a particular location for a set period of time (Blais et al. 2003).
To vote, citizens must be registered on the electoral roll. Registration processes vary by jurisdiction but are generally designed to ensure all eligible voters are included. Registration can usually be completed up to and including the day of voting.
Other de facto (or practical) aspects of the franchise exist. These include efforts to ensure that polling stations are accessible to all citizens, including those with disabilities, and that accommodations are provided in terms of poll locations to facilitate voting in rural and other widespread areas. To accommodate different schedules and situations, provisions for early voting and absentee voting are typically available in some jurisdictions.
Governments and election authorities conduct voter education campaigns to inform citizens about the electoral process, registration procedures, and voting methods through traditional and extensive social media information campaigns.
At the federal level, Canada recognizes both English and French as official languages, and citizens have the right to receive election information in either language. This helps ensure that language barriers do not impede the exercise of voting rights.
While Canada makes significant efforts to ensure broad and inclusive participation, challenges or barriers may still exist and can vary by region. Some groups, such as Indigenous communities or those facing socioeconomic challenges, may encounter unique obstacles to fully exercising their voting rights, including language issues and difficulties voting in thinly populated rural areas.
Citations:
Blais, André, Louis Massicotte, and Antoine Yoshinaka. 2003. Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies. 2nd ed. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Blais, André, Louis Massicotte, and Antoine Yoshinaka. 2003. Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies. 2nd ed. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press.
Czechia
All adult citizens, including convicted prisoners, can participate in national elections, and voter registration is relatively straightforward. EU citizens who are permanent residents of Czechia can participate in municipal and European elections. As of 2018, EU citizens who are temporary residents of Czechia can also participate in municipal elections. However, while there are special provisions for a mobile ballot box to facilitate voting for the disabled and seriously ill, there is no general ability to vote by mail. Czech citizens residing abroad can only vote at Czech embassies and consulates and must meet a specific deadline for registration. During the period under study, the pressure for a postal ballot – especially for citizens living abroad – has intensified and was included in the program statement of the Fiala government.
The Czech Republic has a dense system of voting locations with voting booths, where one location typically serves 1,000 people. Citizens have easy access to information on where and when to vote. Ballots are mailed to citizens’ registered home addresses (domicile), and no voting registration is required, making voting easy and accessible (e15, 2023).
Citizens can use the courts to complain about irregularities, and 1,000 such complaints were raised in early 2023 regarding the presidential election. However, 600 complaints were raised either too early or too late to be considered. Additionally, there were numerous duplicated complaints, indicating organized campaigns. Of the 400 complaints investigated, a number were upheld, identifying errors in counting when the number of ballot papers returned did not match the total number of votes recorded. Small corrections to the candidates’ votes were subsequently made.
The Czech Republic has a dense system of voting locations with voting booths, where one location typically serves 1,000 people. Citizens have easy access to information on where and when to vote. Ballots are mailed to citizens’ registered home addresses (domicile), and no voting registration is required, making voting easy and accessible (e15, 2023).
Citizens can use the courts to complain about irregularities, and 1,000 such complaints were raised in early 2023 regarding the presidential election. However, 600 complaints were raised either too early or too late to be considered. Additionally, there were numerous duplicated complaints, indicating organized campaigns. Of the 400 complaints investigated, a number were upheld, identifying errors in counting when the number of ballot papers returned did not match the total number of votes recorded. Small corrections to the candidates’ votes were subsequently made.
Citations:
https://www.e15.cz/volebni-mistnosti-okrsky-obvody-kde-volit
https://www.nssoud.cz/aktualne/tiskove-zpravy/detail/souhrnna-informace-k-podanim-tykajicim-se-volby-prezidenta-republiky-1
https://www.e15.cz/volebni-mistnosti-okrsky-obvody-kde-volit
https://www.nssoud.cz/aktualne/tiskove-zpravy/detail/souhrnna-informace-k-podanim-tykajicim-se-volby-prezidenta-republiky-1
Ireland
Voting rights in Ireland are granted to all citizens, except those without permanent residence and those with criminal convictions. Although there is no population register, an electoral register is compiled by local authorities. To register, a person must ordinarily reside at the address recorded in the electoral register by September 1st of each year. There is some proactive promotion of registration, and there have been no changes in voting and registration rules in recent years. Attempts to update registration data bases need to be continued. All Irish citizens aged 18 and over are entitled to vote in all elections and referendums. British citizens resident in Ireland may vote in parliamentary, European and local elections. Other EU citizens may vote in European and local elections, while non-EU citizens may vote only in local elections. The provision for absentee, email or early voting is limited, with significant restrictions on postal voting.
Although there is little disenfranchisement due to a flawed voter registry, there are inconsistencies, such as outdated records, double registrations and issuance of voting cards for deceased citizens. These issues highlight weak local administrative capacity and a lack of investment, awareness and concern. According to the local autonomy index (Ladner et al., 2015), Ireland ranks as one of the weakest countries in Europe in terms of local autonomy, limiting the potential role of local government in procurement and regional planning. Individuals denied the right to vote or register can appeal to a competent jurisdiction to review and rectify such decisions promptly. The 2023 Electoral Commission is expected to be an impartial and capable electoral management body, equipped with sufficient and trained staff and financial resources to effectively administer elections.
Multiparty elections in Ireland are conducted according to the established schedule, with local elections scheduled alongside EU (every five years), national (at least every five years), and presidential (every seven years) elections. The process is impartial and non-discriminatory, with an adequate number of polling stations relative to population density. Guidelines for electoral districts, accessibility of polling stations (often public schools), voting timeframes and dates (specified by law), comprehensive ballot design and full secret ballots are all in place, with no recent changes. Provisions for voter assistance, such as braille, are available, but could improve.
V-Dem (2023) rates Ireland 6th in its global database, scoring 889 on electoral democracy and 824 on liberal democracy. The OSCE did not recommend monitoring the 2016 or 2020 general elections and expressed high levels of trust in the integrity of the electoral process, including voting and counting procedures on election day. They, however, acknowledged concerns about the absence of a centralized voter registration process, the underregulated field of social media and the need for a permanent electoral commission (now established) to oversee electoral preparations and guide the conduct of TV debates. There have been no significant recent incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters, nor irregularities observed in the voter registry, such as double voting or impersonation, intentional withholding of voting materials, dissemination of misleading information about voting procedures, ballot-stuffing, or misreporting of votes. Irregularities can be resolved through the Electoral Commission and local authority processes. According to NESC (2023), quoting the national well-being framework, 82% of people were satisfied with how democracy works in Ireland in spring 2023, compared to the EU average of 58% (up from 73% in spring 2017).
Although there is little disenfranchisement due to a flawed voter registry, there are inconsistencies, such as outdated records, double registrations and issuance of voting cards for deceased citizens. These issues highlight weak local administrative capacity and a lack of investment, awareness and concern. According to the local autonomy index (Ladner et al., 2015), Ireland ranks as one of the weakest countries in Europe in terms of local autonomy, limiting the potential role of local government in procurement and regional planning. Individuals denied the right to vote or register can appeal to a competent jurisdiction to review and rectify such decisions promptly. The 2023 Electoral Commission is expected to be an impartial and capable electoral management body, equipped with sufficient and trained staff and financial resources to effectively administer elections.
Multiparty elections in Ireland are conducted according to the established schedule, with local elections scheduled alongside EU (every five years), national (at least every five years), and presidential (every seven years) elections. The process is impartial and non-discriminatory, with an adequate number of polling stations relative to population density. Guidelines for electoral districts, accessibility of polling stations (often public schools), voting timeframes and dates (specified by law), comprehensive ballot design and full secret ballots are all in place, with no recent changes. Provisions for voter assistance, such as braille, are available, but could improve.
V-Dem (2023) rates Ireland 6th in its global database, scoring 889 on electoral democracy and 824 on liberal democracy. The OSCE did not recommend monitoring the 2016 or 2020 general elections and expressed high levels of trust in the integrity of the electoral process, including voting and counting procedures on election day. They, however, acknowledged concerns about the absence of a centralized voter registration process, the underregulated field of social media and the need for a permanent electoral commission (now established) to oversee electoral preparations and guide the conduct of TV debates. There have been no significant recent incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters, nor irregularities observed in the voter registry, such as double voting or impersonation, intentional withholding of voting materials, dissemination of misleading information about voting procedures, ballot-stuffing, or misreporting of votes. Irregularities can be resolved through the Electoral Commission and local authority processes. According to NESC (2023), quoting the national well-being framework, 82% of people were satisfied with how democracy works in Ireland in spring 2023, compared to the EU average of 58% (up from 73% in spring 2017).
Citations:
OSCE. 2023. “Elections in Ireland.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/ireland
Ladner, A., Keuffer, N., and Baldersheim, H. 2016. “Measuring Local Autonomy in 39 Countries.” Regional and Federal Studies 26 (3): 321-57.
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Ireland’s Statutory, Independent Electoral Commission.” https://www.electoralcommission.ie/
NESC. 2023. Is Ireland Thriving? Answers from International Assessments. Report number 32.
VDem. 2023. Democracy Report 2023: Defiance in the Face of Autocratization. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg.
Marsh, M. 2021. “The Unchanging Irish Voter.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. D. M. Farrell and N. Hardiman, 558-575. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
OSCE. 2023. “Elections in Ireland.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/ireland
Ladner, A., Keuffer, N., and Baldersheim, H. 2016. “Measuring Local Autonomy in 39 Countries.” Regional and Federal Studies 26 (3): 321-57.
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Ireland’s Statutory, Independent Electoral Commission.” https://www.electoralcommission.ie/
NESC. 2023. Is Ireland Thriving? Answers from International Assessments. Report number 32.
VDem. 2023. Democracy Report 2023: Defiance in the Face of Autocratization. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg.
Marsh, M. 2021. “The Unchanging Irish Voter.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. D. M. Farrell and N. Hardiman, 558-575. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Japan
The electoral process in Japan is generally free and fair. Voting rights are granted to all citizens above 18 years old, including those living abroad. The only exceptions apply to persons serving a prison sentence and persons who are under legal guardianship and deemed “incompetent.” A five-year voting rights suspension also applies to those who have been convicted of violating the Public Office Election Law. There has been a debate about granting the right to vote in local elections to long-term foreign residents, especially Koreans and Chinese living in Japan for many generations, but so far without much result. Only in a small number of municipalities have foreign residents been granted the right to participate in local referendums. This issue will likely become more prominent as the share of foreign residents is increasing and it is attracting more controversy with some politicians campaigning against such measures (Takao 2022).
Voter registration is based on residential address. While this system facilitates participation in elections, it also leads to abuses. In municipal elections, for example, it is not uncommon for voters to change their residence just three months before an election, which makes them eligible for voting in the election. As the differences in votes for different candidates are usually extremely small at the most local level, such practices can distort results.
Elections take place on Sundays and the secrecy of voting is ensured. National elections under the proportional representation system are managed impartially by the Central Election Management Council, which decides on the election schedule, accepts the lists of candidates and announces results. National elections for constituency voting, as well as gubernatorial and prefectural assembly elections are managed by the prefectural election administration commissions, while municipal election administration commissions manage municipal assemblies and mayoral elections. The ballot design in single-seat constituencies – which requires voters to correctly spell the full name of a candidate – favors incumbents and hereditary politicians. There is no online voting and absentee voting relies on postal services, which sometimes fail to deliver ballots on time. The number of polling stations keeps decreasing due to depopulation, which makes it harder for elderly people in rural areas to vote. A limited number of municipalities provide free transportation to polling stations.
Voter registration is based on residential address. While this system facilitates participation in elections, it also leads to abuses. In municipal elections, for example, it is not uncommon for voters to change their residence just three months before an election, which makes them eligible for voting in the election. As the differences in votes for different candidates are usually extremely small at the most local level, such practices can distort results.
Elections take place on Sundays and the secrecy of voting is ensured. National elections under the proportional representation system are managed impartially by the Central Election Management Council, which decides on the election schedule, accepts the lists of candidates and announces results. National elections for constituency voting, as well as gubernatorial and prefectural assembly elections are managed by the prefectural election administration commissions, while municipal election administration commissions manage municipal assemblies and mayoral elections. The ballot design in single-seat constituencies – which requires voters to correctly spell the full name of a candidate – favors incumbents and hereditary politicians. There is no online voting and absentee voting relies on postal services, which sometimes fail to deliver ballots on time. The number of polling stations keeps decreasing due to depopulation, which makes it harder for elderly people in rural areas to vote. A limited number of municipalities provide free transportation to polling stations.
Citations:
Horiuchi, Yusaku. 2015. “Detecting Electoral Fraud in Japan.” East Asia Forum, April 18. https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/04/18/detecting-electoral-fraud-in-japan/
Jojima, Hayato. 2022. “1,701 absentee ballots went invalid in 2021 Japan election after missing deadline.” The Mainichi June 29. https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20220629/p2a/00m/0na/018000c
“Kôshoku Senkyo-hô” [Public Office Election Law]. 1970. e-Gov. https://elaws.e-gov.go.jp/document?lawid=325AC1000000100
“Prevent decrease in polling stations from inconveniencing Japanese voters.” The Mainichi, July 17. https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20190717/p2a/00m/0na/014000c
Takao, Yasuo. 2022. “Civic rights for foreign residents sparks backlash in Japan.” East Asia Forum February 12. https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2022/02/12/civic-rights-for-foreign-residents-sparks-backlash-in-japan/
Horiuchi, Yusaku. 2015. “Detecting Electoral Fraud in Japan.” East Asia Forum, April 18. https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/04/18/detecting-electoral-fraud-in-japan/
Jojima, Hayato. 2022. “1,701 absentee ballots went invalid in 2021 Japan election after missing deadline.” The Mainichi June 29. https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20220629/p2a/00m/0na/018000c
“Kôshoku Senkyo-hô” [Public Office Election Law]. 1970. e-Gov. https://elaws.e-gov.go.jp/document?lawid=325AC1000000100
“Prevent decrease in polling stations from inconveniencing Japanese voters.” The Mainichi, July 17. https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20190717/p2a/00m/0na/014000c
Takao, Yasuo. 2022. “Civic rights for foreign residents sparks backlash in Japan.” East Asia Forum February 12. https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2022/02/12/civic-rights-for-foreign-residents-sparks-backlash-in-japan/
Latvia
All adult Latvian citizens over 18 have voting rights in national elections. EU citizens residing in Latvia can vote in local and European elections. All citizens have access to an effective, impartial, and non-discriminatory voting procedure. Voting procedures ensure that incarcerated persons can also make their electoral choices.
Upon a proposal from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Central Election Commission establishes polling stations in foreign countries in diplomatic or consular missions. Thus, Latvian citizens – including residents of other countries – also have access to voting, as polling stations are created in Latvian diplomatic entities. Voters can vote by mail using the postal voting procedure (Nulle, 2022).
Latvia has a population of non-citizens (approx. 10% or 187,404 persons of the total population in 2023) who do not have the right to vote or stand in elections but are registered and residing in Latvia (Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs, 2021). These residents have access to all legal procedures, and the government provides incentives to become full citizens of Latvia.
There are minor obstacles to voting for citizens residing outside Latvia, as diplomatic and consular missions have limited capacity and representation. Thus, Latvian citizens abroad must often travel long distances to reach Latvian diplomatic missions to vote. Mobile EU citizens can also vote in local and European Parliament elections; however, there is limited information available on voting procedures in other EU languages (Valtenbergs et al., 2021).
Election observers of the 2022 parliamentary elections noted that the elections were competitive and pluralistic, with political contestants able to communicate their messages to voters freely (OSCE, 2023). The legal framework for parliamentary elections ensures the organization of democratic elections.
The local elections are also democratic, impartial and non-discriminatory. Voters can participate in local government elections based on their residence or property ownership. The procedure to switch to a more convenient polling station is straightforward. Polling stations open for early voting at least a week before election day.
A voter register updates and stores information on Latvian citizens who have reached 18 years of age on the day of the election to the European Parliament, the local government council, or the Saeima. No irregularities have been observed in the voter registry, as it contains detailed information on the voters that completely excludes double voting.
Upon a proposal from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Central Election Commission establishes polling stations in foreign countries in diplomatic or consular missions. Thus, Latvian citizens – including residents of other countries – also have access to voting, as polling stations are created in Latvian diplomatic entities. Voters can vote by mail using the postal voting procedure (Nulle, 2022).
Latvia has a population of non-citizens (approx. 10% or 187,404 persons of the total population in 2023) who do not have the right to vote or stand in elections but are registered and residing in Latvia (Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs, 2021). These residents have access to all legal procedures, and the government provides incentives to become full citizens of Latvia.
There are minor obstacles to voting for citizens residing outside Latvia, as diplomatic and consular missions have limited capacity and representation. Thus, Latvian citizens abroad must often travel long distances to reach Latvian diplomatic missions to vote. Mobile EU citizens can also vote in local and European Parliament elections; however, there is limited information available on voting procedures in other EU languages (Valtenbergs et al., 2021).
Election observers of the 2022 parliamentary elections noted that the elections were competitive and pluralistic, with political contestants able to communicate their messages to voters freely (OSCE, 2023). The legal framework for parliamentary elections ensures the organization of democratic elections.
The local elections are also democratic, impartial and non-discriminatory. Voters can participate in local government elections based on their residence or property ownership. The procedure to switch to a more convenient polling station is straightforward. Polling stations open for early voting at least a week before election day.
A voter register updates and stores information on Latvian citizens who have reached 18 years of age on the day of the election to the European Parliament, the local government council, or the Saeima. No irregularities have been observed in the voter registry, as it contains detailed information on the voters that completely excludes double voting.
Citations:
1. The Law on Elections of Saeima. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/35261-law-on-the-election-of-the-isaeimai
OSCE. 2023. “Latvia, Parliamentary Elections, 1 October 2022: Final Report.” ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report. https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/latvia/541053
3. Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs. 2021. “Natural Persons Register: Statistics.” https://www.pmlp.gov.lv/lv/media/9759/download?attachment
Nulle, A. 2022. “14. Saeimas vēlēšanas – kā balsot, ja esi ārvalstīs.” https://lvportals.lv/skaidrojumi/343180-14-saeimas-velesanas-ka-balsot-ja-esi-arvalstis-2022
Law on the Election of Local Government Councils. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/57839-law-on-the-election-of-local-government-councils.
Electoral Register Law. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/83681-electoral-register-law
Valtenbergs, V. et al. 2021. “EU Mobile Citizens in Latvia.” Research Report. Available at https://myvoice.group/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/07/EU-Mobile-Citizens-30.06.2021..pdf
1. The Law on Elections of Saeima. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/35261-law-on-the-election-of-the-isaeimai
OSCE. 2023. “Latvia, Parliamentary Elections, 1 October 2022: Final Report.” ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report. https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/latvia/541053
3. Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs. 2021. “Natural Persons Register: Statistics.” https://www.pmlp.gov.lv/lv/media/9759/download?attachment
Nulle, A. 2022. “14. Saeimas vēlēšanas – kā balsot, ja esi ārvalstīs.” https://lvportals.lv/skaidrojumi/343180-14-saeimas-velesanas-ka-balsot-ja-esi-arvalstis-2022
Law on the Election of Local Government Councils. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/57839-law-on-the-election-of-local-government-councils.
Electoral Register Law. https://likumi.lv/ta/en/en/id/83681-electoral-register-law
Valtenbergs, V. et al. 2021. “EU Mobile Citizens in Latvia.” Research Report. Available at https://myvoice.group/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/07/EU-Mobile-Citizens-30.06.2021..pdf
Portugal
The right to participate and vote in national elections in Portugal is extended to all adult citizens over the age of 18. Early voting options are available for hospitalized, imprisoned, or overseas citizens. Foreign residents in Portugal, hailing from EU member states or specific countries, can register for local elections under certain conditions (CNE, n.da). Brazilian citizens in Portugal with equal political rights can vote in legislative elections (CNE, n.db). Those denied the right to vote can file complaints with the National Elections Commission (CNE) – the independent body overseeing elections in Portugal.
There is typically a good balance between polling stations and population density, with stations in each administrative parish. Free transportation is provided for those with limited mobility if required. Polling stations operate from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., usually on Sundays (CNE, n.dc). The ballot design is accessible, and Braille voting matrices can be provided upon request. However, concerns have been raised by the Association of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Portugal (ACAPO) about irregularities with the Braille matrix (DN/Lusa, 2022).
While the electoral process is generally transparent and non-discriminatory, occasional irregularities occur. Irregularities in the early voting process for emigrant Portuguese communities have been observed, with thousands reportedly not receiving their ballot papers in the 2022 legislative elections (Observador, 2022a). Additionally, irregularities in the European electoral circle led to the unprecedented annulment of 80% of votes by the Constitutional Court, necessitating a repeat of the voting process (Observador, 2022b).
The National Electoral Commission (CNE) and the Constitutional Court are responsible for addressing such irregularities, but the engagement of government ministries and the implementation of legislative changes remain crucial.
There is typically a good balance between polling stations and population density, with stations in each administrative parish. Free transportation is provided for those with limited mobility if required. Polling stations operate from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., usually on Sundays (CNE, n.dc). The ballot design is accessible, and Braille voting matrices can be provided upon request. However, concerns have been raised by the Association of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Portugal (ACAPO) about irregularities with the Braille matrix (DN/Lusa, 2022).
While the electoral process is generally transparent and non-discriminatory, occasional irregularities occur. Irregularities in the early voting process for emigrant Portuguese communities have been observed, with thousands reportedly not receiving their ballot papers in the 2022 legislative elections (Observador, 2022a). Additionally, irregularities in the European electoral circle led to the unprecedented annulment of 80% of votes by the Constitutional Court, necessitating a repeat of the voting process (Observador, 2022b).
The National Electoral Commission (CNE) and the Constitutional Court are responsible for addressing such irregularities, but the engagement of government ministries and the implementation of legislative changes remain crucial.
Citations:
Lei Eleitoral da Assembleia da República. Lei n.º 14/79, de 16 de maio. https://www.cne.pt/sites/default/files/dl/legis_lear_consolidada_2020-11.pdf
CNE. n.d. a. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/117/3
CNE. n.d. b. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/95/90
CNE. n.d. “Perguntas Frequentes: Votação em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/108/3
Observador. 2022. “”Milhares de portugueses na Europa” não receberam documentação para votar, acusa Rui Rio.” https://observador.pt/2022/03/14/milhares-de-portugueses-na-europa-nao-receberam-documentacao-para-votar-acusa-rui-rio
Observador. 2022b. “Tribunal Constitucional manda repetir eleições nas assembleias da Europa com irregularidades.” https://observador.pt/2022/02/15/tribunal-constitucional-manda-repetir-eleicoes-nas-assembleias-da-europa-com-irregularidades
DN/Lusa. 2022. “ACAPO denuncia irregularidades com matriz em Braille nas mesas de voto.” https://www.dn.pt/politica/acapo-denuncia-irregularidades-com-matriz-em-braille-nas-mesas-de-voto-14542360.html
Lei Eleitoral da Assembleia da República. Lei n.º 14/79, de 16 de maio. https://www.cne.pt/sites/default/files/dl/legis_lear_consolidada_2020-11.pdf
CNE. n.d. a. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/117/3
CNE. n.d. b. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/95/90
CNE. n.d. “Perguntas Frequentes: Votação em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/108/3
Observador. 2022. “”Milhares de portugueses na Europa” não receberam documentação para votar, acusa Rui Rio.” https://observador.pt/2022/03/14/milhares-de-portugueses-na-europa-nao-receberam-documentacao-para-votar-acusa-rui-rio
Observador. 2022b. “Tribunal Constitucional manda repetir eleições nas assembleias da Europa com irregularidades.” https://observador.pt/2022/02/15/tribunal-constitucional-manda-repetir-eleicoes-nas-assembleias-da-europa-com-irregularidades
DN/Lusa. 2022. “ACAPO denuncia irregularidades com matriz em Braille nas mesas de voto.” https://www.dn.pt/politica/acapo-denuncia-irregularidades-com-matriz-em-braille-nas-mesas-de-voto-14542360.html
Slovenia
The right to vote in Slovenia is universal and equal. This right extends to people with criminal convictions and, since 2024, to individuals under guardianship due to mental and psychosocial problems. Previously, these individuals faced restrictions based on court rulings regarding their ability to understand the meaning, purpose, and impact of elections, which deprived around 3,000 voters of their right to vote. The law also outlines the conditions under which foreigners have voting rights.
Parliamentary, presidential, and local elections are held regularly. Numerous polling stations throughout the country allow voters easy access without queuing. Voting is organized in hospitals, prisons, and retirement homes via postal voting. Early voting and mobile voting are available for sick and housebound voters. Special polling stations are set up in each of the 88 districts for voters who are outside their residences on election day.
Voters who are temporarily abroad can register to vote by mail, including via consular offices or at diplomatic missions (embassies). Those with permanent residence abroad have similar options for casting their vote. All voters with a registered permanent residence outside the country automatically receive a ballot paper.
Although the Electoral Integrity Project (2023) rated the 2022 Slovenian elections highly for integrity, certain shortcomings concerning voting from abroad were identified. Some complaints were made about the late distribution of ballot papers to voters abroad due to delays in finalizing candidate lists after appeals were lodged with the Supreme Court.
Elections are administered by election authorities at various levels under the direction of the State Election Commission, which is regarded as capable, professional, and impartial by various organizations (e.g., EIP, OSCE) and enjoys public confidence. The election procedures; vote counting; verification of results; and resolution of complaints are conducted transparently, impartially, and appropriately through official procedures. Nevertheless, in 2022, the commission appealed for more staff and financial resources.
Parliamentary, presidential, and local elections are held regularly. Numerous polling stations throughout the country allow voters easy access without queuing. Voting is organized in hospitals, prisons, and retirement homes via postal voting. Early voting and mobile voting are available for sick and housebound voters. Special polling stations are set up in each of the 88 districts for voters who are outside their residences on election day.
Voters who are temporarily abroad can register to vote by mail, including via consular offices or at diplomatic missions (embassies). Those with permanent residence abroad have similar options for casting their vote. All voters with a registered permanent residence outside the country automatically receive a ballot paper.
Although the Electoral Integrity Project (2023) rated the 2022 Slovenian elections highly for integrity, certain shortcomings concerning voting from abroad were identified. Some complaints were made about the late distribution of ballot papers to voters abroad due to delays in finalizing candidate lists after appeals were lodged with the Supreme Court.
Elections are administered by election authorities at various levels under the direction of the State Election Commission, which is regarded as capable, professional, and impartial by various organizations (e.g., EIP, OSCE) and enjoys public confidence. The election procedures; vote counting; verification of results; and resolution of complaints are conducted transparently, impartially, and appropriately through official procedures. Nevertheless, in 2022, the commission appealed for more staff and financial resources.
Citations:
Electoral Integrity Project. 2023. “Electoral Integrity Global Report 2023.” https://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/global-report-2023?rq=Slovenia
OSCE. 2022. “Parliamentary Elections, 24 April 2022, Slovenia.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/slovenia/514078
RTVSLO.si. 2024. “Spremembe zakona v veljavi: volilno pravico imajo odslej tudi osebe pod skrbništvom.” https://www.rtvslo.si/slovenija/spremembe-zakona-v-veljavi-volilno-pravico-imajo-odslej-tudi-osebe-pod-skrbnistvom/697859
Electoral Integrity Project. 2023. “Electoral Integrity Global Report 2023.” https://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/global-report-2023?rq=Slovenia
OSCE. 2022. “Parliamentary Elections, 24 April 2022, Slovenia.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/slovenia/514078
RTVSLO.si. 2024. “Spremembe zakona v veljavi: volilno pravico imajo odslej tudi osebe pod skrbništvom.” https://www.rtvslo.si/slovenija/spremembe-zakona-v-veljavi-volilno-pravico-imajo-odslej-tudi-osebe-pod-skrbnistvom/697859
Spain
Every Spanish citizen aged 18 and older has the right to vote, and this suffrage is exercised without significant exclusion or discrimination. Only individuals convicted of certain criminal offenses may lose their political rights. All citizens are automatically included in the electoral register, which is based on permanent residency and updated monthly using data from municipal and consular population registries.
There has been considerable discussion about the voting rights of Spanish citizens living overseas, who have faced bureaucratic obstacles in participating in elections. The Organic Law 12/2022, of September 30, introduced new regulations for voting by Spaniards living abroad, establishing conditions for designating new centers authorized to collect ballot box votes.
In the 2023 elections, overseas residents no longer needed to apply to vote. They had to be registered in the Consular Register and the Register of Non-Resident Voters and received ballot papers by mail. Voters could also download ballot papers from the National Statistics Institute Website (Spanish Government, 2023).
The Organic Law on the General Electoral System (LOREG) establishes an independent, hierarchically structured administrative bureaucracy to ensure transparency, objectivity, and equality in electoral procedures. The Electoral Administration includes the Central Electoral Board, the Autonomous Community Electoral Boards, the Provincial Electoral Boards, and the Area Electoral Boards. These boards are well-equipped and financially resourced to guarantee the transparency and fairness of electoral processes.
Electoral boards are composed of three members, including a chairperson, selected by lottery from among registered voters in the respective precinct. Serving on an electoral board is a civic obligation, with exemptions granted only for compelling reasons such as work commitments or health issues.
The 2023 election campaigns were generally peaceful, though there were instances of tension and confrontation. The tone of the campaigns was harsh, with some parties using highly charged language to warn voters that supporting regional contestants might undermine democracy in Spain. Voters were required to register with both the Consular Register and the Register of Non-Resident Voters and received their ballots by mail. Voters could also download their ballots from the National Statistics Institute website (Spanish Government, 2023). Discussions about TV debate formats dominated political discourse during the first week of the national election campaign. There were no reported incidents of harassment, violence, or intimidation against voters (OSCE, 2023).
Some irregularities have been observed in the voter registry for postal voting. The influx of applications for postal votes for the 2023 municipal elections in Melilla prompted the electoral board to require that citizens requesting to vote by post must visit the post office and identify themselves with their ID card when submitting their ballot envelope. To enhance the security of postal voting for the national elections, the Central Electoral Board issued an instruction in early June 2023 requiring all voters to prove their identity when submitting their vote at the post office by registered mail. Some parties have spread misleading information about postal votes. Multiple cases of vote-buying in the local elections in May 2023, implicating various political parties, are currently under judicial investigation.
There has been considerable discussion about the voting rights of Spanish citizens living overseas, who have faced bureaucratic obstacles in participating in elections. The Organic Law 12/2022, of September 30, introduced new regulations for voting by Spaniards living abroad, establishing conditions for designating new centers authorized to collect ballot box votes.
In the 2023 elections, overseas residents no longer needed to apply to vote. They had to be registered in the Consular Register and the Register of Non-Resident Voters and received ballot papers by mail. Voters could also download ballot papers from the National Statistics Institute Website (Spanish Government, 2023).
The Organic Law on the General Electoral System (LOREG) establishes an independent, hierarchically structured administrative bureaucracy to ensure transparency, objectivity, and equality in electoral procedures. The Electoral Administration includes the Central Electoral Board, the Autonomous Community Electoral Boards, the Provincial Electoral Boards, and the Area Electoral Boards. These boards are well-equipped and financially resourced to guarantee the transparency and fairness of electoral processes.
Electoral boards are composed of three members, including a chairperson, selected by lottery from among registered voters in the respective precinct. Serving on an electoral board is a civic obligation, with exemptions granted only for compelling reasons such as work commitments or health issues.
The 2023 election campaigns were generally peaceful, though there were instances of tension and confrontation. The tone of the campaigns was harsh, with some parties using highly charged language to warn voters that supporting regional contestants might undermine democracy in Spain. Voters were required to register with both the Consular Register and the Register of Non-Resident Voters and received their ballots by mail. Voters could also download their ballots from the National Statistics Institute website (Spanish Government, 2023). Discussions about TV debate formats dominated political discourse during the first week of the national election campaign. There were no reported incidents of harassment, violence, or intimidation against voters (OSCE, 2023).
Some irregularities have been observed in the voter registry for postal voting. The influx of applications for postal votes for the 2023 municipal elections in Melilla prompted the electoral board to require that citizens requesting to vote by post must visit the post office and identify themselves with their ID card when submitting their ballot envelope. To enhance the security of postal voting for the national elections, the Central Electoral Board issued an instruction in early June 2023 requiring all voters to prove their identity when submitting their vote at the post office by registered mail. Some parties have spread misleading information about postal votes. Multiple cases of vote-buying in the local elections in May 2023, implicating various political parties, are currently under judicial investigation.
Citations:
OSCE/ODHIR. 2023. “Spain Early Parliamentary Elections on 23 July 2023.” https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/0/2/547184.pdf
Spanish Government. 2023. Order AUC/306/2023, of 28 March, establishing the conditions for the designation of the centres authorised abroad for the deposit of votes in ballot boxes in electoral processes called in Spain.
OSCE/ODHIR. 2023. “Spain Early Parliamentary Elections on 23 July 2023.” https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/0/2/547184.pdf
Spanish Government. 2023. Order AUC/306/2023, of 28 March, establishing the conditions for the designation of the centres authorised abroad for the deposit of votes in ballot boxes in electoral processes called in Spain.
Switzerland
Voting rights are granted to all Swiss nationals. Swiss nationals abroad without permanent residence have voting rights. Prison inmates are not excluded from voting rights. Persons who are subject to a general deputyship or are represented by a carer as they are permanently incapable of judgment are ineligible to vote (Federal Act on Political Rights, Art. 2). Foreigners, even those with permanent residence in the country, have no voting rights at the national level. In a few cantons, they are granted voting rights in their canton of residence.
There is no disenfranchisement resulting from a flawed voter registry. Rather, the commune of residence keeps an electoral register; voting documents are sent automatically to those who are in the electoral register. There is an impartial and highly capable electoral management body equipped with sufficient trained staff and the financial resources to administer elections effectively. During the past national election in 2023, a minor problem arose due to technical issues, which were fixed quickly.
Elections are conducted according to the established schedule, and the election process is carried out in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner; there are no hidden impediments to electoral participation. Voting by mail (but not by email) is an established method, and is implemented impeccably. There are no incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters. Likewise, there is no evidence of irregularities.
The real problem with regard to electoral participation in Switzerland is twofold: the rate of participation in popular votes and in elections is very low (47% in the national election of 2023; about 43% in the most recent popular vote on the national level in June 2023). This may be due to electoral fatigue (Swiss voters are called for popular votes several times a year on the municipal, cantonal, and national level), political dissatisfaction, political satisfaction – which is particularly high in Switzerland – institutional opportunities (citizens know that they may challenge a parliamentary bill in a popular vote if needed), or a lack of political interest or knowledge (Freitag/Zumbrunn 2022: 203; Fatke/Freitag 2015; Lutz 2022; 2023; Sciarini/Tresch 2022; 2023).
The other problem in the field of active and passive voting rights is the obvious challenge that 25% of the total population holds foreign citizenship, a much higher share than in other countries. The strict rules governing naturalization and the sheer size of the foreign population transform the “quantitative” problem of every modern democracy – that some adult inhabitants face discrimination on grounds of their nationality – into a qualitative problem: If almost one-quarter of the voting-age population is not entitled to vote or to run for public office, the legitimacy of parliament and government to rule on behalf of the total population (which is vastly more than the citizen base) is arguably called into question. Furthermore, criteria and procedures for nationalization vary across cantons and communes, which opens the door to arbitrariness at the local level.
Others argue, however, that while the economy is globalized, democracy functions only based on a national society that identifies itself in terms of citizenship. This includes the (constitutional) right to define who is eligible for citizenship. Hence, migration certainly creates new problems, in that the “demos” and the resident population do not coincide.
The interaction of low political participation among Swiss nationals and the exclusion of about a quarter of the resident population due to their status as foreigners creates very small “decisive majorities”: If 44% participate in a popular vote, this means that 22% of the Swiss nationals have the final say. These 22% represent almost 17% of the total adult population – Swiss nationals and adult foreigners – meaning just 17% of all adults in the nation have brought about a political “majority” decision. In addition, interest in politics and voting participation is correlated with income and level of education (BFS 2021), raising questions regarding de facto equal access to voting.
To date, Switzerland has dealt with these problems somewhat slowly and hesitantly. For example, some notable liberalizing changes were adopted with regard to naturalization (e.g., costs have been substantially reduced) and with regard to passive voting rights in some cantons and local communities.
There is no disenfranchisement resulting from a flawed voter registry. Rather, the commune of residence keeps an electoral register; voting documents are sent automatically to those who are in the electoral register. There is an impartial and highly capable electoral management body equipped with sufficient trained staff and the financial resources to administer elections effectively. During the past national election in 2023, a minor problem arose due to technical issues, which were fixed quickly.
Elections are conducted according to the established schedule, and the election process is carried out in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner; there are no hidden impediments to electoral participation. Voting by mail (but not by email) is an established method, and is implemented impeccably. There are no incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters. Likewise, there is no evidence of irregularities.
The real problem with regard to electoral participation in Switzerland is twofold: the rate of participation in popular votes and in elections is very low (47% in the national election of 2023; about 43% in the most recent popular vote on the national level in June 2023). This may be due to electoral fatigue (Swiss voters are called for popular votes several times a year on the municipal, cantonal, and national level), political dissatisfaction, political satisfaction – which is particularly high in Switzerland – institutional opportunities (citizens know that they may challenge a parliamentary bill in a popular vote if needed), or a lack of political interest or knowledge (Freitag/Zumbrunn 2022: 203; Fatke/Freitag 2015; Lutz 2022; 2023; Sciarini/Tresch 2022; 2023).
The other problem in the field of active and passive voting rights is the obvious challenge that 25% of the total population holds foreign citizenship, a much higher share than in other countries. The strict rules governing naturalization and the sheer size of the foreign population transform the “quantitative” problem of every modern democracy – that some adult inhabitants face discrimination on grounds of their nationality – into a qualitative problem: If almost one-quarter of the voting-age population is not entitled to vote or to run for public office, the legitimacy of parliament and government to rule on behalf of the total population (which is vastly more than the citizen base) is arguably called into question. Furthermore, criteria and procedures for nationalization vary across cantons and communes, which opens the door to arbitrariness at the local level.
Others argue, however, that while the economy is globalized, democracy functions only based on a national society that identifies itself in terms of citizenship. This includes the (constitutional) right to define who is eligible for citizenship. Hence, migration certainly creates new problems, in that the “demos” and the resident population do not coincide.
The interaction of low political participation among Swiss nationals and the exclusion of about a quarter of the resident population due to their status as foreigners creates very small “decisive majorities”: If 44% participate in a popular vote, this means that 22% of the Swiss nationals have the final say. These 22% represent almost 17% of the total adult population – Swiss nationals and adult foreigners – meaning just 17% of all adults in the nation have brought about a political “majority” decision. In addition, interest in politics and voting participation is correlated with income and level of education (BFS 2021), raising questions regarding de facto equal access to voting.
To date, Switzerland has dealt with these problems somewhat slowly and hesitantly. For example, some notable liberalizing changes were adopted with regard to naturalization (e.g., costs have been substantially reduced) and with regard to passive voting rights in some cantons and local communities.
Citations:
BFS. 2021. “https://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/fr/home/statistiques/situation-economique-sociale-population/bien-etre-pauvrete/bien-etre-subjectif-et-conditions-de-vie/politique.html”
Fatke, Matthias, and Markus Freitag. 2015. “Wollen sie nicht, können sie nicht, oder werden sie nicht gefragt? Nichtwählertypen in der Schweiz.” In Wählen und Wählerschaft in der Schweiz, eds. Markus Freitag and Adrian Vatter. Zürich: NZZ Verlag, 95-119.
Freitag, Markus, and Alina Zumbrunn. 2022. “Politische Kultur.” In Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, eds. Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, Adrian Vatter, Silja Häusermann, Patrick Emmenegger, and Flavia Fossati. Zürich: NZZ Libro, 85-109.
Freitag, Markus, and Alina Zumbrunn. 2023. “The Political Culture of Switzerland in Comparative Perspective.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 50–72. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.4.
Lutz, Georg, and Anke Tresch. 2022. “Die nationalen Wahlen in der Schweiz.” In Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, eds. Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, Adrian Vatter, Silja Häusermann, Patrick Emmenegger, and Flavia Fossati. 7th ed. Handbuch der Schweizer Politik. 7th edition. Zürich: NZZ Libro, 519-557.
Lutz, Georg, and Anke Tresch. 2023. “National Elections.” In *The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics*, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 391–409. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.20
Sciarini, Pascal, and Anke Tresch. 2022. “Votations populaires.” In Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, edited by Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, Adrian Vatter, Silja Häusermann, Patrick Emmenegger, and Flavia Fossati, 559-591. 7th ed. Zürich: NZZ Libro.
Sciarini, Pascal, and Anke Tresch. 2023. “Direct-Democratic Votes.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 410–429. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.21
BFS. 2021. “https://www.bfs.admin.ch/bfs/fr/home/statistiques/situation-economique-sociale-population/bien-etre-pauvrete/bien-etre-subjectif-et-conditions-de-vie/politique.html”
Fatke, Matthias, and Markus Freitag. 2015. “Wollen sie nicht, können sie nicht, oder werden sie nicht gefragt? Nichtwählertypen in der Schweiz.” In Wählen und Wählerschaft in der Schweiz, eds. Markus Freitag and Adrian Vatter. Zürich: NZZ Verlag, 95-119.
Freitag, Markus, and Alina Zumbrunn. 2022. “Politische Kultur.” In Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, eds. Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, Adrian Vatter, Silja Häusermann, Patrick Emmenegger, and Flavia Fossati. Zürich: NZZ Libro, 85-109.
Freitag, Markus, and Alina Zumbrunn. 2023. “The Political Culture of Switzerland in Comparative Perspective.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 50–72. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.4.
Lutz, Georg, and Anke Tresch. 2022. “Die nationalen Wahlen in der Schweiz.” In Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, eds. Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, Adrian Vatter, Silja Häusermann, Patrick Emmenegger, and Flavia Fossati. 7th ed. Handbuch der Schweizer Politik. 7th edition. Zürich: NZZ Libro, 519-557.
Lutz, Georg, and Anke Tresch. 2023. “National Elections.” In *The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics*, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 391–409. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.20
Sciarini, Pascal, and Anke Tresch. 2022. “Votations populaires.” In Handbuch der Schweizer Politik, edited by Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, Adrian Vatter, Silja Häusermann, Patrick Emmenegger, and Flavia Fossati, 559-591. 7th ed. Zürich: NZZ Libro.
Sciarini, Pascal, and Anke Tresch. 2023. “Direct-Democratic Votes.” In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics, eds. Patrick Emmenegger, Flavia Fossati, Silja Häusermann, Yannis Papadopoulos, Pascal Sciarini, and Adrian Vatter. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 410–429. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.21
UK
Citizens must register in their local area to be eligible to vote, but the system is straightforward and fair. Voting in person takes place at local polling stations, which are sufficiently numerous to ensure easy access. The process is simple and free from obstacles or intimidation. Local authority staff check names and addresses to verify voter eligibility. In the most recent local elections held in May 2023, identity checks were implemented for the first time in England. The Electoral Commission (2023) reported that due to these new requirements, 0.25% of voters were unable to vote, 4% decided not to vote, and those without relevant ID, such as people with disabilities, faced higher difficulties. Identity checks will also be used in general elections starting October 2023.
The ballot is secret, and there are measures in place to ensure polling stations are secure. While some campaigners, like the Electoral Reform Society, advocate for more assistance for voters with disabilities to access polling stations, provisions for proxy or postal voting are available.
There are clear procedures for postal voting. Although there have been occasional, isolated allegations of voting irregularities such as double voting or impersonation, these incidents are exceptions. Vote counts are conducted scrupulously.
The ballot is secret, and there are measures in place to ensure polling stations are secure. While some campaigners, like the Electoral Reform Society, advocate for more assistance for voters with disabilities to access polling stations, provisions for proxy or postal voting are available.
There are clear procedures for postal voting. Although there have been occasional, isolated allegations of voting irregularities such as double voting or impersonation, these incidents are exceptions. Vote counts are conducted scrupulously.
Citations:
https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/voter/voting-person#accessibility
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Voter ID at the May 2023 Local Elections in England: Interim Analysis.” https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/research-reports-and-data/our-reports-and-data-past-elections-and-referendums/voter-id-may-2023-local-elections-england-interim-analysis
https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/voter/voting-person#accessibility
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Voter ID at the May 2023 Local Elections in England: Interim Analysis.” https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/research-reports-and-data/our-reports-and-data-past-elections-and-referendums/voter-id-may-2023-local-elections-england-interim-analysis
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
8
Italy
Until 2021, the minimum voting age for representatives in the Chamber of Deputies was 18, while for the Senate it was 25 (Art. 58 Constitution). Starting with the September 2022 elections, the minimum voting age for the Senate was lowered to 18, aligning it with the chamber. This reform equalizes the bases of representation in both chambers, contributing to greater congruence regarding the number and size of parties represented.
All Italian citizens, whether residing within national borders or abroad – temporarily or permanently – have the right to vote in general elections. For Italian citizens residing abroad, reserved seats are provided (in 2022, 8 in the Chamber of Deputies and four in the Senate) with specific candidate lists in four special districts for different areas of the world. After registering in a particular registry, these citizens can vote by mail. Voting by Italians living abroad has often been questioned for several reasons: these voters do not pay taxes in Italy, and elected representatives from the special districts often lack clear party affiliation, giving them fewer constraints in parliamentary activities.
Following the 2020 constitutional reform, the number of reserved seats was reduced from 12 to 8 in the Chamber of Deputies and from 6 to 4 in the Senate, decreasing their relevance. Additionally, parties have increasingly structured voting abroad by nominating candidates residing in Italy for special districts abroad. Italian citizens living abroad are not entitled to vote in local (regional and municipal) elections. However, foreign citizens from European Union (EU) member countries residing in Italy have the right to vote in municipal elections. Generally, those sentenced to prison are excluded from voting for the duration of their sentence (President of the Republic Decree 223/1967).
Since citizenship is the fundamental requirement for voting – Italian for all elections and EU for municipal elections – all non-EU foreign citizens permanently residing in Italy are automatically excluded. According to the Italian National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) data (October 17, 2023), about 3.7 million non-EU citizens with legal residence permits in Italy cannot vote in any Italian elections. This exclusion is difficult to justify, especially considering that EU citizens can vote in municipal elections and Italians living abroad, who often have fragile ties with Italy, can vote in general elections. However, similar exclusions are found in other European countries, and the issue remains highly debated.
There are no reserved seats for French- and German-speaking minorities. However, the national legal electoral threshold for parties representing these minorities does not apply. This provision, along with the concentration of language groups in specific territories and districts, ensures safe representation in parliament.
Citizens are notified of their voting rights by mail and can appeal to independent judicial bodies if mistakenly excluded from the voter rolls. Many polling stations are located close to voters’ residences, but in 2022 the number slightly decreased to reduce costs (see Ministry of Interior). Unlike regional elections, which are held over two consecutive days, general elections are held on a single day – Sunday. This choice could affect the participation of some voter categories. The September 2022 elections recorded the lowest turnout in the Republican era.
(see International IDEA Voter Turnout Database).
All Italian citizens, whether residing within national borders or abroad – temporarily or permanently – have the right to vote in general elections. For Italian citizens residing abroad, reserved seats are provided (in 2022, 8 in the Chamber of Deputies and four in the Senate) with specific candidate lists in four special districts for different areas of the world. After registering in a particular registry, these citizens can vote by mail. Voting by Italians living abroad has often been questioned for several reasons: these voters do not pay taxes in Italy, and elected representatives from the special districts often lack clear party affiliation, giving them fewer constraints in parliamentary activities.
Following the 2020 constitutional reform, the number of reserved seats was reduced from 12 to 8 in the Chamber of Deputies and from 6 to 4 in the Senate, decreasing their relevance. Additionally, parties have increasingly structured voting abroad by nominating candidates residing in Italy for special districts abroad. Italian citizens living abroad are not entitled to vote in local (regional and municipal) elections. However, foreign citizens from European Union (EU) member countries residing in Italy have the right to vote in municipal elections. Generally, those sentenced to prison are excluded from voting for the duration of their sentence (President of the Republic Decree 223/1967).
Since citizenship is the fundamental requirement for voting – Italian for all elections and EU for municipal elections – all non-EU foreign citizens permanently residing in Italy are automatically excluded. According to the Italian National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) data (October 17, 2023), about 3.7 million non-EU citizens with legal residence permits in Italy cannot vote in any Italian elections. This exclusion is difficult to justify, especially considering that EU citizens can vote in municipal elections and Italians living abroad, who often have fragile ties with Italy, can vote in general elections. However, similar exclusions are found in other European countries, and the issue remains highly debated.
There are no reserved seats for French- and German-speaking minorities. However, the national legal electoral threshold for parties representing these minorities does not apply. This provision, along with the concentration of language groups in specific territories and districts, ensures safe representation in parliament.
Citizens are notified of their voting rights by mail and can appeal to independent judicial bodies if mistakenly excluded from the voter rolls. Many polling stations are located close to voters’ residences, but in 2022 the number slightly decreased to reduce costs (see Ministry of Interior). Unlike regional elections, which are held over two consecutive days, general elections are held on a single day – Sunday. This choice could affect the participation of some voter categories. The September 2022 elections recorded the lowest turnout in the Republican era.
(see International IDEA Voter Turnout Database).
Citations:
ISTAT data for non-EU citizens residing in Italy: https://www.istat.it/it/files//2023/10/REPORT-CITTADINI-NON-COMUNITARI-2023.pdf
International IDEA Voter Turnout Database: https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/country?country=110&database_theme=293
ISTAT data for non-EU citizens residing in Italy: https://www.istat.it/it/files//2023/10/REPORT-CITTADINI-NON-COMUNITARI-2023.pdf
International IDEA Voter Turnout Database: https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/country?country=110&database_theme=293
New Zealand
Voting rights are granted to all citizens and permanent residents aged 18 years and older. In national elections, individuals of Māori descent can choose whether to vote on the general electoral roll or the specific Māori roll. In 2020, voting rights were restored for prisoners serving less than three years.
Elections are conducted according to an established schedule. The prime minister has the authority to determine the date of the general election; however, it must be held within three years of the previous election unless special circumstances necessitate an earlier election or an extension of the term.
The Electoral Commission is an impartial and capable electoral management body operating independently from the government and political parties. The Commission’s primary role is to administer parliamentary and local government elections as well as referendums, and to conduct voter education and outreach programs to inform citizens about the electoral process, voter registration and voting procedures.
Efforts are made to ensure that voting is accessible to all eligible citizens. Absentee and early voting are conducted in a manner that accommodates various voter needs. Advance voting locations are set up across the country, and voters can apply to vote via the post, which allows them to receive and return their ballot papers by mail. Information about advance voting, absentee voting procedures and eligibility criteria is readily available through the Electoral Commission’s website, making it easy for voters to understand their options. However, turnout rates remain lower among non-English-speaking, Māori and Pacific ethnic communities compared to those who are ethnically European.
A report by the Auditor-General published in May 2024 revealed several counting errors, including double counting, in the 2023 general election. These errors were not substantial enough to nullify the results in any particular constituency or the election overall. However, the report’s findings tarnished the previously unblemished record of election management in New Zealand. Part of the problems in 2023 were due to coordination issues and the fact that late voter registration had been allowed by the previous government – without, however, providing the Election Commission with sufficient funding to handle the additional workload (Controller and Auditor-General 2024; Edwards 2024).
Elections are conducted according to an established schedule. The prime minister has the authority to determine the date of the general election; however, it must be held within three years of the previous election unless special circumstances necessitate an earlier election or an extension of the term.
The Electoral Commission is an impartial and capable electoral management body operating independently from the government and political parties. The Commission’s primary role is to administer parliamentary and local government elections as well as referendums, and to conduct voter education and outreach programs to inform citizens about the electoral process, voter registration and voting procedures.
Efforts are made to ensure that voting is accessible to all eligible citizens. Absentee and early voting are conducted in a manner that accommodates various voter needs. Advance voting locations are set up across the country, and voters can apply to vote via the post, which allows them to receive and return their ballot papers by mail. Information about advance voting, absentee voting procedures and eligibility criteria is readily available through the Electoral Commission’s website, making it easy for voters to understand their options. However, turnout rates remain lower among non-English-speaking, Māori and Pacific ethnic communities compared to those who are ethnically European.
A report by the Auditor-General published in May 2024 revealed several counting errors, including double counting, in the 2023 general election. These errors were not substantial enough to nullify the results in any particular constituency or the election overall. However, the report’s findings tarnished the previously unblemished record of election management in New Zealand. Part of the problems in 2023 were due to coordination issues and the fact that late voter registration had been allowed by the previous government – without, however, providing the Election Commission with sufficient funding to handle the additional workload (Controller and Auditor-General 2024; Edwards 2024).
Citations:
Controller and Auditor-General. 2024. General Election 2023: Independent Review of Counting Errors. Wellington: Office of the Auditor-General. https://www.oag.parliament.nz/2024/election-2023/docs/general-election-2023.pdf
Edwards, Bryce. 2024. “Losing Confidence in the Integrity of NZ Elections.” Democracy Project, May 9. https://democracyproject.substack.com/p/losing-confidence-in-the-integrity
Controller and Auditor-General. 2024. General Election 2023: Independent Review of Counting Errors. Wellington: Office of the Auditor-General. https://www.oag.parliament.nz/2024/election-2023/docs/general-election-2023.pdf
Edwards, Bryce. 2024. “Losing Confidence in the Integrity of NZ Elections.” Democracy Project, May 9. https://democracyproject.substack.com/p/losing-confidence-in-the-integrity
7
Israel
Voting rights are granted to all citizens, including felons, prisoners and newly arrived immigrants. No prior registration is required before voting and all citizens are eligible to vote. The elections are managed by the Central Election Committee, which is chaired by a judge, and operates as an independent body with its own budget and professional administration. The administration of recent elections, including those held during the COVID-19 pandemic, experienced no significant issues. Elections are conducted 90 days after the dissolution of the Knesset. While the schedule is usually followed, the 2023 elections for the local authorities were postponed from October 31, 2023, to February 27, 2024, due to the war with Hamas.
During the last elections in November 2022, there were 6,788,804 eligible voters and 12,495 polling stations. These included 222 polling stations in hospitals, 102 in embassies abroad, 55 in prisons, 5,121 accessible polling stations for people with various disabilities, 232 polling stations in care homes and 279 polling stations for people with COVID-19 (Central Election Committee). Public transport was free on election day to facilitate access to polling stations. Regular polling stations were open from 07:00 to 22:00, while polling stations in cities with fewer than 350 voters and those in hospitals were open from 08:00 to 20:00. Because polling stations were located in schools, water facilities and restrooms were available for voters. Voters who used special polling stations, such as those in hospitals or accessible stations, used a double envelope to prevent double voting.
During the 2022 elections, several complaints were made to the Central Election Committee regarding irregularities, such as attempts to vandalize voting ballots. These complaints were infrequent and resolved on site by the polling committee at each polling station.
However, in East Jerusalem, Palestinian residents are considered permanent residents of Israel rather than citizens, a status that grants them certain social rights and the right to vote in municipal elections but not in national elections. In “area C,” which is under the full control of Israel rather than the Palestinian Authority, Palestinians do not have the status of citizens and do not have any voting rights.
During the last elections in November 2022, there were 6,788,804 eligible voters and 12,495 polling stations. These included 222 polling stations in hospitals, 102 in embassies abroad, 55 in prisons, 5,121 accessible polling stations for people with various disabilities, 232 polling stations in care homes and 279 polling stations for people with COVID-19 (Central Election Committee). Public transport was free on election day to facilitate access to polling stations. Regular polling stations were open from 07:00 to 22:00, while polling stations in cities with fewer than 350 voters and those in hospitals were open from 08:00 to 20:00. Because polling stations were located in schools, water facilities and restrooms were available for voters. Voters who used special polling stations, such as those in hospitals or accessible stations, used a double envelope to prevent double voting.
During the 2022 elections, several complaints were made to the Central Election Committee regarding irregularities, such as attempts to vandalize voting ballots. These complaints were infrequent and resolved on site by the polling committee at each polling station.
However, in East Jerusalem, Palestinian residents are considered permanent residents of Israel rather than citizens, a status that grants them certain social rights and the right to vote in municipal elections but not in national elections. In “area C,” which is under the full control of Israel rather than the Palestinian Authority, Palestinians do not have the status of citizens and do not have any voting rights.
Citations:
Central Election Committee. Data on elections to the 25th Knesset. https://www.gov.il/he/Departments/Guides/knesset25-elections-info?chapterIndex=1
Central Election Committee. “Information.” https://www.bechirot.gov.il/home/
Central Election Committee. Data on elections to the 25th Knesset. https://www.gov.il/he/Departments/Guides/knesset25-elections-info?chapterIndex=1
Central Election Committee. “Information.” https://www.bechirot.gov.il/home/
USA
The United States does not have a definitive standard for voting eligibility. The U.S. Constitution contains certain protections against discrimination that, by process of elimination, define the parameters of the eligible voting electorate.
According to the federal Constitution, a person may not be deprived of voting on the basis of race, sex, failure to pay taxes, or age (unless under 18). Federal law also prohibits non-citizens from voting.
States are allowed to enact further restrictions on voting as long as they do not violate any of the aforementioned principles. Consequently, most states deprive individuals of the vote if they are currently or have previously been incarcerated. Additionally, all states prohibit individuals who are not U.S. citizens from voting for state offices.
States are responsible for election administration, including maintaining the electoral rolls of eligible voters. In 1993, the federal government made this a legal requirement for state governments. Over time, if voter rolls are not properly maintained, they can become inaccurate with an increasing number of ineligible voters. States have different rules about how these rolls are maintained. Often, states lack sufficient resources to conduct a detailed analysis of the voter rolls (Johnson 2019).
States have wide discretion in administering election day, including setting polling station locations and rules about campaigning near these stations. However, there are certain federal limitations on states’ power to manage elections. For instance, polling station locations cannot be determined in a way that disproportionately excludes voters based on race or disability. The former is governed by the Voting Rights Act and the latter by the Americans with Disabilities Act. In both cases, voters must pursue legal action against a local or state government seen to discriminate against them, which is costly and time-consuming.
Before 2013, the federal government had the power under the Voting Rights Act’s Section 5 to “pre-clear” changes to election administration made by jurisdictions with a history of voter discrimination. However, the Supreme Court rendered this part of the legislation inoperable in its decision in Shelby County v. Holder (King & Smith 2016).
According to the federal Constitution, a person may not be deprived of voting on the basis of race, sex, failure to pay taxes, or age (unless under 18). Federal law also prohibits non-citizens from voting.
States are allowed to enact further restrictions on voting as long as they do not violate any of the aforementioned principles. Consequently, most states deprive individuals of the vote if they are currently or have previously been incarcerated. Additionally, all states prohibit individuals who are not U.S. citizens from voting for state offices.
States are responsible for election administration, including maintaining the electoral rolls of eligible voters. In 1993, the federal government made this a legal requirement for state governments. Over time, if voter rolls are not properly maintained, they can become inaccurate with an increasing number of ineligible voters. States have different rules about how these rolls are maintained. Often, states lack sufficient resources to conduct a detailed analysis of the voter rolls (Johnson 2019).
States have wide discretion in administering election day, including setting polling station locations and rules about campaigning near these stations. However, there are certain federal limitations on states’ power to manage elections. For instance, polling station locations cannot be determined in a way that disproportionately excludes voters based on race or disability. The former is governed by the Voting Rights Act and the latter by the Americans with Disabilities Act. In both cases, voters must pursue legal action against a local or state government seen to discriminate against them, which is costly and time-consuming.
Before 2013, the federal government had the power under the Voting Rights Act’s Section 5 to “pre-clear” changes to election administration made by jurisdictions with a history of voter discrimination. However, the Supreme Court rendered this part of the legislation inoperable in its decision in Shelby County v. Holder (King & Smith 2016).
Citations:
Desmond King and Rogers Smith. 2016. “The Last Stand? Shelby County v. Holder, White Political Power, and America’s Racial Policy Alliances.” Du Bois Review.
https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/purges-growing-threat-right-vote
Johnson, Richard. 2019. “Racial Policy Under Trump.” In The Trump Presidency: From Campaign Trail to World Stage, eds. M. Oliva and M. Shanahan. Palgrave Macmillan.
Desmond King and Rogers Smith. 2016. “The Last Stand? Shelby County v. Holder, White Political Power, and America’s Racial Policy Alliances.” Du Bois Review.
https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/purges-growing-threat-right-vote
Johnson, Richard. 2019. “Racial Policy Under Trump.” In The Trump Presidency: From Campaign Trail to World Stage, eds. M. Oliva and M. Shanahan. Palgrave Macmillan.
6
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
5
Poland
Voting rights, granted to all citizens, require permanent residence in a municipality, with the option to vote in any precinct based on a voting certificate. Polish law allows for the deprivation of public rights, including voting, for a citizen sentenced to at least three years of imprisonment. The 2023 Electoral Code amendments introduced the Central Register of Voters (CRV), replacing 2,477 separate voter registers. Concerns were raised about the CRV’s late introduction potentially affecting its accuracy. The CRV assigned voters to polling stations based on their last voting address, allowing one-time changes up to three days before the election. Voter lists, finalized two days before election day, limited public scrutiny to individual inquiries. Errors in voter addresses emerged during candidate registration and on election day. The total number of eligible voters 29,091,621.
In cases of irregularities, citizens were able to address complaints to the mayor or through the government portal, mObywatel, but the 2023 amendments restricted public scrutiny. The National Election Commission (PKW) oversees the process with a three-level structure. Since 2019, the PKW has had stronger political roots, with seven out of nine members appointed by the Sejm. Elections with sufficient resources are administered on the national, regional and local levels.
Under the terms of the Electoral Code, the president calls for parliamentary elections, with the 2023 election having occurred on October 15, 2023. Amendments in March 2023 increased the total number of polling stations to 31,073, additionally providing for free transportation and enhanced accessibility for individuals with disabilities. The voting process, scheduled from 7:00 to 21:00, faced challenges including overcrowded polling stations due to high turnout. The 2023 elections had minor disruptions of public order, but there were no reported cases of double voting or impersonation.
Overall, the electoral process was efficient and well-organized, with amendments expanding the rights of committees and observers to record procedures. Minor irregularities were observed but promptly resolved without impacting the general election result.
In cases of irregularities, citizens were able to address complaints to the mayor or through the government portal, mObywatel, but the 2023 amendments restricted public scrutiny. The National Election Commission (PKW) oversees the process with a three-level structure. Since 2019, the PKW has had stronger political roots, with seven out of nine members appointed by the Sejm. Elections with sufficient resources are administered on the national, regional and local levels.
Under the terms of the Electoral Code, the president calls for parliamentary elections, with the 2023 election having occurred on October 15, 2023. Amendments in March 2023 increased the total number of polling stations to 31,073, additionally providing for free transportation and enhanced accessibility for individuals with disabilities. The voting process, scheduled from 7:00 to 21:00, faced challenges including overcrowded polling stations due to high turnout. The 2023 elections had minor disruptions of public order, but there were no reported cases of double voting or impersonation.
Overall, the electoral process was efficient and well-organized, with amendments expanding the rights of committees and observers to record procedures. Minor irregularities were observed but promptly resolved without impacting the general election result.
Citations:
Kodeks Wyborczy. 2023. Ustawa z dnia 5 stycznia 2011 r. Dz.U.2023.2408 t.j. https://sip.lex.pl/akty-prawne/dzu-dziennik-ustaw/kodeks-wyborczy-17679859
OSCE. 2023. “International Election Observation Mission Republic of Poland, Parliamentary Elections, 15 October 2023.” https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/2/4/555048.pdf
https://www.infor.pl/prawo/nowosci-prawne/6338068,pierwsze-nieprawidlowosci-podczas-wyborow-2023.html
Kodeks Wyborczy. 2023. Ustawa z dnia 5 stycznia 2011 r. Dz.U.2023.2408 t.j. https://sip.lex.pl/akty-prawne/dzu-dziennik-ustaw/kodeks-wyborczy-17679859
OSCE. 2023. “International Election Observation Mission Republic of Poland, Parliamentary Elections, 15 October 2023.” https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/2/4/555048.pdf
https://www.infor.pl/prawo/nowosci-prawne/6338068,pierwsze-nieprawidlowosci-podczas-wyborow-2023.html
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Hungary
Voting rights in Hungary are granted to nearly the entire population of Hungarians, including those living abroad. The voter registry generally meets democratic standards. Elections are held at national, regional, local and European levels in an orderly fashion. While elections are usually free and properly administered, they are far from fair.
The electoral law distinguishes between diaspora citizens without a Hungarian residence and Hungarian citizens temporarily living abroad with a registered address in Hungary. The former group, mainly ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania, Slovakia and neighboring countries, can vote by mail (Tóka 2019). However, mail-in ballots are not available to Hungarians who study or work abroad; they must travel to capital cities and endure long queues at embassies to cast their votes. This discrepancy creates inequality in access. Additionally, the mail ballot system is vulnerable to fraud due to lenient identification protocols and delays in updating the voter registry (see, e.g., Bozzay 2022). The electoral law has undergone frequent and sometimes radical, changes and gerrymandering has occurred to the ruling Fidesz party’s advantage. De jure, the voting process is administered professionally, but, as noted in the relevant election observation report by the OECD, it does not take place on a level playing field. A lack of transparency in campaign funding, for instance with regard to weak regulation of campaign finance disclosure, asymmetrical access to media outlets favoring government-allied candidates and the misuse of state funds for campaigning, have made it difficult for opposition parties and candidates to match the resources of those running on behalf of Fidesz or the allied Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP).
Additionally, opposition politicians have often been subject to smear campaigns initiated via the government’s misuse of state assets. These structural disadvantages were only partially countered by the opposition through the coverage of the party’s internal primaries, held in autumn 2021. In the run-up to the parliamentary elections of 2022, the imbalance between the government and the opposition concerning campaign funding, access to media outlets and organizational capacity became evident.
Against this background, it is unsurprising that Fidesz secured a two-thirds majority with 135 seats out of 199. Fidesz won the popular vote by a large margin of 54.13%. The United Opposition grouping could not replicate the success of the last local elections, in which they were on par with the government.
In addition to the two major political formations, a new party, Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland), secured six seats despite the government’s amendments to the electoral law in 2020. The amendment increased the requirement for a party to run nationally from presenting 27 constituency candidates in at least nine counties to 71 candidates in at least 14 counties. An exception to this rule is granted for ethnic minority representations, and the German minority representative won one seat in the elections.
The electoral law distinguishes between diaspora citizens without a Hungarian residence and Hungarian citizens temporarily living abroad with a registered address in Hungary. The former group, mainly ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania, Slovakia and neighboring countries, can vote by mail (Tóka 2019). However, mail-in ballots are not available to Hungarians who study or work abroad; they must travel to capital cities and endure long queues at embassies to cast their votes. This discrepancy creates inequality in access. Additionally, the mail ballot system is vulnerable to fraud due to lenient identification protocols and delays in updating the voter registry (see, e.g., Bozzay 2022). The electoral law has undergone frequent and sometimes radical, changes and gerrymandering has occurred to the ruling Fidesz party’s advantage. De jure, the voting process is administered professionally, but, as noted in the relevant election observation report by the OECD, it does not take place on a level playing field. A lack of transparency in campaign funding, for instance with regard to weak regulation of campaign finance disclosure, asymmetrical access to media outlets favoring government-allied candidates and the misuse of state funds for campaigning, have made it difficult for opposition parties and candidates to match the resources of those running on behalf of Fidesz or the allied Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP).
Additionally, opposition politicians have often been subject to smear campaigns initiated via the government’s misuse of state assets. These structural disadvantages were only partially countered by the opposition through the coverage of the party’s internal primaries, held in autumn 2021. In the run-up to the parliamentary elections of 2022, the imbalance between the government and the opposition concerning campaign funding, access to media outlets and organizational capacity became evident.
Against this background, it is unsurprising that Fidesz secured a two-thirds majority with 135 seats out of 199. Fidesz won the popular vote by a large margin of 54.13%. The United Opposition grouping could not replicate the success of the last local elections, in which they were on par with the government.
In addition to the two major political formations, a new party, Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland), secured six seats despite the government’s amendments to the electoral law in 2020. The amendment increased the requirement for a party to run nationally from presenting 27 constituency candidates in at least nine counties to 71 candidates in at least 14 counties. An exception to this rule is granted for ethnic minority representations, and the German minority representative won one seat in the elections.
Citations:
Tóka, G. 2019. “The 2018 Hungarian National Elections.” Social Report 314-340.
Bozzay, B. 2022. “Thrown Out Hungarian Mail-In Ballots Found Near Târgu Mureș, Romania.” Telex.hu, March 31. https://telex.hu/english/2022/03/31/thrown-out-hungarian-mail-in-ballots-found-near-targu-mures-romania
Tóka, G. 2019. “The 2018 Hungarian National Elections.” Social Report 314-340.
Bozzay, B. 2022. “Thrown Out Hungarian Mail-In Ballots Found Near Târgu Mureș, Romania.” Telex.hu, March 31. https://telex.hu/english/2022/03/31/thrown-out-hungarian-mail-in-ballots-found-near-targu-mures-romania
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
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