Vertical Accountability
#3Key Findings
Denmark is in the top group internationally (rank 3) with regard to vertical accountability.
All citizens aged 18 or older can vote in national elections, and any eligible voter can run for parliament. Political parties play a central role in selecting candidates. Independent candidates are allowed, but have difficulties winning. Parties typically need at least 2% of the vote to enter parliament.
Political parties receive substantial public funding, and transparency rules regarding donations are strict. Elections are held at least every four years, though the prime minister can call one at any time. There have been no reports of irregularities or disputes over results.
Polarization is rising, but antidemocratic movements remain on the fringe. Parliamentary cooperation is common, and legislation typically passes with large majorities. The Access to Public Administration Files Act allows public access to government documents, with some exceptions
All citizens aged 18 or older can vote in national elections, and any eligible voter can run for parliament. Political parties play a central role in selecting candidates. Independent candidates are allowed, but have difficulties winning. Parties typically need at least 2% of the vote to enter parliament.
Political parties receive substantial public funding, and transparency rules regarding donations are strict. Elections are held at least every four years, though the prime minister can call one at any time. There have been no reports of irregularities or disputes over results.
Polarization is rising, but antidemocratic movements remain on the fringe. Parliamentary cooperation is common, and legislation typically passes with large majorities. The Access to Public Administration Files Act allows public access to government documents, with some exceptions
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
The basic rule for candidacy procedures is laid out in Article 30 of the Danish constitution: “Any person who is entitled to vote at general (parliamentary) elections shall be eligible for membership of the Folketinget, unless he has been convicted of an act which in the eyes of the public makes him unworthy to be a member of the Folketinget.” It is the unicameral parliament (Folketinget) itself that ultimately decides whether a conviction renders someone unworthy of membership. Since the 1953 constitution, only twice have elected members been found unworthy to take office. Such a decision applies only to one electoral term, allowing the candidate to present themself in the next election. This occurred in 1987 when parliamentarian Mogens Glistrup was found worthy of taking office after serving a prison sentence for tax avoidance, which had rendered him unworthy after the 1982 election.
Political parties play a crucial role in selecting candidates for elections (Zahle 2005). Although it is possible to run in an election as an independent candidate, it is extremely difficult to win in that capacity. Given the relatively high number of political parties, it is reasonably easy to become a candidate for a party. There is also the option of forming a new party. To participate in general elections, a new party must collect at least 20,000 voter declarations, which are then verified and approved by the Ministry of the Interior and Health. Parties typically need at least 2% of the votes to gain representation in parliament. This threshold corresponds to four seats. If a party fails to secure enough votes to enter parliament, those votes are effectively lost.
At the regional and municipal level, access to the ballot is more lenient. To be on the ballot in a regional or municipal election, candidates have to secure 25 signatures from voters living in the municipality or region. Consequently, local lists and individuals are elected locally (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024).
Parties are generously funded in Denmark. Currently, they receive DKK 37 per vote gained in the preceding national election, DKK 8.25 per vote obtained in a municipal election and DKK 5.25 per vote gained in a regional election (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024b).
Party financing is relatively transparent in Denmark. According to the law, donations above DKK 25,000 cannot be made anonymously. There are press reports that donors partition their contributions into amounts lower than DKK 25,000 to avoid having to reveal their identities publicly. Another loophole exists in the form of party clubs, where donors pay a membership fee to gain access to top parliamentarians. These clubs are being discussed, but according to most press accounts, amounts flowing into parties are limited, probably due to the generous public funding of parties (Puguntke et al. 2016).
The Danish media landscape is dominated by the Danish Broadcasting Company (DR), which is publicly funded. Albæk et al. find that the reporting in DR is politically unbiased (Albæk et al. 2010). The print press is largely privately owned, and according to some commentators, these media lean to the right, with the exception of the daily Politiken, which self-declares as a center-left newspaper (Winter 2023). Even if the media coverage of electoral campaigns is not subject to strict regulations – for instance, in terms of equitable access – the coverage of issues and candidates before the 2022 general elections was “comprehensive and meaningful” (Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, 2023, p. 9).
Citations:
Albæk, E., Hopmann, D. N., and de Vreese, C. H. 2010. Kunsten at holde balancen: dækningen af folketingsvalgkampe i tv-nyhederne på DR1 og TV2, 1994-2007. Odense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag.
Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024. https://elections.im.dk
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. 2023. Denmark – Early General Elections 1 November 2022. ODIHR Election Expert Team Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE ODIHR.
Poguntke, Thomas, et al. 2016. “Party Rules, Party Resources and the Politics of Parliamentary Democracies: How Parties Organize in the 21st Century.” Party Politics 22 (6): 661-678.
Winter, B. 2023. “Læserne vælger avis efter partifarve - CVAP i Berlingske.” https://cvap.polsci.ku.dk/forskning/valgkamp/presse/L_serne_v_lger_avis_efter_partifarve_-_CVAP_i_Berlingske.pdf
Zahle, H. 2005. Dansk forfatningsret I: Institutioner og regulering. Copenhagen: Christian Ejlers’ Forlag.
Political parties play a crucial role in selecting candidates for elections (Zahle 2005). Although it is possible to run in an election as an independent candidate, it is extremely difficult to win in that capacity. Given the relatively high number of political parties, it is reasonably easy to become a candidate for a party. There is also the option of forming a new party. To participate in general elections, a new party must collect at least 20,000 voter declarations, which are then verified and approved by the Ministry of the Interior and Health. Parties typically need at least 2% of the votes to gain representation in parliament. This threshold corresponds to four seats. If a party fails to secure enough votes to enter parliament, those votes are effectively lost.
At the regional and municipal level, access to the ballot is more lenient. To be on the ballot in a regional or municipal election, candidates have to secure 25 signatures from voters living in the municipality or region. Consequently, local lists and individuals are elected locally (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024).
Parties are generously funded in Denmark. Currently, they receive DKK 37 per vote gained in the preceding national election, DKK 8.25 per vote obtained in a municipal election and DKK 5.25 per vote gained in a regional election (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024b).
Party financing is relatively transparent in Denmark. According to the law, donations above DKK 25,000 cannot be made anonymously. There are press reports that donors partition their contributions into amounts lower than DKK 25,000 to avoid having to reveal their identities publicly. Another loophole exists in the form of party clubs, where donors pay a membership fee to gain access to top parliamentarians. These clubs are being discussed, but according to most press accounts, amounts flowing into parties are limited, probably due to the generous public funding of parties (Puguntke et al. 2016).
The Danish media landscape is dominated by the Danish Broadcasting Company (DR), which is publicly funded. Albæk et al. find that the reporting in DR is politically unbiased (Albæk et al. 2010). The print press is largely privately owned, and according to some commentators, these media lean to the right, with the exception of the daily Politiken, which self-declares as a center-left newspaper (Winter 2023). Even if the media coverage of electoral campaigns is not subject to strict regulations – for instance, in terms of equitable access – the coverage of issues and candidates before the 2022 general elections was “comprehensive and meaningful” (Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, 2023, p. 9).
Citations:
Albæk, E., Hopmann, D. N., and de Vreese, C. H. 2010. Kunsten at holde balancen: dækningen af folketingsvalgkampe i tv-nyhederne på DR1 og TV2, 1994-2007. Odense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag.
Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024. https://elections.im.dk
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. 2023. Denmark – Early General Elections 1 November 2022. ODIHR Election Expert Team Final Report. Warsaw: OSCE ODIHR.
Poguntke, Thomas, et al. 2016. “Party Rules, Party Resources and the Politics of Parliamentary Democracies: How Parties Organize in the 21st Century.” Party Politics 22 (6): 661-678.
Winter, B. 2023. “Læserne vælger avis efter partifarve - CVAP i Berlingske.” https://cvap.polsci.ku.dk/forskning/valgkamp/presse/L_serne_v_lger_avis_efter_partifarve_-_CVAP_i_Berlingske.pdf
Zahle, H. 2005. Dansk forfatningsret I: Institutioner og regulering. Copenhagen: Christian Ejlers’ Forlag.
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
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There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
All Danish citizens aged 18 or older can vote in national elections. It is very difficult to revoke the right to vote, and this only happens if a judge finds that a citizen is incapable of protecting their personal interests (Danish Institute for Human Rights 2018). This disempowerment happens only in cases of severe cognitive impairment and occurs only rarely. Since voting is centrally planned and information about citizens comes from national registries, there are very few instances where voters are denied the right to vote. When such cases arise, it is due to a lag in bureaucratic processes.
A general election must be held at least every four years, but the prime minister can call for a general election at any time. This should give the prime minister a strategic advantage, although the evidence on whether this advantage translates reliably into electoral wins is unclear. The number of polling stations has been decreasing, which has marginally reduced turnout rates (Hansen 2019). However, turnout rates overall remain high in Denmark, with a recorded turnout rate of 84.2% in the 2022 election.
Elections at the regional and municipal levels run on a four-year interval and take place on the third Tuesday in November of the election year (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). The last municipal and regional elections occurred in 2021.
Election results are almost never contested, and reports of violence or harassment at polling stations are very rare. There are no observations of irregularities in vote counting or the withholding of information concerning elections. There has never been a dispute over national election results. At the municipal level, recounts have occurred when controls did not match preliminary results, but there has never been a recount of votes after results have been made public.
Early voting is available in municipal offices that handle various citizen requests, as well as in hospitals, elder-care facilities and prisons. A resident must provide valid identification in order to vote (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). One notable issue in Danish democracy is the participation rates of immigrants, which are consistently and significantly lower than those of native Danes (Bhatti 2018).
Since 2018, citizens have had the power to send so-called citizens’ initiatives (borgerforslag) to parliament. These initiatives are posted on borgerforslag.dk, where other citizens can choose to support them. If at least 50,000 citizens support an initiative, it is forwarded to parliament, and political parties may decide to present it as a proposal for parliamentary resolution. However, citizens’ initiatives are not automatically presented in parliament even when they reach the 50,000-supporter threshold.
Citations:
Bhatti, Y. 2018. “Valgdeltagelsen blandt ikke-vestlige indvandrere og efterkommere.” Politica. https://tidsskrift.dk/politica/article/view/131248
Danish Institute for Human Rights. 2018. “Staten sagsøges for manglende stemmeret.” https://menneskeret.dk/nyheder/staten-sagsoeges-manglende-stemmeret
Hansen, K. 2019. “Valgdeltagelsen ved folketingsvalget 2019.” https://cvap.polsci.ku.dk/forskning/valgdeltagelse/papers_og_rapporter/valgdeltagelse_fv19.pdf
Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024: https://valg.im.dk/valg/kommunale-og-regionale-valg
Ministry of the Interior and Health. 2024. https://valg.im.dk/vaelgere/brevstemmeafgivning/
Folketinget. https://www.thedanishparliament.dk/en/democracy/the-parliament
A general election must be held at least every four years, but the prime minister can call for a general election at any time. This should give the prime minister a strategic advantage, although the evidence on whether this advantage translates reliably into electoral wins is unclear. The number of polling stations has been decreasing, which has marginally reduced turnout rates (Hansen 2019). However, turnout rates overall remain high in Denmark, with a recorded turnout rate of 84.2% in the 2022 election.
Elections at the regional and municipal levels run on a four-year interval and take place on the third Tuesday in November of the election year (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). The last municipal and regional elections occurred in 2021.
Election results are almost never contested, and reports of violence or harassment at polling stations are very rare. There are no observations of irregularities in vote counting or the withholding of information concerning elections. There has never been a dispute over national election results. At the municipal level, recounts have occurred when controls did not match preliminary results, but there has never been a recount of votes after results have been made public.
Early voting is available in municipal offices that handle various citizen requests, as well as in hospitals, elder-care facilities and prisons. A resident must provide valid identification in order to vote (Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024). One notable issue in Danish democracy is the participation rates of immigrants, which are consistently and significantly lower than those of native Danes (Bhatti 2018).
Since 2018, citizens have had the power to send so-called citizens’ initiatives (borgerforslag) to parliament. These initiatives are posted on borgerforslag.dk, where other citizens can choose to support them. If at least 50,000 citizens support an initiative, it is forwarded to parliament, and political parties may decide to present it as a proposal for parliamentary resolution. However, citizens’ initiatives are not automatically presented in parliament even when they reach the 50,000-supporter threshold.
Citations:
Bhatti, Y. 2018. “Valgdeltagelsen blandt ikke-vestlige indvandrere og efterkommere.” Politica. https://tidsskrift.dk/politica/article/view/131248
Danish Institute for Human Rights. 2018. “Staten sagsøges for manglende stemmeret.” https://menneskeret.dk/nyheder/staten-sagsoeges-manglende-stemmeret
Hansen, K. 2019. “Valgdeltagelsen ved folketingsvalget 2019.” https://cvap.polsci.ku.dk/forskning/valgdeltagelse/papers_og_rapporter/valgdeltagelse_fv19.pdf
Ministry of the Interior and Health 2024: https://valg.im.dk/valg/kommunale-og-regionale-valg
Ministry of the Interior and Health. 2024. https://valg.im.dk/vaelgere/brevstemmeafgivning/
Folketinget. https://www.thedanishparliament.dk/en/democracy/the-parliament
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To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
Denmark employs a proportional electoral formula for elections at all levels of governance, ensuring that most societal interests can obtain representation. Consequently, it is rare for social movements unaffiliated with political parties to gain representation. Following the latest municipal election, Elklit and Kjær (2021) argued that some imbalances in the current electoral formula need to be addressed. These imbalances arise because political parties have the right to form electoral alliances, based on which seats are distributed. Without this right, the electoral system would be more proportional. According to Elklit and Kjær, the primary issue is that the ability to form pre-electoral coalitions distorts results, giving the biggest party in the coalition an advantage by awarding it more seats relative to the number of votes it has received.
Political parties are well represented across Denmark, with active local branches. Most parties also have youth organizations. There are some differences among parties regarding how independently local branches can nominate candidates without interference from national offices. Generally, the newer the party, the less autonomy local branches have in selecting candidates to run for office (Kosiara-Pedersen and Harre 2017).
A recent analysis of local party manifestos from the 2021 election shows that political parties offer policies adjusted to the local political environment without losing sight of their ideological outlook (Schrøder et al. 2021). Hence, political parties at the national and local levels are programmatic in their approach to policy. While parties have distinct political profiles, ideological distances between parties are relatively small in Denmark, with no evidence of strong positional polarization (Green-Pedersen and Kosiara-Pedersen 2020).
Party manifestos are publicly available at national, regional and municipal elections for most parties.
Citations:
Green-Pedersen, C. and K. Kosiara-Hansen. 2020. “The Party System: Open yet Stable.” Oxford Handbook of Danish Politics, 554-579.
Elklit, J., and U. Kjær. 2021. “Er 1, 2, 3, 4 … virkelig bedre end 1, 3, 5, 7 …?.” https://www.ft.dk/samling/20222/almdel/INU/bilag/39/2739523/index.htm
Kosiara-Pedersen, K., and Harre, A. 2017. “Kandidatrekruttering i politiske partier.” Økonomi & Politik 90 (3).
Schrøder, et al. 2021. “Er der forskel på partiernes lokale valgprogrammer?” In Elklit Jørgen and Ulrik Kjær, eds., KV17: Analyser af kommunalvalget 2017, pp. 223-239.
Political parties are well represented across Denmark, with active local branches. Most parties also have youth organizations. There are some differences among parties regarding how independently local branches can nominate candidates without interference from national offices. Generally, the newer the party, the less autonomy local branches have in selecting candidates to run for office (Kosiara-Pedersen and Harre 2017).
A recent analysis of local party manifestos from the 2021 election shows that political parties offer policies adjusted to the local political environment without losing sight of their ideological outlook (Schrøder et al. 2021). Hence, political parties at the national and local levels are programmatic in their approach to policy. While parties have distinct political profiles, ideological distances between parties are relatively small in Denmark, with no evidence of strong positional polarization (Green-Pedersen and Kosiara-Pedersen 2020).
Party manifestos are publicly available at national, regional and municipal elections for most parties.
Citations:
Green-Pedersen, C. and K. Kosiara-Hansen. 2020. “The Party System: Open yet Stable.” Oxford Handbook of Danish Politics, 554-579.
Elklit, J., and U. Kjær. 2021. “Er 1, 2, 3, 4 … virkelig bedre end 1, 3, 5, 7 …?.” https://www.ft.dk/samling/20222/almdel/INU/bilag/39/2739523/index.htm
Kosiara-Pedersen, K., and Harre, A. 2017. “Kandidatrekruttering i politiske partier.” Økonomi & Politik 90 (3).
Schrøder, et al. 2021. “Er der forskel på partiernes lokale valgprogrammer?” In Elklit Jørgen and Ulrik Kjær, eds., KV17: Analyser af kommunalvalget 2017, pp. 223-239.
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
Denmark’s democracy is very stable and enjoys strong legitimacy among all parties. Anti-democratic movements remain on the fringe in Denmark. Thus, all major parties support the constitution, and there have been no signs that political parties are willing to change the fundamentals of liberal democracy.
Polarization is on the rise in Denmark, as in most European countries. This does not affect the levels of cooperation in the Danish parliament, where legislation is still passed with overwhelming majorities, a trend observed since the introduction of the 1953 constitution. Denmark is typically governed by minority governments, which requires cross-party cooperation to reach compromises (Green-Pedersen and Sjæveland 2020, Hansen 2003). Surprisingly, the current majority government has passed most of its significant legislation using supermajorities, as has been the norm in the Danish parliament.
While the system is stable and there is a strong consensus tradition in Danish politics, members of parliament frequently shift parties, and new parties are often formed. In the recent general election in 2023, three new parties with roots in other parties were on the ballot: the Independent Greens (Frie Grønne), formed by legislators who had left the Alternative (Alternativet); The Moderates (Moderaterne), headed by the former prime minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen (then representing the Liberals (Venstre)); and the Danish Democrats (Danmarksdemokraterne), headed by Inger Støjberg, a former minister (then representing the Liberals (Venstre)).
Since anti-democratic forces are only a tiny fringe group, democracy has not come under threat.
Citations:
Green-Pedersen, C., and A. Skjæveland. 2020. “Blokpolitik og nye politiske emner. Hvordan går det med samarbejdsmønstrene i Folketinget?” Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab 52 (3).
Hansen, ME. 2003. Parlamentsafstemninger og partiprogrammer: En analyse af de politiske partiers placering 1953-2003. Århus: University of Århus Department of Political Science.
Polarization is on the rise in Denmark, as in most European countries. This does not affect the levels of cooperation in the Danish parliament, where legislation is still passed with overwhelming majorities, a trend observed since the introduction of the 1953 constitution. Denmark is typically governed by minority governments, which requires cross-party cooperation to reach compromises (Green-Pedersen and Sjæveland 2020, Hansen 2003). Surprisingly, the current majority government has passed most of its significant legislation using supermajorities, as has been the norm in the Danish parliament.
While the system is stable and there is a strong consensus tradition in Danish politics, members of parliament frequently shift parties, and new parties are often formed. In the recent general election in 2023, three new parties with roots in other parties were on the ballot: the Independent Greens (Frie Grønne), formed by legislators who had left the Alternative (Alternativet); The Moderates (Moderaterne), headed by the former prime minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen (then representing the Liberals (Venstre)); and the Danish Democrats (Danmarksdemokraterne), headed by Inger Støjberg, a former minister (then representing the Liberals (Venstre)).
Since anti-democratic forces are only a tiny fringe group, democracy has not come under threat.
Citations:
Green-Pedersen, C., and A. Skjæveland. 2020. “Blokpolitik og nye politiske emner. Hvordan går det med samarbejdsmønstrene i Folketinget?” Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab 52 (3).
Hansen, ME. 2003. Parlamentsafstemninger og partiprogrammer: En analyse af de politiske partiers placering 1953-2003. Århus: University of Århus Department of Political Science.
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To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
The Access to Public Administration Files Act (1985) stipulates that “any person may demand that he be apprised of documents received or issued by an administration authority in the course of its activity.” However, there are exemptions, including matters of criminal justice, access to an authority’s internal case material, and material gathered for the purpose of public statistics or scientific research. The law further stipulates that access “may be subject to limitations” for information related to state security, defense of the realm, and the protection of Danish foreign policy and Danish external economic interests. The act requires that requests be dealt with quickly. If no decision has been made within 10 days, authorities must inform inquiring parties why their request has been delayed and when they can expect a decision. De facto, the rules are respected.
The parliamentary ombudsman can review decisions by administrative authorities regarding the disclosure of information. Although the ombudsman cannot change decisions, they can make recommendations, which authorities usually follow. If a ministry or municipality does not comply with the rules, the ombudsman can also take up the case.
The revised Access to Public Administration Act 2014, approved by a broad majority in parliament, has been criticized for reducing access to documents prepared by government officials in the process of developing new government policy (Krunke 2017).
Citations:
Act No. 572. 1985. The Danish Access to Public Administration Files Act. http://www.unece.org/fileadmin/DAM/env/pp/compliance/C200828/response/DKAccessToPublicAdministrationFilesAct.pdf
Helle Krunke. “Freedom of Information and Open Government in Denmark.” http://ojs.imodev.org/index.php/RIGO/article/view/9/70
The parliamentary ombudsman can review decisions by administrative authorities regarding the disclosure of information. Although the ombudsman cannot change decisions, they can make recommendations, which authorities usually follow. If a ministry or municipality does not comply with the rules, the ombudsman can also take up the case.
The revised Access to Public Administration Act 2014, approved by a broad majority in parliament, has been criticized for reducing access to documents prepared by government officials in the process of developing new government policy (Krunke 2017).
Citations:
Act No. 572. 1985. The Danish Access to Public Administration Files Act. http://www.unece.org/fileadmin/DAM/env/pp/compliance/C200828/response/DKAccessToPublicAdministrationFilesAct.pdf
Helle Krunke. “Freedom of Information and Open Government in Denmark.” http://ojs.imodev.org/index.php/RIGO/article/view/9/70