Vertical Accountability
#18Key Findings
Greece falls into the lower-middle ranks (rank 18) internationally in the area of vertical accountability.
No significant barriers to political party competition exist for national or local elections, and party registration is straightforward. Political parties that meet the 3% electoral threshold in parliamentary elections, or 1.5% in European Parliament elections, receive equal media access. Party financing is regulated by law, but undeclared contributions are a continuing concern.
Elections are conducted fairly and legally. Parties must obtain at least 3% of the vote to win parliamentary representation. There are no barriers preventing citizens or societal groups from voting, though delays in updating municipal records lead to inflated electoral registers. The party system is highly polarized.
The Freedom of Information Act grants access to official information, but public services often delay responses or refuse requests.
No significant barriers to political party competition exist for national or local elections, and party registration is straightforward. Political parties that meet the 3% electoral threshold in parliamentary elections, or 1.5% in European Parliament elections, receive equal media access. Party financing is regulated by law, but undeclared contributions are a continuing concern.
Elections are conducted fairly and legally. Parties must obtain at least 3% of the vote to win parliamentary representation. There are no barriers preventing citizens or societal groups from voting, though delays in updating municipal records lead to inflated electoral registers. The party system is highly polarized.
The Freedom of Information Act grants access to official information, but public services often delay responses or refuse requests.
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
In Greek national and local government elections, there are de jure and de facto no barriers to political party competition. The process for registering political parties is straightforward, as outlined by Presidential Decree 96/2007. Party registration requires a simple statement signed by the party leader and submitted to Greece’s Supreme Court (Areios Pagos). The Supreme Court rarely excludes parties from participating in elections. The law establishes clear, objectively verifiable criteria for registration, including: a) avoiding the use of a party name already claimed by another party, b) refraining from using Greece’s national symbols or emblems as party insignia, and c) collecting at least 200 signatures from citizens supporting the party.
Political parties that surpass the 3% electoral threshold in national parliamentary elections, or obtain at least 1.5% of the vote in European Parliament elections, are granted equal opportunities for media access. Media ownership may influence political alignments, with media owners occasionally shifting their support between the government and the opposition, depending on their business interests. However, during electoral campaigns, laws are enforced to ensure that candidates and parties have relatively equal access to the media.
Party financing is governed by a law first adopted in 2002 and subsequently amended, with all relevant regulations codified most recently in 2022. In practice, parties and candidates are required to maintain financial records, disclose the value of donations received, and regularly publish their accounts. However, the accuracy of these records is sometimes disputed, and some donations are made off the books, evading detection by the independent committee responsible for overseeing party financing (known as the “Control Committee”).
The Control Committee is composed of 11 members – three members of parliament and eight senior judges and administrators. Despite its oversight role, the committee rarely imposes strict penalties for violations of party financing regulations. This leniency reflects the broader context of the Greek economy, where tax evasion and undeclared income are widespread.
Political competition in Greece is somewhat distorted by the access of parties and candidates to undeclared funding sources. However, it is not affected by gerrymandering, as the government does not arbitrarily redraw electoral districts. In terms of new media, political parties actively use campaign managers to exploit platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and TikTok. Media pluralism in these domains allows for the verification and debunking of fake news circulated by any single source, as other sources work to confirm the authenticity of the information.
In summary, over the last half-century (1974–2024), despite the often intense polarization in Greece’s two-party system, elections have been conducted legally and fairly, without significant challenges being posed to the system by parties or candidates.
Citations:
ACE project. n.d. “Registration requirements for parties – Greece.” https://aceproject.org/epic-en/CDTable?view=country&question=PC001
The law regulating party financing, first adopted in 2022, was Law 3023/2002. The law’s regulations and subsequent amendments were codified in 2022 by Presidential Decree 15/2022.
Political parties that surpass the 3% electoral threshold in national parliamentary elections, or obtain at least 1.5% of the vote in European Parliament elections, are granted equal opportunities for media access. Media ownership may influence political alignments, with media owners occasionally shifting their support between the government and the opposition, depending on their business interests. However, during electoral campaigns, laws are enforced to ensure that candidates and parties have relatively equal access to the media.
Party financing is governed by a law first adopted in 2002 and subsequently amended, with all relevant regulations codified most recently in 2022. In practice, parties and candidates are required to maintain financial records, disclose the value of donations received, and regularly publish their accounts. However, the accuracy of these records is sometimes disputed, and some donations are made off the books, evading detection by the independent committee responsible for overseeing party financing (known as the “Control Committee”).
The Control Committee is composed of 11 members – three members of parliament and eight senior judges and administrators. Despite its oversight role, the committee rarely imposes strict penalties for violations of party financing regulations. This leniency reflects the broader context of the Greek economy, where tax evasion and undeclared income are widespread.
Political competition in Greece is somewhat distorted by the access of parties and candidates to undeclared funding sources. However, it is not affected by gerrymandering, as the government does not arbitrarily redraw electoral districts. In terms of new media, political parties actively use campaign managers to exploit platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and TikTok. Media pluralism in these domains allows for the verification and debunking of fake news circulated by any single source, as other sources work to confirm the authenticity of the information.
In summary, over the last half-century (1974–2024), despite the often intense polarization in Greece’s two-party system, elections have been conducted legally and fairly, without significant challenges being posed to the system by parties or candidates.
Citations:
ACE project. n.d. “Registration requirements for parties – Greece.” https://aceproject.org/epic-en/CDTable?view=country&question=PC001
The law regulating party financing, first adopted in 2022, was Law 3023/2002. The law’s regulations and subsequent amendments were codified in 2022 by Presidential Decree 15/2022.
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
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There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
In Greece, there are no significant legal or practical barriers that prevent citizens or specific societal groups from exercising their right to vote. Citizens face no discrimination or disincentives in this regard.
Until 2023, Greek citizens living abroad had to return to Greece to vote. However, a new law now allows these citizens to vote by mail, which will be tested for the first time in the European Parliament elections in May 2024 (Michalopoulos, 2023).
Since 2016, the minimum voting age in Greece has been lowered to 17 years. Voter registration is automatic and without barriers, as Greeks are registered at birth in the municipality where their family resides. Consequently, municipal records serve the dual purpose of containing demographic data for all Greek citizens and acting as the official list of eligible voters.
However, delays in updating these records – specifically in removing the names of deceased citizens or those who have permanently left Greece – result in over-inflated electoral registers. This inflation leads to a discrepancy between the number of registered voters and the actual number of eligible voters, thus affecting the calculation of electoral turnout. A new bill, expected to be adopted in early 2023, aims to address this issue by regulating the process of cleansing electoral registers.
Elections in Greece are conducted smoothly, thanks to an impartial and highly competent electoral management body composed of senior officials from the Ministry of Interior. These officials are supported by well-trained staff and receive the necessary financial resources to administer elections effectively. Trained civil servants and practicing lawyers from all electoral districts are summoned before election day, provided with instructions, and compensated for their work as polling station managers. Any issues that arise on election day are resolved by local first-instance courts.
Greece adheres to a regular four-year electoral cycle for multiparty elections. In the past, Greek governments occasionally exercised their right to dissolve parliament, leading to snap elections. However, since 2015, elections have followed a predictable four-year cycle.
Greece boasts a high number of polling stations – 21,199 across the country – with an average of 453 registered voters per station. Low-fare public transportation is available in mainland Greece, and polling stations are equipped with facilities for citizens with disabilities.
The ballot design is comprehensive and user-friendly, ensuring that the secrecy of the ballot is maintained without issues. There have been no reported incidents of voter harassment, violence, or intimidation, nor have there been cases of double voting or impersonation. In summary, the election process in Greece is conducted in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner.
Citations:
Michalopoulos, S. 2023. “Greece to test postal voting in EU elections for the first time.” Euractiv.com January 12. https://www.euractiv.com/section/elections/news/greece-to-test-postal-voting-in-eu-elections-for-the-first-time
Data on polling stations is drawn on the official website of the Ministry of Interior: https://www.ypes.gr/eklogika-tmimata/
Until 2023, Greek citizens living abroad had to return to Greece to vote. However, a new law now allows these citizens to vote by mail, which will be tested for the first time in the European Parliament elections in May 2024 (Michalopoulos, 2023).
Since 2016, the minimum voting age in Greece has been lowered to 17 years. Voter registration is automatic and without barriers, as Greeks are registered at birth in the municipality where their family resides. Consequently, municipal records serve the dual purpose of containing demographic data for all Greek citizens and acting as the official list of eligible voters.
However, delays in updating these records – specifically in removing the names of deceased citizens or those who have permanently left Greece – result in over-inflated electoral registers. This inflation leads to a discrepancy between the number of registered voters and the actual number of eligible voters, thus affecting the calculation of electoral turnout. A new bill, expected to be adopted in early 2023, aims to address this issue by regulating the process of cleansing electoral registers.
Elections in Greece are conducted smoothly, thanks to an impartial and highly competent electoral management body composed of senior officials from the Ministry of Interior. These officials are supported by well-trained staff and receive the necessary financial resources to administer elections effectively. Trained civil servants and practicing lawyers from all electoral districts are summoned before election day, provided with instructions, and compensated for their work as polling station managers. Any issues that arise on election day are resolved by local first-instance courts.
Greece adheres to a regular four-year electoral cycle for multiparty elections. In the past, Greek governments occasionally exercised their right to dissolve parliament, leading to snap elections. However, since 2015, elections have followed a predictable four-year cycle.
Greece boasts a high number of polling stations – 21,199 across the country – with an average of 453 registered voters per station. Low-fare public transportation is available in mainland Greece, and polling stations are equipped with facilities for citizens with disabilities.
The ballot design is comprehensive and user-friendly, ensuring that the secrecy of the ballot is maintained without issues. There have been no reported incidents of voter harassment, violence, or intimidation, nor have there been cases of double voting or impersonation. In summary, the election process in Greece is conducted in an impartial and nondiscriminatory manner.
Citations:
Michalopoulos, S. 2023. “Greece to test postal voting in EU elections for the first time.” Euractiv.com January 12. https://www.euractiv.com/section/elections/news/greece-to-test-postal-voting-in-eu-elections-for-the-first-time
Data on polling stations is drawn on the official website of the Ministry of Interior: https://www.ypes.gr/eklogika-tmimata/
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To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
In Greece, a 3% electoral threshold must be surpassed by a political party to gain parliamentary representation. While this threshold acts as a barrier, it ensures that the vast majority of societal interests are represented without fragmenting parliamentary representation excessively. Parties failing to meet this threshold do not elect MPs. There are no minority parties representing ethnic, regional, or other specific constituencies. Over the past 30 years, the Muslim minority of Western Thrace (in northwest Greece) has been represented by MPs who have aligned with major parties such as New Democracy, Pasok, and Syriza.
The largest political parties, including New Democracy, Pasok, and Syriza, maintain local branches across cities and towns nationwide without promoting localism or distinctly regional interests. Party manifestos once differed significantly during periods of intense polarization in the Greek party system, such as in the 1980s (New Democracy vs. Pasok) and again during the recent economic crisis in the 2010s (New Democracy and Pasok vs. Syriza). Although ideological differences persist, particularly regarding state intervention in the economy and labor market, the major parties have converged on key policy areas such as foreign policy, EU-Greece relations, and macroeconomic and fiscal policies.
Moreover, all three major parties reject the revolutionary approach to state socialism advocated by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). Despite this exception, the largest parties have reached consensus on significant policy issues.
Citations:
Links to party manifestos (2023):
Νew Democracy (ND): https://nd.gr/ekloges-2023
Panhellenic Socialist Party (Pasok): https://digitalsociety.gr/programma.pdf
Coalition of the Radical Left (Syriza): https://www.syriza.gr/article/id/144470/To-kybernhtiko-programma-toy-SYRIZA – Proodeytikh-Symmachia.html#
Communist Party of Greece (KKE): https://www.kke.gr/arxes-stoxoi/programma/
The largest political parties, including New Democracy, Pasok, and Syriza, maintain local branches across cities and towns nationwide without promoting localism or distinctly regional interests. Party manifestos once differed significantly during periods of intense polarization in the Greek party system, such as in the 1980s (New Democracy vs. Pasok) and again during the recent economic crisis in the 2010s (New Democracy and Pasok vs. Syriza). Although ideological differences persist, particularly regarding state intervention in the economy and labor market, the major parties have converged on key policy areas such as foreign policy, EU-Greece relations, and macroeconomic and fiscal policies.
Moreover, all three major parties reject the revolutionary approach to state socialism advocated by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). Despite this exception, the largest parties have reached consensus on significant policy issues.
Citations:
Links to party manifestos (2023):
Νew Democracy (ND): https://nd.gr/ekloges-2023
Panhellenic Socialist Party (Pasok): https://digitalsociety.gr/programma.pdf
Coalition of the Radical Left (Syriza): https://www.syriza.gr/article/id/144470/To-kybernhtiko-programma-toy-SYRIZA – Proodeytikh-Symmachia.html#
Communist Party of Greece (KKE): https://www.kke.gr/arxes-stoxoi/programma/
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
There is nothing in the institutional design of Greece’s party system that prevents effective cross-party cooperation. However, in practice, the Greek party system has experienced significant political polarization. From 1974 to 2010, the two largest parties – the center-right New Democracy and the center-left Pasok – alternated in government and engaged in fierce electoral battles. Polarization continued during the Greek economic crisis in the 2010s, with New Democracy and the radical left Syriza competing for power (Andreadis and Stavrakakis 2020).
This polarization is not only a reflection of political party competition but also a legacy of the historical conflict between the Right and the Left, dating back to the Greek Civil War of the 1940s. The electoral system, which facilitates the formation of single-party majority governments, has also contributed to this polarization.
Particularly during pre-electoral periods, both major parties and the media, including nationally circulated newspapers, exacerbate polarization, further hindering cross-party cooperation (Exadactylos, 2020).
After 2015, as all parties converged on austerity measures and fiscal restraint, polarization became less pronounced. Recent research indicates that despite ongoing tensions, there was significant cross-party cooperation in parliament during 2019–2024 (VouliWatch, 2023). For instance, opposition parties such as Pasok and Syriza frequently voted alongside the ruling New Democracy party, with Pasok aligning on 69% of all parliamentary votes and Syriza on 45%.
Citations:
Andreadis, Ioannis, and Yannis Stavrakakis. 2020. “Dynamics of Polarization in the Greek Case.” ANNALS, AAPSS 681 (January): 157-172.
Exadaktylos, Theofanis. 2020. “Them and Us: The Politics of Exclusion in Greece in Times of Polarization.” The Emerald Handbook of Digital Media in Greece, 275-288.
VouliWatch. 2023. “Voting together – the extent of consensus among political parties in parliament.” https://twitter.com/vouliwatch/status/1656634387599970310
This polarization is not only a reflection of political party competition but also a legacy of the historical conflict between the Right and the Left, dating back to the Greek Civil War of the 1940s. The electoral system, which facilitates the formation of single-party majority governments, has also contributed to this polarization.
Particularly during pre-electoral periods, both major parties and the media, including nationally circulated newspapers, exacerbate polarization, further hindering cross-party cooperation (Exadactylos, 2020).
After 2015, as all parties converged on austerity measures and fiscal restraint, polarization became less pronounced. Recent research indicates that despite ongoing tensions, there was significant cross-party cooperation in parliament during 2019–2024 (VouliWatch, 2023). For instance, opposition parties such as Pasok and Syriza frequently voted alongside the ruling New Democracy party, with Pasok aligning on 69% of all parliamentary votes and Syriza on 45%.
Citations:
Andreadis, Ioannis, and Yannis Stavrakakis. 2020. “Dynamics of Polarization in the Greek Case.” ANNALS, AAPSS 681 (January): 157-172.
Exadaktylos, Theofanis. 2020. “Them and Us: The Politics of Exclusion in Greece in Times of Polarization.” The Emerald Handbook of Digital Media in Greece, 275-288.
VouliWatch. 2023. “Voting together – the extent of consensus among political parties in parliament.” https://twitter.com/vouliwatch/status/1656634387599970310
Graph View
To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
The right to access information is constitutionally guaranteed in Greece (Article 5A of the Constitution). Legally, there are few barriers for citizens seeking access to official information. The Freedom of Information Act, first adopted in 1986 and amended several times (most recently in 2022), governs this right, with certain exemptions justified on the grounds of defense, security, and foreign policy.
However, in practice, public services may refuse to supply official information, often citing personal data protection concerns for civil servants and government officials. The response time to information requests varies significantly and can be lengthy, depending on the efficiency of the public service involved. As a result, the public administration often does not promptly respond to citizens’ requests for information. Citizens can, however, resort to administrative courts and the Greek ombudsman to enforce their right to access information.
Citations:
The Freedom of Information Act adopted in 1986 was Law 1599/1986. It has been amended several times, including in 2022, by Law 5003/2022. See https://www.kodiko.gr/nomothesia/document/46824/nomos-1599-1986
However, in practice, public services may refuse to supply official information, often citing personal data protection concerns for civil servants and government officials. The response time to information requests varies significantly and can be lengthy, depending on the efficiency of the public service involved. As a result, the public administration often does not promptly respond to citizens’ requests for information. Citizens can, however, resort to administrative courts and the Greek ombudsman to enforce their right to access information.
Citations:
The Freedom of Information Act adopted in 1986 was Law 1599/1986. It has been amended several times, including in 2022, by Law 5003/2022. See https://www.kodiko.gr/nomothesia/document/46824/nomos-1599-1986