Vertical Accountability
#18Key Findings
Ireland falls into the lower-middle ranks (rank 18) in the category of vertical accountability.
Political competition is free and fair. A ranked-choice voting system allows independent candidates and small parties to compete with larger parties. Voting rights are granted to all citizens except those without permanent residence or criminal convictions.
The political system features a centralized state with weak local government, yet strong localism. Party manifestos are distinct and accessible. The rise of small far-right parties is changing the political landscape, introducing anti-immigrant and populist tones that have previously been absent.
Coalition governments are becoming increasingly likely, even as durable coalitions are becoming harder to form. This realignment has been driven by issues such as Brexit, the housing crisis, inflation and the cost of living. A freedom of information regulation is in place, with some concerns over redactions and refusals.
Political competition is free and fair. A ranked-choice voting system allows independent candidates and small parties to compete with larger parties. Voting rights are granted to all citizens except those without permanent residence or criminal convictions.
The political system features a centralized state with weak local government, yet strong localism. Party manifestos are distinct and accessible. The rise of small far-right parties is changing the political landscape, introducing anti-immigrant and populist tones that have previously been absent.
Coalition governments are becoming increasingly likely, even as durable coalitions are becoming harder to form. This realignment has been driven by issues such as Brexit, the housing crisis, inflation and the cost of living. A freedom of information regulation is in place, with some concerns over redactions and refusals.
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
Political competition between and among candidates and political parties in Ireland is free and fair, largely due to the Proportional Representation Single Transferable Voting (PRSTV) system. This system facilitates competition for individual independents, small parties and larger parties. Irish electoral law mandates that only candidates stand for election (ACE 2023). While it is not compulsory for a political party to register, registration is required to access state funding. Registration procedures for candidates and political parties meet standards of transparency and fairness, including small financial deposits, age requirements, no party affiliation requirement and no exclusions for insolvency, undischarged bankruptcy or criminal record convictions.
To run as a candidate in Irish elections, individuals must be citizens and over 21. Political parties typically hold competitive selection conventions to choose candidates for each constituency through local ‘one member one vote’ systems, with some variations. National parties accept such nominations and sometimes add to local lists at their discretion. Independent candidates must present a nomination paper to the returning officer in the constituency where they want to stand. Eligible candidates are not prevented from being elected or disqualified from registration except by objectively verifiable criteria set by law. Candidates and parties denied the right to be elected or registered have the right to appeal to a competent jurisdiction capable of reviewing such decisions and correcting errors promptly. Candidates and parties must maintain accurate financial records, disclose the nature and value of received donations and regularly publish their accounts (SIPO 2024).
The Electoral Reform Bill 2021 regulates online political advertising (Lynch, 2017). Candidates and parties generally have fair access to the media and other communication channels, though smaller parties, local or independent candidates, ethnic minorities and women may face uneven access. The media landscape covers various political positions but tends to privilege economic discourse and actors. Party funding is transparently monitored by the Standards in Public Office Commission (SIPO), which imposes sanctions for violations and reports after each election cycle. A Registrar of Political Parties accepts notices and applications for party registration, monitored by the Chief Executive of An Coimisiún Toghcháin, the Electoral Commission, who is also the Registrar of Political Parties. Decisions take effect after a 21-day appeal period and are formally notified in the official Irish state newspaper, Iris Oifigiúil.
In the next election, there will be 174 members of Parliament, a decrease from 166 to 160 in 2020, then up by 14, representing 43 constituencies, reflecting population growth (Electoral (Amendment Act 2023). Boundary Commission processes ensure accountable constituency revisions, avoiding significant advantages for specific candidates or parties and preventing gerrymandering. Since 2023, this function is managed by the Electoral Commission. Political competition is influenced and can be distorted by social media tactics as smaller far-right parties use social media to project fake news and distort debates (HCC 2023).
Citations:
ACE. 2023. Electoral Acts 1992 - 2011, Art. 25.
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Ireland’s Statutory, Independent Electoral Commission.” https://www.electoralcommission.ie/
Lynch, C. 2017. “The Effect of Parliamentary Reforms (2011-2016) on the Oireachtas Committee System.” Administration 65 (2): 59-87.
SIPO. 2023. https://www.sipo.ie/acts-and-codes/guidelines/donations/index.xml
HCC. 2023. Greater than Fear. Dublin: Hope and Courage Collective. https://tortoiseshack.ie/312-hope-and-courage-how-to-counter-hate-fear/https://www.irishtimes.com/life-style/2023/09/09/combating-the-far-right-they-shopping-for-anything-that-whips-up-fear-and-division/
Stone, P. 2021. “Democracy in Ireland: Theory and Practice.” In Farrell and Hardiman, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, 89-106. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
To run as a candidate in Irish elections, individuals must be citizens and over 21. Political parties typically hold competitive selection conventions to choose candidates for each constituency through local ‘one member one vote’ systems, with some variations. National parties accept such nominations and sometimes add to local lists at their discretion. Independent candidates must present a nomination paper to the returning officer in the constituency where they want to stand. Eligible candidates are not prevented from being elected or disqualified from registration except by objectively verifiable criteria set by law. Candidates and parties denied the right to be elected or registered have the right to appeal to a competent jurisdiction capable of reviewing such decisions and correcting errors promptly. Candidates and parties must maintain accurate financial records, disclose the nature and value of received donations and regularly publish their accounts (SIPO 2024).
The Electoral Reform Bill 2021 regulates online political advertising (Lynch, 2017). Candidates and parties generally have fair access to the media and other communication channels, though smaller parties, local or independent candidates, ethnic minorities and women may face uneven access. The media landscape covers various political positions but tends to privilege economic discourse and actors. Party funding is transparently monitored by the Standards in Public Office Commission (SIPO), which imposes sanctions for violations and reports after each election cycle. A Registrar of Political Parties accepts notices and applications for party registration, monitored by the Chief Executive of An Coimisiún Toghcháin, the Electoral Commission, who is also the Registrar of Political Parties. Decisions take effect after a 21-day appeal period and are formally notified in the official Irish state newspaper, Iris Oifigiúil.
In the next election, there will be 174 members of Parliament, a decrease from 166 to 160 in 2020, then up by 14, representing 43 constituencies, reflecting population growth (Electoral (Amendment Act 2023). Boundary Commission processes ensure accountable constituency revisions, avoiding significant advantages for specific candidates or parties and preventing gerrymandering. Since 2023, this function is managed by the Electoral Commission. Political competition is influenced and can be distorted by social media tactics as smaller far-right parties use social media to project fake news and distort debates (HCC 2023).
Citations:
ACE. 2023. Electoral Acts 1992 - 2011, Art. 25.
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Ireland’s Statutory, Independent Electoral Commission.” https://www.electoralcommission.ie/
Lynch, C. 2017. “The Effect of Parliamentary Reforms (2011-2016) on the Oireachtas Committee System.” Administration 65 (2): 59-87.
SIPO. 2023. https://www.sipo.ie/acts-and-codes/guidelines/donations/index.xml
HCC. 2023. Greater than Fear. Dublin: Hope and Courage Collective. https://tortoiseshack.ie/312-hope-and-courage-how-to-counter-hate-fear/https://www.irishtimes.com/life-style/2023/09/09/combating-the-far-right-they-shopping-for-anything-that-whips-up-fear-and-division/
Stone, P. 2021. “Democracy in Ireland: Theory and Practice.” In Farrell and Hardiman, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, 89-106. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
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There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
Voting rights in Ireland are granted to all citizens, except those without permanent residence and those with criminal convictions. Although there is no population register, an electoral register is compiled by local authorities. To register, a person must ordinarily reside at the address recorded in the electoral register by September 1st of each year. There is some proactive promotion of registration, and there have been no changes in voting and registration rules in recent years. Attempts to update registration data bases need to be continued. All Irish citizens aged 18 and over are entitled to vote in all elections and referendums. British citizens resident in Ireland may vote in parliamentary, European and local elections. Other EU citizens may vote in European and local elections, while non-EU citizens may vote only in local elections. The provision for absentee, email or early voting is limited, with significant restrictions on postal voting.
Although there is little disenfranchisement due to a flawed voter registry, there are inconsistencies, such as outdated records, double registrations and issuance of voting cards for deceased citizens. These issues highlight weak local administrative capacity and a lack of investment, awareness and concern. According to the local autonomy index (Ladner et al., 2015), Ireland ranks as one of the weakest countries in Europe in terms of local autonomy, limiting the potential role of local government in procurement and regional planning. Individuals denied the right to vote or register can appeal to a competent jurisdiction to review and rectify such decisions promptly. The 2023 Electoral Commission is expected to be an impartial and capable electoral management body, equipped with sufficient and trained staff and financial resources to effectively administer elections.
Multiparty elections in Ireland are conducted according to the established schedule, with local elections scheduled alongside EU (every five years), national (at least every five years), and presidential (every seven years) elections. The process is impartial and non-discriminatory, with an adequate number of polling stations relative to population density. Guidelines for electoral districts, accessibility of polling stations (often public schools), voting timeframes and dates (specified by law), comprehensive ballot design and full secret ballots are all in place, with no recent changes. Provisions for voter assistance, such as braille, are available, but could improve.
V-Dem (2023) rates Ireland 6th in its global database, scoring 889 on electoral democracy and 824 on liberal democracy. The OSCE did not recommend monitoring the 2016 or 2020 general elections and expressed high levels of trust in the integrity of the electoral process, including voting and counting procedures on election day. They, however, acknowledged concerns about the absence of a centralized voter registration process, the underregulated field of social media and the need for a permanent electoral commission (now established) to oversee electoral preparations and guide the conduct of TV debates. There have been no significant recent incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters, nor irregularities observed in the voter registry, such as double voting or impersonation, intentional withholding of voting materials, dissemination of misleading information about voting procedures, ballot-stuffing, or misreporting of votes. Irregularities can be resolved through the Electoral Commission and local authority processes. According to NESC (2023), quoting the national well-being framework, 82% of people were satisfied with how democracy works in Ireland in spring 2023, compared to the EU average of 58% (up from 73% in spring 2017).
Citations:
OSCE. 2023. “Elections in Ireland.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/ireland
Ladner, A., Keuffer, N., and Baldersheim, H. 2016. “Measuring Local Autonomy in 39 Countries.” Regional and Federal Studies 26 (3): 321-57.
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Ireland’s Statutory, Independent Electoral Commission.” https://www.electoralcommission.ie/
NESC. 2023. Is Ireland Thriving? Answers from International Assessments. Report number 32.
VDem. 2023. Democracy Report 2023: Defiance in the Face of Autocratization. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg.
Marsh, M. 2021. “The Unchanging Irish Voter.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. D. M. Farrell and N. Hardiman, 558-575. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Although there is little disenfranchisement due to a flawed voter registry, there are inconsistencies, such as outdated records, double registrations and issuance of voting cards for deceased citizens. These issues highlight weak local administrative capacity and a lack of investment, awareness and concern. According to the local autonomy index (Ladner et al., 2015), Ireland ranks as one of the weakest countries in Europe in terms of local autonomy, limiting the potential role of local government in procurement and regional planning. Individuals denied the right to vote or register can appeal to a competent jurisdiction to review and rectify such decisions promptly. The 2023 Electoral Commission is expected to be an impartial and capable electoral management body, equipped with sufficient and trained staff and financial resources to effectively administer elections.
Multiparty elections in Ireland are conducted according to the established schedule, with local elections scheduled alongside EU (every five years), national (at least every five years), and presidential (every seven years) elections. The process is impartial and non-discriminatory, with an adequate number of polling stations relative to population density. Guidelines for electoral districts, accessibility of polling stations (often public schools), voting timeframes and dates (specified by law), comprehensive ballot design and full secret ballots are all in place, with no recent changes. Provisions for voter assistance, such as braille, are available, but could improve.
V-Dem (2023) rates Ireland 6th in its global database, scoring 889 on electoral democracy and 824 on liberal democracy. The OSCE did not recommend monitoring the 2016 or 2020 general elections and expressed high levels of trust in the integrity of the electoral process, including voting and counting procedures on election day. They, however, acknowledged concerns about the absence of a centralized voter registration process, the underregulated field of social media and the need for a permanent electoral commission (now established) to oversee electoral preparations and guide the conduct of TV debates. There have been no significant recent incidents of harassment, violence or intimidation against voters, nor irregularities observed in the voter registry, such as double voting or impersonation, intentional withholding of voting materials, dissemination of misleading information about voting procedures, ballot-stuffing, or misreporting of votes. Irregularities can be resolved through the Electoral Commission and local authority processes. According to NESC (2023), quoting the national well-being framework, 82% of people were satisfied with how democracy works in Ireland in spring 2023, compared to the EU average of 58% (up from 73% in spring 2017).
Citations:
OSCE. 2023. “Elections in Ireland.” https://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/ireland
Ladner, A., Keuffer, N., and Baldersheim, H. 2016. “Measuring Local Autonomy in 39 Countries.” Regional and Federal Studies 26 (3): 321-57.
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Ireland’s Statutory, Independent Electoral Commission.” https://www.electoralcommission.ie/
NESC. 2023. Is Ireland Thriving? Answers from International Assessments. Report number 32.
VDem. 2023. Democracy Report 2023: Defiance in the Face of Autocratization. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg.
Marsh, M. 2021. “The Unchanging Irish Voter.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. D. M. Farrell and N. Hardiman, 558-575. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
The institutional and policy context is characterized by the paradox of a strongly centralized state and weak local government, alongside a political culture dominated by strong localism that is reinforced by a proportional national electoral system organized around 43 constituencies (in the next election). An unusual number of independent candidates (up to 20%) can group (usually ex ante) into political groups supporting coalition governments (potentially reinforcing local over societal interests). An ongoing innovation to ensure better representation of societal interests is the gender candidate quotas which have significantly changed candidate selection processes in general elections. The Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act 2012 encourages political parties to select at least 30% female candidates in national elections with the threshold rising to 40% by the next general election, and there is demand to extend this to local elections. While successfully implemented, gender disparity continues alongside poor representation of ethnic groups and migrants, including people of color and the Traveller Community (Cullen and Gough 2022). Major political parties organize through local branches (cumann) to represent distinct local interests albeit not all have full geographical coverage. Existing parties in the legislature comprehensively represent significant societal interests in a programmatic manner, but also serve local constituencies in a manner similar to clientelism (servants of the people). Party manifestos are distinctive from one another and are publicly accessible. The “Populist” database is out of date and erroneous for Ireland, but The Manifesto Project has 2016 data for all relevant parties and political scientists in Ireland have published work analyzing public political party manifestos.
Citations:
Carty, K. 2021. “The Electoral Framework and the Politics of Representation.” In D.M. Farrell and N. Hardiman, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, 297-310. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Cullen, P. and Gough, S. 2022. Different Paths, Shared Experiences, Ethnic Minority Women and Local Government in Ireland. Maynooth: Maynooth University.
Citations:
Carty, K. 2021. “The Electoral Framework and the Politics of Representation.” In D.M. Farrell and N. Hardiman, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, 297-310. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Cullen, P. and Gough, S. 2022. Different Paths, Shared Experiences, Ethnic Minority Women and Local Government in Ireland. Maynooth: Maynooth University.
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
Acceptance of liberal democratic values and institutions is widespread among major political parties in Ireland, which appear committed to advancing these principles. However, new small far-right parties are emerging, and are beginning to have electoral impact. These parties do not share the same values, signaling a breakdown in the relative absence of hard-right populism or significant overt anti-immigrant sentiment in party politics. The May 2024 local and European elections were targets for these newly established far-right parties, for which there is tacit demand from some Irish voters (Costello 2021). Adshead and Scully (2021) observe that long-established parties are now joined by an increasing number of smaller parties in the Dáil. This raises the potential to shift the balance of power away from the larger parties, with possible consequences for the style and capacity for policy analysis. The next general election, speculated to be in late 2024 or early 2025, is expected to further dissolve traditional politics, overlapping with political dynamics in Northern Ireland. Impacts on equality and sustainability may be mixed. Sinn Féin, the main contender for government, may question the legitimacy of Ireland’s current Climate Action Plan 2020-2030 and carbon tax regime, which could be incompatible with the Green Party, a potential smaller coalition partner. While it is unclear who will form the next government, it is likely to be a coalition, and finding durable coalitions may become more challenging in the future. This realignment of Irish politics will be influenced by international factors, including the ongoing implications of Brexit, the housing crisis, inflation and the cost of living and the emergence of the far right.
Trust in government in Ireland was at 46% in 2022, a relatively high level compared to other European countries, although low in absolute terms, with trust in national government at 51% and local government at 45%. Mainstream actors have been relatively effective in working together to control or neutralize the influence of anti-democratic actors. However, the experiences of 2023, such as the Dublin riots on November 7th and numerous arson attacks on asylum seeker accommodations, suggest that anti-democratic actors have established a base and influence.
Citations:
Adshead, M., and Scully, D. 2021. Political Parties and the Policy Process. Bristol: Policy Press.
OECD. 2021. Government at a Glance 2021. Paris: OECD.
Costello, Rory. 2021. “Issue Congruence Between Voters and Parties: Examining the Democratic Party Mandate in Ireland.” Irish Political Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1973318
Little, C., and D. Farrell. 2021. “The Party System at a Critical Juncture.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. D. M. Farrell and N. Hardiman. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 521-538.
HCC. 2023. Hate not Fear. Dublin: Hope and Courage Collective.
Trust in government in Ireland was at 46% in 2022, a relatively high level compared to other European countries, although low in absolute terms, with trust in national government at 51% and local government at 45%. Mainstream actors have been relatively effective in working together to control or neutralize the influence of anti-democratic actors. However, the experiences of 2023, such as the Dublin riots on November 7th and numerous arson attacks on asylum seeker accommodations, suggest that anti-democratic actors have established a base and influence.
Citations:
Adshead, M., and Scully, D. 2021. Political Parties and the Policy Process. Bristol: Policy Press.
OECD. 2021. Government at a Glance 2021. Paris: OECD.
Costello, Rory. 2021. “Issue Congruence Between Voters and Parties: Examining the Democratic Party Mandate in Ireland.” Irish Political Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1973318
Little, C., and D. Farrell. 2021. “The Party System at a Critical Juncture.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. D. M. Farrell and N. Hardiman. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 521-538.
HCC. 2023. Hate not Fear. Dublin: Hope and Courage Collective.
Graph View
To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
Comprehensive Irish Freedom of Information (FOI) legislation was initially enacted in 1997 but was amended in 2003 to restrict access to data and information about decision-making in several key areas, including defense, government meetings and areas of commercial sensitivity. These restrictions, which appeared unjustified, were removed in the Freedom of Information (Amendment) Act 2013. The 2013 Act extended FOI to all public bodies, including the National Treasury Management Agency, the National Asset Management Agency, An Garda Síochána, and the Central Bank of Ireland (Murphy 2021, 676-677). Mechanisms exist for citizens to appeal their right to access information, and the 2013 Act reduced the costs of internal review and appeal fees. While the existing FOI legislation has been effectively used by individuals and the press, concerns remain about the number of redactions and refusals of ‘sensitive’ information on commercial and other grounds.
There are fears that cultural practices have emerged to limit the legislation’s effectiveness, such as not recording decisions and discussions. It is unclear how adequately the government fulfills citizens’ requests for information. Although responses are relatively prompt, there can be delays. Government departments, ministries and agencies now have information officers to channel information to the public, but there are instances of ‘spinning,’ where biased interpretations are put on events to suit political agendas. A review of the Freedom of Information Act was recently undertaken, with a progress update published at the end of 2022, but no further information has been provided since. A key issue influencing transparency is the high degree of centralization, with a significant percentage of government expenditure managed through central mechanisms (Boyle et al. 2022).
Citations:
Boyle, R., O’Leary, F., and O’Neill, J. 2022. Public Sector Trends. Dublin: IPA.
HCC. 2023. Greater than Fear. Dublin: Hope and Courage Collective.
Murphy, G. 2021. “Open Government.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. Farrell, D., and N. Hardiman, 668-682. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
McMahon, B. 2021. “Working Group on the International Protection Process, Dublin.” Department of Justice. https://www.gov.ie/en/organisation-information/b1c0c-working-group-on-the-protection-process/
Scott, C. 2021. “Politics of Regulation in Ireland.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. Farrell, D. and N. Hardiman, 647-668. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
There are fears that cultural practices have emerged to limit the legislation’s effectiveness, such as not recording decisions and discussions. It is unclear how adequately the government fulfills citizens’ requests for information. Although responses are relatively prompt, there can be delays. Government departments, ministries and agencies now have information officers to channel information to the public, but there are instances of ‘spinning,’ where biased interpretations are put on events to suit political agendas. A review of the Freedom of Information Act was recently undertaken, with a progress update published at the end of 2022, but no further information has been provided since. A key issue influencing transparency is the high degree of centralization, with a significant percentage of government expenditure managed through central mechanisms (Boyle et al. 2022).
Citations:
Boyle, R., O’Leary, F., and O’Neill, J. 2022. Public Sector Trends. Dublin: IPA.
HCC. 2023. Greater than Fear. Dublin: Hope and Courage Collective.
Murphy, G. 2021. “Open Government.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. Farrell, D., and N. Hardiman, 668-682. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
McMahon, B. 2021. “Working Group on the International Protection Process, Dublin.” Department of Justice. https://www.gov.ie/en/organisation-information/b1c0c-working-group-on-the-protection-process/
Scott, C. 2021. “Politics of Regulation in Ireland.” In The Oxford Handbook of Irish Politics, eds. Farrell, D. and N. Hardiman, 647-668. Oxford: Oxford University Press.