Vertical Accountability
#12Key Findings
New Zealand falls into the upper-middle ranks internationally (rank 12) in the category of vertical accountability.
Elections are free and fair. Parties and candidates are required to maintain accurate financial records and disclose donations. All citizens and permanent residents aged 18 or older can vote. Māori voters can choose between the general and Māori electoral rolls. The Electoral Commission operates independently, managing elections impartially.
The mixed member proportional electoral system ensures diverse social interests are represented in parliament, often leading to coalition governments. This means parties representing diverse social interests often have to collaborate. Policy differences between the two major parties, Labour and the National Party, have narrowed.
Access to government information is regulated by the Official Information Act, which includes restrictions on information relating to national security, international relations and personal privacy. Government agencies have been criticized for slow responses to requests.
Elections are free and fair. Parties and candidates are required to maintain accurate financial records and disclose donations. All citizens and permanent residents aged 18 or older can vote. Māori voters can choose between the general and Māori electoral rolls. The Electoral Commission operates independently, managing elections impartially.
The mixed member proportional electoral system ensures diverse social interests are represented in parliament, often leading to coalition governments. This means parties representing diverse social interests often have to collaborate. Policy differences between the two major parties, Labour and the National Party, have narrowed.
Access to government information is regulated by the Official Information Act, which includes restrictions on information relating to national security, international relations and personal privacy. Government agencies have been criticized for slow responses to requests.
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
New Zealand is widely considered to have a high degree of fairness and freedom in political competition among candidates and parties (e.g., Garnett et al. 2022).
Electoral registration procedures for candidates and political parties are designed to uphold transparency and fairness. The Electoral Act sets clear criteria and guidelines for registering political parties and candidates. Information regarding the registration process, requirements and deadlines is publicly available.
Political parties and candidates must maintain accurate financial records, disclose the nature and value of the donations received, and regularly publish their accounts. This requirement is governed by the Electoral Act 1993 and subsequent amendments, as well as the Electoral Finance Act 2007 and the Electoral Amendment Act 2010.
Under these laws, political parties and candidates must keep detailed records on their financial transactions, including on donations received and expenditures made. They are also required to disclose certain information about their donors, including the nature and value of donations above a certain threshold. Large donations must be disclosed publicly, and donors must be identified in financial reports. The Electoral Commission oversees and audits these financial reports to ensure compliance with the law. Failure to comply with reporting requirements can result in penalties or fines.
If a voter believes they have been unjustly excluded from registration or elections, they can appeal to the Electoral Commission, which oversees elections and maintains the electoral roll. The Electoral Commission has procedures to handle appeals and ensure voters are treated fairly and in accordance with the law.
Candidates and political parties generally have fair opportunities to access the media. Public broadcasters Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and Television New Zealand (TVNZ) are expected to provide fair and balanced coverage to all political parties. However, the media landscape is comparatively small, with privately owned newspapers and online news services, as well as privately owned radio stations, outperforming the reach and ratings of public media.
Public debates continue to focus on the fairness of elections, political donations and leaders’ debates. For instance, the Independent Electoral Review, published in June 2023, recommended lowering the 5% threshold to 3.5% to make it easier for smaller parties to enter Parliament, among other points (Daalder 2023). With the arrival of a new government, it is unclear how many of these will be implemented. Additionally, ongoing discussions persist about whether and how to guarantee Māori political representation at the national and subnational levels (e.g., Trafford 2023).
Citations:
Daalder, M. 2023. “Electoral review recommends 3.5% threshold, voting age of 16.” Newsroom June 5. https://newsroom.co.nz/2023/06/05/electoral-review-recommends-35-threshold-voting-age-of-16/
Garnett, H. A., et al. 2022. “Electoral Integrity Global Report 2019-2021.” https://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/globalreport2019-2021
Trafford, W. 2023. “National Eyes Repeal of Māori Wards.” Te Ao Māori News, August 28. https://www.teaonews.co.nz/2023/08/28/national-eyes-repeal-of-maori-wards
Electoral registration procedures for candidates and political parties are designed to uphold transparency and fairness. The Electoral Act sets clear criteria and guidelines for registering political parties and candidates. Information regarding the registration process, requirements and deadlines is publicly available.
Political parties and candidates must maintain accurate financial records, disclose the nature and value of the donations received, and regularly publish their accounts. This requirement is governed by the Electoral Act 1993 and subsequent amendments, as well as the Electoral Finance Act 2007 and the Electoral Amendment Act 2010.
Under these laws, political parties and candidates must keep detailed records on their financial transactions, including on donations received and expenditures made. They are also required to disclose certain information about their donors, including the nature and value of donations above a certain threshold. Large donations must be disclosed publicly, and donors must be identified in financial reports. The Electoral Commission oversees and audits these financial reports to ensure compliance with the law. Failure to comply with reporting requirements can result in penalties or fines.
If a voter believes they have been unjustly excluded from registration or elections, they can appeal to the Electoral Commission, which oversees elections and maintains the electoral roll. The Electoral Commission has procedures to handle appeals and ensure voters are treated fairly and in accordance with the law.
Candidates and political parties generally have fair opportunities to access the media. Public broadcasters Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and Television New Zealand (TVNZ) are expected to provide fair and balanced coverage to all political parties. However, the media landscape is comparatively small, with privately owned newspapers and online news services, as well as privately owned radio stations, outperforming the reach and ratings of public media.
Public debates continue to focus on the fairness of elections, political donations and leaders’ debates. For instance, the Independent Electoral Review, published in June 2023, recommended lowering the 5% threshold to 3.5% to make it easier for smaller parties to enter Parliament, among other points (Daalder 2023). With the arrival of a new government, it is unclear how many of these will be implemented. Additionally, ongoing discussions persist about whether and how to guarantee Māori political representation at the national and subnational levels (e.g., Trafford 2023).
Citations:
Daalder, M. 2023. “Electoral review recommends 3.5% threshold, voting age of 16.” Newsroom June 5. https://newsroom.co.nz/2023/06/05/electoral-review-recommends-35-threshold-voting-age-of-16/
Garnett, H. A., et al. 2022. “Electoral Integrity Global Report 2019-2021.” https://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/globalreport2019-2021
Trafford, W. 2023. “National Eyes Repeal of Māori Wards.” Te Ao Māori News, August 28. https://www.teaonews.co.nz/2023/08/28/national-eyes-repeal-of-maori-wards
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
10
9
9
There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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7
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
Voting rights are granted to all citizens and permanent residents aged 18 years and older. In national elections, individuals of Māori descent can choose whether to vote on the general electoral roll or the specific Māori roll. In 2020, voting rights were restored for prisoners serving less than three years.
Elections are conducted according to an established schedule. The prime minister has the authority to determine the date of the general election; however, it must be held within three years of the previous election unless special circumstances necessitate an earlier election or an extension of the term.
The Electoral Commission is an impartial and capable electoral management body operating independently from the government and political parties. The Commission’s primary role is to administer parliamentary and local government elections as well as referendums, and to conduct voter education and outreach programs to inform citizens about the electoral process, voter registration and voting procedures.
Efforts are made to ensure that voting is accessible to all eligible citizens. Absentee and early voting are conducted in a manner that accommodates various voter needs. Advance voting locations are set up across the country, and voters can apply to vote via the post, which allows them to receive and return their ballot papers by mail. Information about advance voting, absentee voting procedures and eligibility criteria is readily available through the Electoral Commission’s website, making it easy for voters to understand their options. However, turnout rates remain lower among non-English-speaking, Māori and Pacific ethnic communities compared to those who are ethnically European.
A report by the Auditor-General published in May 2024 revealed several counting errors, including double counting, in the 2023 general election. These errors were not substantial enough to nullify the results in any particular constituency or the election overall. However, the report’s findings tarnished the previously unblemished record of election management in New Zealand. Part of the problems in 2023 were due to coordination issues and the fact that late voter registration had been allowed by the previous government – without, however, providing the Election Commission with sufficient funding to handle the additional workload (Controller and Auditor-General 2024; Edwards 2024).
Citations:
Controller and Auditor-General. 2024. General Election 2023: Independent Review of Counting Errors. Wellington: Office of the Auditor-General. https://www.oag.parliament.nz/2024/election-2023/docs/general-election-2023.pdf
Edwards, Bryce. 2024. “Losing Confidence in the Integrity of NZ Elections.” Democracy Project, May 9. https://democracyproject.substack.com/p/losing-confidence-in-the-integrity
Elections are conducted according to an established schedule. The prime minister has the authority to determine the date of the general election; however, it must be held within three years of the previous election unless special circumstances necessitate an earlier election or an extension of the term.
The Electoral Commission is an impartial and capable electoral management body operating independently from the government and political parties. The Commission’s primary role is to administer parliamentary and local government elections as well as referendums, and to conduct voter education and outreach programs to inform citizens about the electoral process, voter registration and voting procedures.
Efforts are made to ensure that voting is accessible to all eligible citizens. Absentee and early voting are conducted in a manner that accommodates various voter needs. Advance voting locations are set up across the country, and voters can apply to vote via the post, which allows them to receive and return their ballot papers by mail. Information about advance voting, absentee voting procedures and eligibility criteria is readily available through the Electoral Commission’s website, making it easy for voters to understand their options. However, turnout rates remain lower among non-English-speaking, Māori and Pacific ethnic communities compared to those who are ethnically European.
A report by the Auditor-General published in May 2024 revealed several counting errors, including double counting, in the 2023 general election. These errors were not substantial enough to nullify the results in any particular constituency or the election overall. However, the report’s findings tarnished the previously unblemished record of election management in New Zealand. Part of the problems in 2023 were due to coordination issues and the fact that late voter registration had been allowed by the previous government – without, however, providing the Election Commission with sufficient funding to handle the additional workload (Controller and Auditor-General 2024; Edwards 2024).
Citations:
Controller and Auditor-General. 2024. General Election 2023: Independent Review of Counting Errors. Wellington: Office of the Auditor-General. https://www.oag.parliament.nz/2024/election-2023/docs/general-election-2023.pdf
Edwards, Bryce. 2024. “Losing Confidence in the Integrity of NZ Elections.” Democracy Project, May 9. https://democracyproject.substack.com/p/losing-confidence-in-the-integrity
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To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
Generally speaking, political parties in New Zealand perform their democratic functions of social interest aggregation and articulation in an adequate fashion.
Parties seek to mobilize voters through programmatic platforms rather than particularistic appeals, and they can be distinguished based on their policy priorities. The party system is structured not only along a left-right economic policy divide, but also along a post-material cleavage that separates socially liberal parties from socially authoritarian parties (Ford 2021).
The mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system is designed to represent diverse social interests more proportionately compared to some other electoral systems. Under MMP, coalition governments are common in New Zealand, meaning parties representing diverse social interests often have to collaborate in Parliament. Meanwhile, the Māori electoral roll and dedicated Māori electorates are intended to ensure that the Indigenous Māori community has political representation that acknowledges and addresses its specific cultural, social and political interests within the parliamentary system.
However, there are several challenges related to the aggregation and articulation of social interests.
As in other industrialized democracies, the programmatic manifestos of the two major parties have lost much of their distinctiveness. In particular, on the left-right economic spectrum, Labour has moved very close to the National Party since the 1980s (Aimer 2015).
Moreover, in a manner similar to other democracies, political parties have seen a significant decline in grassroots membership. There is also an imbalance in organizational complexity: While the two major parties maintain a dense network of local branches, minor parties’ organizations are more limited. With the exception of the Green Party, New Zealand’s mainstream parliamentary parties tend to restrict participation by ordinary members in the selection of candidates for general elections (Miller 2015: 176-182).
Citations:
Aimer, P. 2015. “The Labour Party.” In J. Hayward, ed., Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed. Oxford University Press.
Ford, G. 2021. “Political Parties.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand, 7th edition, J. Hayward, et al. Oxford University Press.
Miller, R. 2015. Democracy in New Zealand. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Parties seek to mobilize voters through programmatic platforms rather than particularistic appeals, and they can be distinguished based on their policy priorities. The party system is structured not only along a left-right economic policy divide, but also along a post-material cleavage that separates socially liberal parties from socially authoritarian parties (Ford 2021).
The mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system is designed to represent diverse social interests more proportionately compared to some other electoral systems. Under MMP, coalition governments are common in New Zealand, meaning parties representing diverse social interests often have to collaborate in Parliament. Meanwhile, the Māori electoral roll and dedicated Māori electorates are intended to ensure that the Indigenous Māori community has political representation that acknowledges and addresses its specific cultural, social and political interests within the parliamentary system.
However, there are several challenges related to the aggregation and articulation of social interests.
As in other industrialized democracies, the programmatic manifestos of the two major parties have lost much of their distinctiveness. In particular, on the left-right economic spectrum, Labour has moved very close to the National Party since the 1980s (Aimer 2015).
Moreover, in a manner similar to other democracies, political parties have seen a significant decline in grassroots membership. There is also an imbalance in organizational complexity: While the two major parties maintain a dense network of local branches, minor parties’ organizations are more limited. With the exception of the Green Party, New Zealand’s mainstream parliamentary parties tend to restrict participation by ordinary members in the selection of candidates for general elections (Miller 2015: 176-182).
Citations:
Aimer, P. 2015. “The Labour Party.” In J. Hayward, ed., Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. 6th ed. Oxford University Press.
Ford, G. 2021. “Political Parties.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand, 7th edition, J. Hayward, et al. Oxford University Press.
Miller, R. 2015. Democracy in New Zealand. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
2
1
1
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
The acceptance of liberal democratic values is widespread among the political parties that regularly win representation in Parliament, including Labour, the National Party and minor parties. While there may be differences in policy priorities among these parties, they operate within the framework of liberal democracy and accept its core principles and institutions.
New Zealand does not have a significant presence of anti-democratic actors at the mainstream level; there have only been isolated instances of small extremist groups or individuals expressing anti-democratic ideologies. The most infamous example dates back to 2019, when a far-right extremist fatally shot 51 people in two mosques in Christchurch.
New Zealand has also been spared by the wave of populism that has swept across developed democracies in the last two decades (Curtin and Vowles 2020). Although there have been instances where politicians such as David Seymour and Winston Peters, or political movements like Groundswell, have used populist rhetoric or tactics, the impacts of populism have been felt much less than in other countries.
Generally speaking, the political spectrum in New Zealand is not as deeply divided as in some other democratic systems. Ideological differences do exist among the major political parties, but the level of polarization is relatively low (Ford 2021; Miller 2015: 166-177). New Zealand has a tradition of consensus-oriented politics that fosters cooperation across party lines, despite ideological differences. However, some political commentators have warned that the three-party coalition that assumed power after the 2023 election – formed by National, ACT and NZ First – will, due to its policy differences and lack of conflict-management arrangements, have an unpredictable internal dynamic (Shaw 2023).
Citations:
Curtin, J. and Vowles, J. 2020. “New Zealand Populism in the 2017 Election and Beyond.” In J. Vowles and J. Curtin, eds., A Populist Exception? The 2017 New Zealand General Election. Canberra: ANU Press.
Ford, G. 2021. “Political Parties.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand, 7th edition, J. Hayward et al. Oxford University Press.
Miller, R. 2015. Democracy in New Zealand. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Shaw, R. 2023. “Three parties, two deals, one government: the stress points within New Zealand’s ‘coalition of many colours’.” The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/three-parties-two-deals-one-government-the-stress-points-within-new-zealands-coalition-of-many-colours-217673
New Zealand does not have a significant presence of anti-democratic actors at the mainstream level; there have only been isolated instances of small extremist groups or individuals expressing anti-democratic ideologies. The most infamous example dates back to 2019, when a far-right extremist fatally shot 51 people in two mosques in Christchurch.
New Zealand has also been spared by the wave of populism that has swept across developed democracies in the last two decades (Curtin and Vowles 2020). Although there have been instances where politicians such as David Seymour and Winston Peters, or political movements like Groundswell, have used populist rhetoric or tactics, the impacts of populism have been felt much less than in other countries.
Generally speaking, the political spectrum in New Zealand is not as deeply divided as in some other democratic systems. Ideological differences do exist among the major political parties, but the level of polarization is relatively low (Ford 2021; Miller 2015: 166-177). New Zealand has a tradition of consensus-oriented politics that fosters cooperation across party lines, despite ideological differences. However, some political commentators have warned that the three-party coalition that assumed power after the 2023 election – formed by National, ACT and NZ First – will, due to its policy differences and lack of conflict-management arrangements, have an unpredictable internal dynamic (Shaw 2023).
Citations:
Curtin, J. and Vowles, J. 2020. “New Zealand Populism in the 2017 Election and Beyond.” In J. Vowles and J. Curtin, eds., A Populist Exception? The 2017 New Zealand General Election. Canberra: ANU Press.
Ford, G. 2021. “Political Parties.” In Government and Politics in Aotearoa New Zealand, 7th edition, J. Hayward et al. Oxford University Press.
Miller, R. 2015. Democracy in New Zealand. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
Shaw, R. 2023. “Three parties, two deals, one government: the stress points within New Zealand’s ‘coalition of many colours’.” The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/three-parties-two-deals-one-government-the-stress-points-within-new-zealands-coalition-of-many-colours-217673
Graph View
To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
Access to government information is regulated by the Official Information Act (OIA) of 1982, which has been reviewed several times. There are restrictions regarding the protection of the public interest, for instance in cases having to do with national security or international relations, as well as for the preservation of personal privacy. Clear procedures exist for how queries are handled by public bodies, including a timeframe of 20 working days to respond. The Office of the Ombudsman reviews denials of access upon request. Following several precedent-setting decisions by the Ombudsman in recent years, access to official information is now far-reaching, including access to politically sensitive communications between political advisers and ministers as soon as these communications are made.
The latest Global Right to Information (RTI) rating awards New Zealand’s OIA 94 points out of 150, putting it ahead of many other OECD countries, including Australia (87) and the United States (83). The RTI concludes that New Zealand’s access-to-information regime “functions better in practice than its legal framework would suggest. The law’s major problems include its limited scope (it does not apply to the legislature, the courts, or some bodies within the executive) and the fact that it allows information to be classified by other laws” (Global Right to Information 2020). In recent years, however, government agencies have quietly and proactively released material on their websites, albeit with redactions, to meet transparency requirements and reduce the number of OIAs received (PSC n.d).
The media continue to demand changes to the OIA. In particular, government agencies have been criticized for taking longer to respond to information requests than the OIA allows. The National Party committed to reviewing the OIA before the 2023 election (Traylen 2023), but only time will tell whether – and how – the new three-party government will follow up on this promise.
Citations:
Global Right to Information. 2020. “New Zealand.” https://www.rti-rating.org/country-detail/?country=New%20Zealand
PSC [Te Kawa Mataaho Public Service Commission]. n.d. “Proactive Release.” https://www.publicservice.govt.nz/guidance/official-information/proactive-release/
Traylen, J. 2023. “Nats commit to OIA review – Labour won’t.” BusinessDesk, October 11. https://businessdesk.co.nz/article/policy/nats-commit-to-oia-review-labour-wont
The latest Global Right to Information (RTI) rating awards New Zealand’s OIA 94 points out of 150, putting it ahead of many other OECD countries, including Australia (87) and the United States (83). The RTI concludes that New Zealand’s access-to-information regime “functions better in practice than its legal framework would suggest. The law’s major problems include its limited scope (it does not apply to the legislature, the courts, or some bodies within the executive) and the fact that it allows information to be classified by other laws” (Global Right to Information 2020). In recent years, however, government agencies have quietly and proactively released material on their websites, albeit with redactions, to meet transparency requirements and reduce the number of OIAs received (PSC n.d).
The media continue to demand changes to the OIA. In particular, government agencies have been criticized for taking longer to respond to information requests than the OIA allows. The National Party committed to reviewing the OIA before the 2023 election (Traylen 2023), but only time will tell whether – and how – the new three-party government will follow up on this promise.
Citations:
Global Right to Information. 2020. “New Zealand.” https://www.rti-rating.org/country-detail/?country=New%20Zealand
PSC [Te Kawa Mataaho Public Service Commission]. n.d. “Proactive Release.” https://www.publicservice.govt.nz/guidance/official-information/proactive-release/
Traylen, J. 2023. “Nats commit to OIA review – Labour won’t.” BusinessDesk, October 11. https://businessdesk.co.nz/article/policy/nats-commit-to-oia-review-labour-wont