Diagonal Accountability
#2Key Findings
Norway falls into the sample’s top group (rank 2) in the category of diagonal accountability.
Media freedom is strongly protected by free speech laws. All traditional media adhere to a national media code of ethics. The public broadcaster NRK is legally independent of the government, and media outlets are free from political control. Only one private broadcaster is allowed at the national level.
State support is provided to print publications threatened by competition, thus preserving a plurality of views. Criticism of political and other elites is commonplace. Citizens’ rights to form organizations and express opinions through collective action is strongly protected. Half of all employees are members of trade unions.
The tripartite system of consultation between the state, and labor and capital groups is a core policymaking institution. Social welfare groups influencing public policies due to their expertise and legitimacy. Environmental organizations tend to be underfunded, gaining influence largely through protests and media attention.
Media freedom is strongly protected by free speech laws. All traditional media adhere to a national media code of ethics. The public broadcaster NRK is legally independent of the government, and media outlets are free from political control. Only one private broadcaster is allowed at the national level.
State support is provided to print publications threatened by competition, thus preserving a plurality of views. Criticism of political and other elites is commonplace. Citizens’ rights to form organizations and express opinions through collective action is strongly protected. Half of all employees are members of trade unions.
The tripartite system of consultation between the state, and labor and capital groups is a core policymaking institution. Social welfare groups influencing public policies due to their expertise and legitimacy. Environmental organizations tend to be underfunded, gaining influence largely through protests and media attention.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent are the media free from government influence and able to act independently?
10
9
9
There are no disincentives, by law or in practice, for the media to criticize the government and public officials.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
2
1
1
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
The freedom of the media is protected within the general legal framework for free speech and by laws regulating commercials. An important institution of press self-regulation, the Ethical Code of Practice of the Norwegian Press, was first adopted by the Norwegian Press Association in 1936 and most recently revised in 2020. All traditional media outlets, both broadcast and print, operating under editorial oversight have committed to this set of normative principles.
The national public broadcaster, the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation (NRK), has been organized as a limited state-owned company financed through taxes since 1996. Its board members are appointed by the Ministry of Culture and by NRK employees. To provide authoritative public assessments of NRK publication policies and handle complaints raised by individuals, a separate independent body, “Kringkastingsrådet,” was established in 1992. This legal framework is intended to ensure NRK maintains sufficient independence from the state as its owner.
The financing of mass media through advertising is strictly regulated. Only one private actor is allowed to operate at a national level, and a license, granted for a six-year term, is awarded through a bidding process. Since the system’s introduction in 1991, one company – TV2 – has consistently won all the licenses, effectively functioning as a private monopoly.
All media are generally regarded as independent from political control. There are no institutional restrictions or cases of political interference in the work of journalists and media.
Citations:
Norwegian Press Association. 2020. “Code of Ethics of the Norwegian Press.” https://presse.no/pfu/etiske-regler/vaer-varsom-plakaten/vvpl-engelsk/
NRK. 2007. “NRK’s Organization.” https://www.nrk.no/organisasjon/nrks-eigar-og-styre-1.3911342
The national public broadcaster, the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation (NRK), has been organized as a limited state-owned company financed through taxes since 1996. Its board members are appointed by the Ministry of Culture and by NRK employees. To provide authoritative public assessments of NRK publication policies and handle complaints raised by individuals, a separate independent body, “Kringkastingsrådet,” was established in 1992. This legal framework is intended to ensure NRK maintains sufficient independence from the state as its owner.
The financing of mass media through advertising is strictly regulated. Only one private actor is allowed to operate at a national level, and a license, granted for a six-year term, is awarded through a bidding process. Since the system’s introduction in 1991, one company – TV2 – has consistently won all the licenses, effectively functioning as a private monopoly.
All media are generally regarded as independent from political control. There are no institutional restrictions or cases of political interference in the work of journalists and media.
Citations:
Norwegian Press Association. 2020. “Code of Ethics of the Norwegian Press.” https://presse.no/pfu/etiske-regler/vaer-varsom-plakaten/vvpl-engelsk/
NRK. 2007. “NRK’s Organization.” https://www.nrk.no/organisasjon/nrks-eigar-og-styre-1.3911342
To what extent is a plurality of opinions in the media ensured?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to a pluralistic media landscape that represents all existing political perspectives in society.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
A plurality of political and cultural views and expressions in the public sphere is valued by both the general public and political parties. This objective is pursued through three measures: first, a state scheme to financially support newspapers and magazines threatened by commercial competition; second, a self-binding commitment by the media industry to provide access to a plurality of views and interests; and third, funding the state-owned NRK through state grants to maintain at least one significant actor independent of commercial financing.
The increasing presence of digital and internet communication channels, along with broadcasting from abroad, enhances the pluralism of the media landscape. However, more intense competition may lead to content biased toward entertainment and commercial objectives rather than serving public debates, an important goal for the NRK. To address this, a separate public authority, the Norwegian Media Authority, was established in 2005 with two main tasks: first, through research and reports, to monitor the media market and address developments that may undermine ideals of media diversity and pluralism of political and cultural views; second, to administer an extensive system of state economic support to newspapers and other media channels from socially and economically disadvantaged groups and regions, promoting diversity.
In recent years, the issue of media illiteracy has been raised, focusing on the capacity of the population, particularly among the elderly and the young, to identify fake news and disinformation (Norwegian Media Authority, 2021; Wikipedia, 2024).
In sum, the Norwegian media landscape, with its significant state presence as a public service broadcaster and regulatory authority, provides a solid foundation for a public sphere where all political parties and opinions have a fair and equal chance of expression. Criticism of political and other elites is commonplace, and any attempt by the government to limit the operations of a free media will likely be punished by voters.
Citations:
Norwegian Media Authority. 2021. “Organization.” https://www.medietilsynet.no/english/organzation/
Wikipedia. 2024. “Norwegian Media Authority.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Norwegian_Media_Authority
The increasing presence of digital and internet communication channels, along with broadcasting from abroad, enhances the pluralism of the media landscape. However, more intense competition may lead to content biased toward entertainment and commercial objectives rather than serving public debates, an important goal for the NRK. To address this, a separate public authority, the Norwegian Media Authority, was established in 2005 with two main tasks: first, through research and reports, to monitor the media market and address developments that may undermine ideals of media diversity and pluralism of political and cultural views; second, to administer an extensive system of state economic support to newspapers and other media channels from socially and economically disadvantaged groups and regions, promoting diversity.
In recent years, the issue of media illiteracy has been raised, focusing on the capacity of the population, particularly among the elderly and the young, to identify fake news and disinformation (Norwegian Media Authority, 2021; Wikipedia, 2024).
In sum, the Norwegian media landscape, with its significant state presence as a public service broadcaster and regulatory authority, provides a solid foundation for a public sphere where all political parties and opinions have a fair and equal chance of expression. Criticism of political and other elites is commonplace, and any attempt by the government to limit the operations of a free media will likely be punished by voters.
Citations:
Norwegian Media Authority. 2021. “Organization.” https://www.medietilsynet.no/english/organzation/
Wikipedia. 2024. “Norwegian Media Authority.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Norwegian_Media_Authority
Graph View
To what extent are citizens able to freely form or join independent political and civic groups, openly raise and discuss political issues, and assemble without restrictions?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose very few or no significant obstacles to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
The right of citizens to form organizations and express opinions through collective action has been secured in the constitution since 1814. There is a long historical tradition of organizing cultural and economic interests in civil society. This tradition began with the first religious, linguistic, and rural interests, and the temperance movement from the 1840s, followed by political parties from the 1880s. Subsequently, trade unions and other economic interest organizations emerged. Additionally, there is a comprehensive array of organizations promoting sports, cultural, and leisure activities. Though not political by nature, these voluntary organizations are regarded as “schools in democracy” and receive state economic support.
In Norway, gambling is a state monopoly (Norsk Tipping), and all profits from gambling are redistributed to civil society organizations. The voluntary organizations have their own interest organization, Voluntary Norway. Seventy-eight percent of the adult population are members of at least one organization, and half the population are members of two or more organizations. Forty-four percent of the income of voluntary organizations comes from state or local government sources.
Citations:
https://www.frivillighetnorge.no/english-summary
https://www.norsk-tipping.no/selskapet/om-selskapet
In Norway, gambling is a state monopoly (Norsk Tipping), and all profits from gambling are redistributed to civil society organizations. The voluntary organizations have their own interest organization, Voluntary Norway. Seventy-eight percent of the adult population are members of at least one organization, and half the population are members of two or more organizations. Forty-four percent of the income of voluntary organizations comes from state or local government sources.
Citations:
https://www.frivillighetnorge.no/english-summary
https://www.norsk-tipping.no/selskapet/om-selskapet
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
Half of all employees are members of trade unions, with 80% in the public sector and 38% in the private sector. The largest organization is the Confederation of Trade Unions (LO), which includes roughly half of the unionized workers. On the capital side, the Confederation of Norwegian Enterprises (NHO) is the dominant organization for companies across all business sectors. State policies promote organization, and membership fees for individuals and companies are tax-deductible.
Although the LO and the NHO do not have a monopoly on organizing workers and companies respectively, they enjoy a privileged position in policymaking. The tripartite system of collaboration among the state, labor, and capital, with its historical roots in the 1930s, remains a cornerstone in public policymaking across all policy fields, not just economic matters. These organizations are resourceful and can mobilize significant expertise to serve their interests.
Influence on public policies occurs through participation in problem analysis, expert committees, and policy preparations, as well as in the consultation process before legislation is proposed, rather than through direct interaction with legislators. There is a long-standing culture of balancing cooperation and conflict between labor and capital. All governments, irrespective of ideology, listen carefully to the social partners. Government policy proposals opposed by both labor and capital will likely suffer weak support among the general public and will most likely be shelved or significantly changed.
The dominant roles of the LO and the NHO are frequently criticized by other less resourceful organizations. In particular, public sector employees are critical of the roles of these dominant organizations in the system of wage setting.
Citations:
https://www.nho.no/en/
https://www.lo.no/language/english/
Although the LO and the NHO do not have a monopoly on organizing workers and companies respectively, they enjoy a privileged position in policymaking. The tripartite system of collaboration among the state, labor, and capital, with its historical roots in the 1930s, remains a cornerstone in public policymaking across all policy fields, not just economic matters. These organizations are resourceful and can mobilize significant expertise to serve their interests.
Influence on public policies occurs through participation in problem analysis, expert committees, and policy preparations, as well as in the consultation process before legislation is proposed, rather than through direct interaction with legislators. There is a long-standing culture of balancing cooperation and conflict between labor and capital. All governments, irrespective of ideology, listen carefully to the social partners. Government policy proposals opposed by both labor and capital will likely suffer weak support among the general public and will most likely be shelved or significantly changed.
The dominant roles of the LO and the NHO are frequently criticized by other less resourceful organizations. In particular, public sector employees are critical of the roles of these dominant organizations in the system of wage setting.
Citations:
https://www.nho.no/en/
https://www.lo.no/language/english/
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
The public sector is the primary provider of social welfare services; however, civil society (“nonprofit”) organizations (CSOs) have played a pioneering and significant role in developing many of the social and health services now provided by the state. Currently, 10 – 12% of welfare services, measured by expenditures, are provided by CSOs, primarily within a contractual relationship with, and financed by, the public sector. Service production by non-public organizations is subject to the same laws and regulations as public and private providers.
CSOs enjoy a high degree of popular support but are almost entirely dependent on state financing. In some areas – most notably within activation of the elderly and actions targeted at the very poor – unpaid volunteer work is crucial. Their high legitimacy and extensive knowledge in working with socially and economically marginalized groups give them significant influence on public social policies. Policy proposals from civil society organizations are frequently considered by the government and add legitimacy to public policies. In areas such as active labor market measures, refugee centers and settlement, and childcare services, private (nonprofit) providers operate in a contractual relationship with the public sector.
In the provision of welfare services through contractual arrangements with the public sector, there is a distinction between CSOs and what are called “commercial” welfare producers. While the role of CSOs (“nonprofit” organizations) enjoys broad popular support, the presence of commercial (“for-profit”) organizations is ideologically controversial. At the local government level, there are examples of favoring nonprofit CSOs in public tenders. Political parties on the left argue for a system in which service producers with economic surplus as one of their objectives should be excluded from publicly financed welfare production.
Citations:
https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/nou-2020-13/id2788017/
https://avkommersialiseringsutvalget.no/
CSOs enjoy a high degree of popular support but are almost entirely dependent on state financing. In some areas – most notably within activation of the elderly and actions targeted at the very poor – unpaid volunteer work is crucial. Their high legitimacy and extensive knowledge in working with socially and economically marginalized groups give them significant influence on public social policies. Policy proposals from civil society organizations are frequently considered by the government and add legitimacy to public policies. In areas such as active labor market measures, refugee centers and settlement, and childcare services, private (nonprofit) providers operate in a contractual relationship with the public sector.
In the provision of welfare services through contractual arrangements with the public sector, there is a distinction between CSOs and what are called “commercial” welfare producers. While the role of CSOs (“nonprofit” organizations) enjoys broad popular support, the presence of commercial (“for-profit”) organizations is ideologically controversial. At the local government level, there are examples of favoring nonprofit CSOs in public tenders. Political parties on the left argue for a system in which service producers with economic surplus as one of their objectives should be excluded from publicly financed welfare production.
Citations:
https://www.regjeringen.no/no/dokumenter/nou-2020-13/id2788017/
https://avkommersialiseringsutvalget.no/
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
In Norway, the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in environmental protection is intrinsically linked to energy production. Since the mid-1960s, accelerated development of hydroelectric facilities has led to the redirection of natural rivers and waterfalls into pipelines and dams, often to the marked protest of environmentalists and agricultural interests. A conflict between economic growth and the preservation of nature has since dominated the relationship between CSOs and the government. An important actor is the 150-year-old Norwegian Trekking Organization, which has consistently voiced the interests of pristine nature (DNT, 2023).
The discovery and exploitation of significant oil and gas resources on the Norwegian continental shelf intensified the tension between economic and preservation concerns. Questions about the pace and areas of exploitation heightened the conflict between industrial interests, jobs, and an alliance of environmentalists and conventional fishers. A third layer of conflict emerged in the tension between nature preservation and climate needs, illustrated by current debates about the location of windmills. The push for sustainable energy production requires more renewable energy from hydro, wind, and solar sources, which in turn necessitates grid extensions. These developments threaten the traditional use of land for recreational and agricultural purposes.
The environmental CSOs are typically underfunded, reliant on membership fees and donations. The impact of their activities on public policy is mainly indirect, achieved through organizing protests that receive substantial media attention. When protests influence policy development, they have so far typically led to postponements of planned projects or procedural changes rather than a reevaluation of policy goals. An example is the massive protests against onshore wind farms in 2019, which resulted in the government shelving plans for a national search for “appropriate areas” for wind farms and instead calling for better coordination between the Energy Regulatory Authority (which issues operation licenses) and municipalities’ area planning processes. This aligns with other observations about the potential dilemmas that arise from the principle of local self-determination.
In 2021, Norway’s supreme court – the country’s highest court – determined that some wind power plants were violating the South Sami people’s human right to cultural practices by hindering reindeer herding. As a result, Sami people and other activists blocked entry to the Ministry of Oil and Energy in 2023. In December of that year, a compromise was adopted: the windmills would stand for 25 years, and the Sami people would have the right to veto future expansions. This demonstrates that smaller actors can also influence policies regarding climate and environmental matters.
Citations:
DNT. 2023. “About the Norwegian Trekking Association (DNT).” https://www.dnt.no/om-dnt/english/about-the-norwegian-trekking-association/
The discovery and exploitation of significant oil and gas resources on the Norwegian continental shelf intensified the tension between economic and preservation concerns. Questions about the pace and areas of exploitation heightened the conflict between industrial interests, jobs, and an alliance of environmentalists and conventional fishers. A third layer of conflict emerged in the tension between nature preservation and climate needs, illustrated by current debates about the location of windmills. The push for sustainable energy production requires more renewable energy from hydro, wind, and solar sources, which in turn necessitates grid extensions. These developments threaten the traditional use of land for recreational and agricultural purposes.
The environmental CSOs are typically underfunded, reliant on membership fees and donations. The impact of their activities on public policy is mainly indirect, achieved through organizing protests that receive substantial media attention. When protests influence policy development, they have so far typically led to postponements of planned projects or procedural changes rather than a reevaluation of policy goals. An example is the massive protests against onshore wind farms in 2019, which resulted in the government shelving plans for a national search for “appropriate areas” for wind farms and instead calling for better coordination between the Energy Regulatory Authority (which issues operation licenses) and municipalities’ area planning processes. This aligns with other observations about the potential dilemmas that arise from the principle of local self-determination.
In 2021, Norway’s supreme court – the country’s highest court – determined that some wind power plants were violating the South Sami people’s human right to cultural practices by hindering reindeer herding. As a result, Sami people and other activists blocked entry to the Ministry of Oil and Energy in 2023. In December of that year, a compromise was adopted: the windmills would stand for 25 years, and the Sami people would have the right to veto future expansions. This demonstrates that smaller actors can also influence policies regarding climate and environmental matters.
Citations:
DNT. 2023. “About the Norwegian Trekking Association (DNT).” https://www.dnt.no/om-dnt/english/about-the-norwegian-trekking-association/