Diagonal Accountability
#18Key Findings
Portugal falls into the lower-middle ranks internationally (rank 18) in the area of diagonal accountability.
Both private and public media operate independently, protected by strong constitutional guarantees of media freedom. The government cannot censor any media, ensuring autonomy. However, challenges for journalists remain, such as the threat of physical intimidation and precarious labor conditions that lead to low incomes and potential self-censorship.
Portugal’s media landscape is diverse, with numerous broadcast networks, radio stations and newspapers. Despite this diversity, investigative journalism is underfunded, and the profession is seen as being unstable.
Associations in Portugal can be established freely without government interference or discrimination. Civil society organizations (CSOs) addressing social welfare and labor issues routinely contribute to policymaking through platforms such as the Economic and Social Council. Environmental CSOs have limited influence on policy formation.
Both private and public media operate independently, protected by strong constitutional guarantees of media freedom. The government cannot censor any media, ensuring autonomy. However, challenges for journalists remain, such as the threat of physical intimidation and precarious labor conditions that lead to low incomes and potential self-censorship.
Portugal’s media landscape is diverse, with numerous broadcast networks, radio stations and newspapers. Despite this diversity, investigative journalism is underfunded, and the profession is seen as being unstable.
Associations in Portugal can be established freely without government interference or discrimination. Civil society organizations (CSOs) addressing social welfare and labor issues routinely contribute to policymaking through platforms such as the Economic and Social Council. Environmental CSOs have limited influence on policy formation.
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To what extent are the media free from government influence and able to act independently?
10
9
9
There are no disincentives, by law or in practice, for the media to criticize the government and public officials.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
2
1
1
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
Freedom of the press is constitutionally guaranteed in Portugal (CRP, Article 38º, part I). Both private and public media in Portugal operate independently of the government, with strong constitutional protections for media freedom. The Entidade Reguladora da Comunicação Social (ERC) serves as the independent body regulating social communication activities and ensuring the autonomy of media entities (Lei n.º 2/99).
However, the election process for the ERC’s Regulatory Body has faced criticism, particularly regarding the selection of its fifth member. The two predominant parties in parliament appear to retain significant influence in this process, even though the member should ideally be chosen jointly by the four ERC members appointed through a parliamentary majority (Público, 2017). Additionally, the ERC struggles with a funding model that compromises its financial independence and limits its ability to effectively intervene in various media issues (ECO, 2023).
The government, whether directly or indirectly, lacks the authority to censor any type of media. The 2021 Charter on Human Rights in the Digital Age aims to strengthen citizens’ free speech online, enhance internet access rights, and combat disinformation. Although Article 6 of the charter sparked controversy for potentially enabling censorship, its content was largely revoked following a Constitutional Court inspection in 2022 (Lusa, 2022). Unlawful censorship hindering freedom of the press can result in a prison sentence of 3 months to 2 years or a fine of 25 to 100 days. For public officials involved, the sentence is aggravated, ranging from 3 months to 3 years of imprisonment or 30 to 150 days in fines (Lei n.º 2/99, art.33). Journalistic investigations and public scrutiny play a crucial role in holding offenders accountable by bringing visibility to such cases.
Portugal is globally recognized for its press freedom, as acknowledged by Freedom House, which assigns the highest score to Portugal for free and independent media (4 points). Despite this achievement, challenges persist, including occasional instances of journalists facing physical intimidation during their reporting and precarious labor conditions for many in the profession. Generalized low-income and financial instability may lead to a shift in priorities, prompting some to resort to self-censorship (Expresso, 2018). This scenario poses risks to the collective strength of journalists’ voices. Additionally, there is a prevailing notion that journalists face increased violence and harassment, albeit sporadically. Since 2018, assaults on journalists carrying out their duties are considered a public crime, following an amendment to Article 132 of the penal code.
Citations:
CRP, Constituição da República Portuguesa (1976)
Law No. 2/99. 1999. Lei de Imprensa. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=138&tabela=leis
Lusa. 2022. “Presidente da República promulga alteração à Carta de Direitos Humanos na Era Digital.” https://expresso.pt/politica/2022-08-03-Presidente-da-Republica-promulga-alteracao-a-Carta-de-Direitos-Humanos-na-Era-Digital-55edd616
Código Penal de 1982 versão consolidada posterior a 1995, DL n.º 48/95, de 15 de Março. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?artigo_id=109A0132&nid=109&tabela=leis&pagina=1&ficha=1&so_miolo=&nversao=#artigo
Expresso. 2018. “O romantismo do jornalismo acaba aos 30 anos.” https://expresso.pt/sociedade/2018-05-03-O-romantismo-do-jornalismo-acaba-aos-30-anos
Público. 2017. “A independência da regulação da comunicação social.” https://www.publico.pt/2017/01/25/sociedade/opiniao/a-independencia-da-regulacao-da-comunicacao-social-1759480
ECO. 2023. “ERC reforça necessidade de uma ‘verdadeira independência financeira.’” https://eco.sapo.pt/2023/05/10/erc-reforca-necessidade-de-uma-verdadeira-independencia-financeira/
Freedom House. 2023. “Portugal 2023.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/portugal/freedom-world/2023
However, the election process for the ERC’s Regulatory Body has faced criticism, particularly regarding the selection of its fifth member. The two predominant parties in parliament appear to retain significant influence in this process, even though the member should ideally be chosen jointly by the four ERC members appointed through a parliamentary majority (Público, 2017). Additionally, the ERC struggles with a funding model that compromises its financial independence and limits its ability to effectively intervene in various media issues (ECO, 2023).
The government, whether directly or indirectly, lacks the authority to censor any type of media. The 2021 Charter on Human Rights in the Digital Age aims to strengthen citizens’ free speech online, enhance internet access rights, and combat disinformation. Although Article 6 of the charter sparked controversy for potentially enabling censorship, its content was largely revoked following a Constitutional Court inspection in 2022 (Lusa, 2022). Unlawful censorship hindering freedom of the press can result in a prison sentence of 3 months to 2 years or a fine of 25 to 100 days. For public officials involved, the sentence is aggravated, ranging from 3 months to 3 years of imprisonment or 30 to 150 days in fines (Lei n.º 2/99, art.33). Journalistic investigations and public scrutiny play a crucial role in holding offenders accountable by bringing visibility to such cases.
Portugal is globally recognized for its press freedom, as acknowledged by Freedom House, which assigns the highest score to Portugal for free and independent media (4 points). Despite this achievement, challenges persist, including occasional instances of journalists facing physical intimidation during their reporting and precarious labor conditions for many in the profession. Generalized low-income and financial instability may lead to a shift in priorities, prompting some to resort to self-censorship (Expresso, 2018). This scenario poses risks to the collective strength of journalists’ voices. Additionally, there is a prevailing notion that journalists face increased violence and harassment, albeit sporadically. Since 2018, assaults on journalists carrying out their duties are considered a public crime, following an amendment to Article 132 of the penal code.
Citations:
CRP, Constituição da República Portuguesa (1976)
Law No. 2/99. 1999. Lei de Imprensa. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=138&tabela=leis
Lusa. 2022. “Presidente da República promulga alteração à Carta de Direitos Humanos na Era Digital.” https://expresso.pt/politica/2022-08-03-Presidente-da-Republica-promulga-alteracao-a-Carta-de-Direitos-Humanos-na-Era-Digital-55edd616
Código Penal de 1982 versão consolidada posterior a 1995, DL n.º 48/95, de 15 de Março. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?artigo_id=109A0132&nid=109&tabela=leis&pagina=1&ficha=1&so_miolo=&nversao=#artigo
Expresso. 2018. “O romantismo do jornalismo acaba aos 30 anos.” https://expresso.pt/sociedade/2018-05-03-O-romantismo-do-jornalismo-acaba-aos-30-anos
Público. 2017. “A independência da regulação da comunicação social.” https://www.publico.pt/2017/01/25/sociedade/opiniao/a-independencia-da-regulacao-da-comunicacao-social-1759480
ECO. 2023. “ERC reforça necessidade de uma ‘verdadeira independência financeira.’” https://eco.sapo.pt/2023/05/10/erc-reforca-necessidade-de-uma-verdadeira-independencia-financeira/
Freedom House. 2023. “Portugal 2023.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/portugal/freedom-world/2023
To what extent is a plurality of opinions in the media ensured?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to a pluralistic media landscape that represents all existing political perspectives in society.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
Portugal’s media landscape demonstrates some degree of diversity. Media pluralism is a key aspect of the ERC’s mandate, emphasizing “the range of expressions from various schools of thought,” as stated in Article 7, Point A of its regulations.
This diversity is evident across various media platforms, including broadcast television networks, radio stations, and newspapers. In terms of television stations, there are four free-to-air channels: two public channels (RTP, with four channels, and ARTV, the official Portuguese Assembly’s channel) and two private channels (SIC and TVI), owned by Impresa and Media Capital, respectively. In the realm of radio stations, a high degree of plurality is observed at the national, regional, and local levels, with public radio (affiliated with RTP), RFM, Rádio Comercial, and Rádio Renascença enjoying extensive coverage.
Portugal’s media landscape is marked by a diverse array of large media groups, including the Global Media Group (which owns Jornal de Notícias and Diário de Notícias), the Impresa group (owner of Expresso), the Sonae group (controlling Público), and Cofina Media (holding Correio da Manhã), among several others. A notable trend is the emergence of independent and alternative journalism platforms like Fumaça, Shifter, and Setenta e Quatro, which offer distinctive perspectives and are funded differently from traditional media’s reliance on advertising (Média Alternativos, n.d.).
However, challenges remain in the realm of media pluralism. Evidence suggests a continued limitation in the representation of smaller political parties and those without parliamentary representation, both in terms of visibility and access to media space (Silva et al., 2020).
Portuguese media universally enjoy the right to freedom of the press, allowing them to freely express societal discontent regarding the government and to frequently report, investigate, and critically denounce any irregularities and potential abuses of power. Yet, two significant issues impact the media’s capacity to scrutinize effectively.
First, there is a notable lack of resources dedicated to investigative journalism, a concern raised by Portuguese journalists themselves (Setenta e Quatro, 2021). Second, the profession is marred by precarious working conditions and instability. A recent study by the Observatory for Living and Working Conditions at Universidade Nova de Lisboa, which surveyed 866 journalists in April and May 2022, highlighted toxic work environments and identified a profession burdened by labor overload, ethical conflicts, declining work quality, challenges in balancing professional and personal life, low wages, and job insecurity (Antunes et al.).
Citations:
Antunes, J., Areosa, J., Rolo, D., Santa, R., Silveira, H., and Varela, R. (cord). 2023. Inquérito Nacional às Condições de Vida e de Trabalho dos Jornalistas em Portugal. Observatório para as condições de vida e trabalho. https://jornalistas.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Inquerito-Nacional-as-Condicoes-de-Vida-e-de-Trabalho-dos-Jornalistas-em-Portugal-03-11-2023-c.pdf
Law No. 53/2005. 2005. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=588&tabela=leis
Média Alternativos. n.d. “Os projectos.” https://mediaalternativos.pt/projectos/
Setenta e Quatro. 2021. “Os desafios do jornalismo de investigação: a responsabilidade do jornalista.” https://setentaequatro.pt/ensaio/os-desafios-do-jornalismo-de-investigacao-responsabilidade-do-jornalista
Público. 2020. “Partidos e líderes políticos nos media: quem aparece mais?” https://www.publico.pt/2020/09/20/politica/noticia/partidos-lideres-politicos-media-aparece-1931798
This diversity is evident across various media platforms, including broadcast television networks, radio stations, and newspapers. In terms of television stations, there are four free-to-air channels: two public channels (RTP, with four channels, and ARTV, the official Portuguese Assembly’s channel) and two private channels (SIC and TVI), owned by Impresa and Media Capital, respectively. In the realm of radio stations, a high degree of plurality is observed at the national, regional, and local levels, with public radio (affiliated with RTP), RFM, Rádio Comercial, and Rádio Renascença enjoying extensive coverage.
Portugal’s media landscape is marked by a diverse array of large media groups, including the Global Media Group (which owns Jornal de Notícias and Diário de Notícias), the Impresa group (owner of Expresso), the Sonae group (controlling Público), and Cofina Media (holding Correio da Manhã), among several others. A notable trend is the emergence of independent and alternative journalism platforms like Fumaça, Shifter, and Setenta e Quatro, which offer distinctive perspectives and are funded differently from traditional media’s reliance on advertising (Média Alternativos, n.d.).
However, challenges remain in the realm of media pluralism. Evidence suggests a continued limitation in the representation of smaller political parties and those without parliamentary representation, both in terms of visibility and access to media space (Silva et al., 2020).
Portuguese media universally enjoy the right to freedom of the press, allowing them to freely express societal discontent regarding the government and to frequently report, investigate, and critically denounce any irregularities and potential abuses of power. Yet, two significant issues impact the media’s capacity to scrutinize effectively.
First, there is a notable lack of resources dedicated to investigative journalism, a concern raised by Portuguese journalists themselves (Setenta e Quatro, 2021). Second, the profession is marred by precarious working conditions and instability. A recent study by the Observatory for Living and Working Conditions at Universidade Nova de Lisboa, which surveyed 866 journalists in April and May 2022, highlighted toxic work environments and identified a profession burdened by labor overload, ethical conflicts, declining work quality, challenges in balancing professional and personal life, low wages, and job insecurity (Antunes et al.).
Citations:
Antunes, J., Areosa, J., Rolo, D., Santa, R., Silveira, H., and Varela, R. (cord). 2023. Inquérito Nacional às Condições de Vida e de Trabalho dos Jornalistas em Portugal. Observatório para as condições de vida e trabalho. https://jornalistas.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Inquerito-Nacional-as-Condicoes-de-Vida-e-de-Trabalho-dos-Jornalistas-em-Portugal-03-11-2023-c.pdf
Law No. 53/2005. 2005. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=588&tabela=leis
Média Alternativos. n.d. “Os projectos.” https://mediaalternativos.pt/projectos/
Setenta e Quatro. 2021. “Os desafios do jornalismo de investigação: a responsabilidade do jornalista.” https://setentaequatro.pt/ensaio/os-desafios-do-jornalismo-de-investigacao-responsabilidade-do-jornalista
Público. 2020. “Partidos e líderes políticos nos media: quem aparece mais?” https://www.publico.pt/2020/09/20/politica/noticia/partidos-lideres-politicos-media-aparece-1931798
Graph View
To what extent are citizens able to freely form or join independent political and civic groups, openly raise and discuss political issues, and assemble without restrictions?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose very few or no significant obstacles to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
Portugal provides a wide range of civil and political rights and freedoms for its citizens, as outlined in the Portuguese constitution of 1976. This is exemplified by Article 45, which specifically addresses freedom of assembly, and Article 46, which centers on freedom of association.
Every citizen or legal entity can establish and operate an association without any government intervention or discrimination, both de jure and in practice. According to the World Justice Project Rule of Law Index in 2023, Portugal maintained a score above the global and regional averages (0.85/1) in effectively guaranteeing freedom of assembly and association (WJP, 2023).
The Portuguese legal framework strictly prohibits any form of intimidation, harassment, or threats against individuals exercising their right to assemble or associate. The process for establishing an association is transparent and accessible, with clear, non-discriminatory criteria for obtaining permits. This process merely requires citizens to present identification or a residence permit. However, the constitution imposes certain restrictions, notably forbidding the formation of armed, military, or paramilitary groups, as well as racist or fascist organizations.
To further facilitate the formation of associations, Portugal has introduced “Associação na Hora” branches in all district capitals and other regions. Established under Law No. 40/2007, these branches expedite the creation of associations. Additionally, in recent years, incentives have been introduced specifically to foster youth associations.
Freedom of association is respected, and national and international NGOs, including human rights groups, operate freely without unwarranted state intrusion or interference.
Citations:
Constituição da República Portuguesa. 1976. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=4&tabela=leis
Freedom House. 2023. “2023 Freedom of the World Data: Portugal.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/portugal/freedom-world/2023
WJP. 2023. “World Justice Project Rule of Law Index: Portugal.” https://worldjusticeproject.org/rule-of-law-index/country/Portugal
Criar uma associação na hora. n.d. “Criar uma associação na hora.” https://eportugal.gov.pt/servicos/criar-uma-associacao-na-hora
Every citizen or legal entity can establish and operate an association without any government intervention or discrimination, both de jure and in practice. According to the World Justice Project Rule of Law Index in 2023, Portugal maintained a score above the global and regional averages (0.85/1) in effectively guaranteeing freedom of assembly and association (WJP, 2023).
The Portuguese legal framework strictly prohibits any form of intimidation, harassment, or threats against individuals exercising their right to assemble or associate. The process for establishing an association is transparent and accessible, with clear, non-discriminatory criteria for obtaining permits. This process merely requires citizens to present identification or a residence permit. However, the constitution imposes certain restrictions, notably forbidding the formation of armed, military, or paramilitary groups, as well as racist or fascist organizations.
To further facilitate the formation of associations, Portugal has introduced “Associação na Hora” branches in all district capitals and other regions. Established under Law No. 40/2007, these branches expedite the creation of associations. Additionally, in recent years, incentives have been introduced specifically to foster youth associations.
Freedom of association is respected, and national and international NGOs, including human rights groups, operate freely without unwarranted state intrusion or interference.
Citations:
Constituição da República Portuguesa. 1976. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=4&tabela=leis
Freedom House. 2023. “2023 Freedom of the World Data: Portugal.” https://freedomhouse.org/country/portugal/freedom-world/2023
WJP. 2023. “World Justice Project Rule of Law Index: Portugal.” https://worldjusticeproject.org/rule-of-law-index/country/Portugal
Criar uma associação na hora. n.d. “Criar uma associação na hora.” https://eportugal.gov.pt/servicos/criar-uma-associacao-na-hora
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
The capacity of CSOs to actively participate in shaping relevant policies in Portugal depends on a combination of legal, organizational, governmental, and societal factors.
Legally, prominent CSOs in social welfare and labor engage in the policymaking process through the Economic and Social Council (CES), particularly within the Permanent Commission for Social Concertation (CPCS). This constitutional body serves as a platform for negotiation and dialogue among sovereign bodies, economic entities, and social agents, contributing to policy formulation and decision-making.
In Portugal, civil society is primarily dominated by organizations advocating for specific group interests, such as those representing labor and capital, including trade unions, professional associations, pensioners’ groups, as well as business and financial organizations. In practice, these organizations often react to government measures rather than taking a proactive role in shaping policy debates.
While labor CSOs have recently garnered media attention for advocating the interests of both teaching and non-teaching staff, as well as healthcare professionals, through prominent protests and strikes in 2022 and 2023, the number of citizens reporting membership in organizations like trade unions has steadily decreased over time. This decline has been substantial, plummeting from 15% in 2002 to the lowest level documented in the post-election study conducted in 2022 (Serra-Silva & Oliveira, 2023). As a result, the overall influence and impact of major CSOs continue to be constrained and insufficient in Portugal.
Membership fees in CSOs, such as union dues, are tax-deductible. Similarly, citizens can choose to allocate 0.5% of their income tax to civil society organizations.
Citations:
Conselho Económico e Social. n.d. ” https://ces.pt/concertacao-social/”
Serra-Silva, S. and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Associational Involvement and Political Participation in Portugal: Insights from a Longitudinal and Comparative Study.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 47-88.
Legally, prominent CSOs in social welfare and labor engage in the policymaking process through the Economic and Social Council (CES), particularly within the Permanent Commission for Social Concertation (CPCS). This constitutional body serves as a platform for negotiation and dialogue among sovereign bodies, economic entities, and social agents, contributing to policy formulation and decision-making.
In Portugal, civil society is primarily dominated by organizations advocating for specific group interests, such as those representing labor and capital, including trade unions, professional associations, pensioners’ groups, as well as business and financial organizations. In practice, these organizations often react to government measures rather than taking a proactive role in shaping policy debates.
While labor CSOs have recently garnered media attention for advocating the interests of both teaching and non-teaching staff, as well as healthcare professionals, through prominent protests and strikes in 2022 and 2023, the number of citizens reporting membership in organizations like trade unions has steadily decreased over time. This decline has been substantial, plummeting from 15% in 2002 to the lowest level documented in the post-election study conducted in 2022 (Serra-Silva & Oliveira, 2023). As a result, the overall influence and impact of major CSOs continue to be constrained and insufficient in Portugal.
Membership fees in CSOs, such as union dues, are tax-deductible. Similarly, citizens can choose to allocate 0.5% of their income tax to civil society organizations.
Citations:
Conselho Económico e Social. n.d. ” https://ces.pt/concertacao-social/”
Serra-Silva, S. and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Associational Involvement and Political Participation in Portugal: Insights from a Longitudinal and Comparative Study.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 47-88.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
CSOs dedicated to social welfare hold limited sway over Portuguese society. Some of these organizations find representation within the Economic and Social Council (CES), particularly through participation in the Permanent Commission for Social Concertation (CPCS).
Prominent CSOs in this field include Social Economy Entities, such as Private Social Solidarity Institutions (IPSS), as well as various foundations and non-governmental organizations with a social focus, such as the Portuguese Red Cross, the Portuguese Association for Victim Support (APAV) and Caritas (the official social charity organization of the Church). These organizations can access and rely on government financial support, albeit often encountering insufficiencies. Nevertheless, they manage to maintain their independence and autonomy.
Only a select few associations have the capability to formulate policy proposals, and even among those, resources are severely constrained. An exception to this pattern is the Portuguese League Against Cancer, which stands out as a civil society institution closely collaborating with the health ministry on cancer screening initiatives.
Prominent CSOs in this field include Social Economy Entities, such as Private Social Solidarity Institutions (IPSS), as well as various foundations and non-governmental organizations with a social focus, such as the Portuguese Red Cross, the Portuguese Association for Victim Support (APAV) and Caritas (the official social charity organization of the Church). These organizations can access and rely on government financial support, albeit often encountering insufficiencies. Nevertheless, they manage to maintain their independence and autonomy.
Only a select few associations have the capability to formulate policy proposals, and even among those, resources are severely constrained. An exception to this pattern is the Portuguese League Against Cancer, which stands out as a civil society institution closely collaborating with the health ministry on cancer screening initiatives.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
Portugal has a specific legislative framework in place to support CSOs with an environmental focus, specifically non-governmental environmental organizations (ONGAs), under Lei n.º 35/98. This law defines their status, including governmental financial and technical assistance, rights to partake in the development of relevant policies and environmental legislation, and opportunities for radio and television broadcasting.
Major environmental CSOs, including ZERO, Quercus, and the Portuguese Association for Environmental Education (ASPEA), have not significantly impacted policy formulation. Recently, protest-based and youth-led movements, such as Climáximo and the School Strike for Climate (Greve Climática Estudantil), have emerged and engaged in frontline activism against climate change. While they generate media attention through their protests, they do not participate in policy formulation.
Despite the growing prominence of climate change and environmental protection in contemporary society, Portuguese citizens exhibit a noticeable lack of participation in organizations and associations dedicated to these issues. However, a recent 2023 study reveals a paradox: While these environmental associations are deemed trustworthy by the population, with about 40% of respondents rating them as the most reliable – the only category to surpass the average, compared to trade unions and others (Lisi & Oliveira, 2023) – active involvement remains surprisingly low (Serra-Silva & Oliveira, 2023).
Citations:
Organizações Não-Governamentais do Ambiente. 1998. Lei n.º 35/98, de 18 de Julho. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=755&tabela=leis&so_miolo=
Lisi, M., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Interest Groups, Political Representation and Citizen Preferences.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 89-116.
Serra-Silva, S., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Associational Involvement and Political Participation in Portugal: Insights from a Longitudinal and Comparative Study.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 47-88.
Major environmental CSOs, including ZERO, Quercus, and the Portuguese Association for Environmental Education (ASPEA), have not significantly impacted policy formulation. Recently, protest-based and youth-led movements, such as Climáximo and the School Strike for Climate (Greve Climática Estudantil), have emerged and engaged in frontline activism against climate change. While they generate media attention through their protests, they do not participate in policy formulation.
Despite the growing prominence of climate change and environmental protection in contemporary society, Portuguese citizens exhibit a noticeable lack of participation in organizations and associations dedicated to these issues. However, a recent 2023 study reveals a paradox: While these environmental associations are deemed trustworthy by the population, with about 40% of respondents rating them as the most reliable – the only category to surpass the average, compared to trade unions and others (Lisi & Oliveira, 2023) – active involvement remains surprisingly low (Serra-Silva & Oliveira, 2023).
Citations:
Organizações Não-Governamentais do Ambiente. 1998. Lei n.º 35/98, de 18 de Julho. https://www.pgdlisboa.pt/leis/lei_mostra_articulado.php?nid=755&tabela=leis&so_miolo=
Lisi, M., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Interest Groups, Political Representation and Citizen Preferences.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 89-116.
Serra-Silva, S., and Oliveira, R. 2023. “Associational Involvement and Political Participation in Portugal: Insights from a Longitudinal and Comparative Study.” In Lisi, M., ed. Interest Groups and Political Representation in Portugal and Beyond. London: Routledge, 47-88.