Vertical Accountability
#10Key Findings
Portugal falls into the upper-middle ranks (rank 10) in the category of vertical accountability.
The electoral process is generally transparent and nondiscriminatory. Political parties in Portugal must ensure financial transparency by conducting internal audits of their activities and campaign accounts. Party funding and campaign auditing are overseen by the Constitutional Court and another independent body.
There is no legal threshold to enter parliament, but smaller parties polling below 5% typically win seats only in large electoral districts like Lisbon and Porto. The long-stable party system is now seeing changes, with the two mainstream parties showing increasing ideological divergence, as well as with the unprecedented coalition between the PS and left-wing parties in 2015.
The rise of new parties like the populist right-wing Chega has increased polarization and intensified conflicts in the parliament, complicating consensus-building. Laws provide access to official government information with some justified exemptions.
The electoral process is generally transparent and nondiscriminatory. Political parties in Portugal must ensure financial transparency by conducting internal audits of their activities and campaign accounts. Party funding and campaign auditing are overseen by the Constitutional Court and another independent body.
There is no legal threshold to enter parliament, but smaller parties polling below 5% typically win seats only in large electoral districts like Lisbon and Porto. The long-stable party system is now seeing changes, with the two mainstream parties showing increasing ideological divergence, as well as with the unprecedented coalition between the PS and left-wing parties in 2015.
The rise of new parties like the populist right-wing Chega has increased polarization and intensified conflicts in the parliament, complicating consensus-building. Laws provide access to official government information with some justified exemptions.
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
By law, presidential candidates in Portugal must disclose specific information, such as criminal records and declarations of income and assets. In contrast, candidates for legislative and local elections are only required to provide basic information, including party or group identification, age, address, and party affiliation. Rejected candidates and parties have the right to appeal to the Constitutional Court within two days after the publication of the list (Lei n.º 14/79, art. 30).
Financial transparency is mandated, requiring parties to conduct internal audits of their activities and campaign accounts. The Constitutional Court, along with the independent body Entidade das Contas e Financiamentos Políticos (ECFP), monitors party funding and audits political parties’ accounts and electoral campaigns (Lei n.º 19/2003, art. 24). Although there were significant delays in previous years in providing account reports, recent reports up to 2022 are now available on the ECFP website. These delays were primarily due to the ECFP’s ongoing lack of essential and adequate human resources (ECFP, 2023).
Regarding media access, all candidates and parties theoretically enjoy equal rights and opportunities. Electoral propaganda is distributed through public and private radio and television stations, including Radio and Television of Portugal (RTP) (Lei n.º 14/79, art. 62). However, the growing use of new media, particularly among Portuguese youth, raises concerns about disinformation and fake news campaigns (MediaLAB Iscte, 2019). Despite high trust in traditional media and a low risk of external disinformation campaigns among the Portuguese population (MediaLAB Iscte, 2019), the potential impact of distorted public opinion perceptions on political competition is a real concern. The misuse of AI models and the creation of fake content are alarming examples (Pereira, 2023).
Obstacles to the representativeness of all parties still exist within the electoral system. The combination of low-magnitude districts and the D’Hondt system creates a majoritarian bonus, hindering new parties and strengthening the two largest ones (PS and PSD). While there is no legal electoral threshold, smaller parties polling below 5% can only aspire to win seats in the largest electoral circles: Lisbon and Porto (Serra-Silva & Santos 2023: 131).
Citations:
Law No. 14/79. 1979. Lei Eleitoral da Assembleia da República. https://www.cne.pt/sites/default/files/dl/legis_lear_consolidada_2020-11.pdf
Law No. 19/2003. 2003. Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns (Financiamento dos Partidos Políticos e das Campanhas Eleitorais). https://www.parlamento.pt/Legislacao/Documents/Legislacao_Anotada/FinanciamentoPartidosPoliticosCampanhasEleitorais_Anotado.pdf
ECFP. 2023. “Relatório de Atividades 2022.” https://www.tribunalconstitucional.pt/tc/file/RelatoriodeAtividades2022d.pdf?src=1&mid=7157&bid=5806
MediaLAB Iscte. 2019. “Disinformation Risk in Portugal’s Election – More Brazil than Europe?”. https://democracyreporting.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/images/27942019-10-01-Portugal_Disinformation_Risk-Assessment.pdf
Sapo. 2023. “Como o áudio Deepfake pode interferir nas eleições: Governos e cidadãos devem estar atentos à desinformação.” https://tek.sapo.pt/noticias/computadores/artigos/como-o-audio-deepfake-pode-interferir-nas-eleicoes-governos-e-cidadaos-devem-estar-atentos-a-desinformacao
Serra-Silva, Bruno, and João Crespo Santos. 2023. “Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a More Polarized Party System?” In Portugal Since the 2008 Economic Crisis: Resilience and Change, ed. António Costa Pinto, 129-155. New York: Routledge.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351046916
Financial transparency is mandated, requiring parties to conduct internal audits of their activities and campaign accounts. The Constitutional Court, along with the independent body Entidade das Contas e Financiamentos Políticos (ECFP), monitors party funding and audits political parties’ accounts and electoral campaigns (Lei n.º 19/2003, art. 24). Although there were significant delays in previous years in providing account reports, recent reports up to 2022 are now available on the ECFP website. These delays were primarily due to the ECFP’s ongoing lack of essential and adequate human resources (ECFP, 2023).
Regarding media access, all candidates and parties theoretically enjoy equal rights and opportunities. Electoral propaganda is distributed through public and private radio and television stations, including Radio and Television of Portugal (RTP) (Lei n.º 14/79, art. 62). However, the growing use of new media, particularly among Portuguese youth, raises concerns about disinformation and fake news campaigns (MediaLAB Iscte, 2019). Despite high trust in traditional media and a low risk of external disinformation campaigns among the Portuguese population (MediaLAB Iscte, 2019), the potential impact of distorted public opinion perceptions on political competition is a real concern. The misuse of AI models and the creation of fake content are alarming examples (Pereira, 2023).
Obstacles to the representativeness of all parties still exist within the electoral system. The combination of low-magnitude districts and the D’Hondt system creates a majoritarian bonus, hindering new parties and strengthening the two largest ones (PS and PSD). While there is no legal electoral threshold, smaller parties polling below 5% can only aspire to win seats in the largest electoral circles: Lisbon and Porto (Serra-Silva & Santos 2023: 131).
Citations:
Law No. 14/79. 1979. Lei Eleitoral da Assembleia da República. https://www.cne.pt/sites/default/files/dl/legis_lear_consolidada_2020-11.pdf
Law No. 19/2003. 2003. Financing of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns (Financiamento dos Partidos Políticos e das Campanhas Eleitorais). https://www.parlamento.pt/Legislacao/Documents/Legislacao_Anotada/FinanciamentoPartidosPoliticosCampanhasEleitorais_Anotado.pdf
ECFP. 2023. “Relatório de Atividades 2022.” https://www.tribunalconstitucional.pt/tc/file/RelatoriodeAtividades2022d.pdf?src=1&mid=7157&bid=5806
MediaLAB Iscte. 2019. “Disinformation Risk in Portugal’s Election – More Brazil than Europe?”. https://democracyreporting.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/images/27942019-10-01-Portugal_Disinformation_Risk-Assessment.pdf
Sapo. 2023. “Como o áudio Deepfake pode interferir nas eleições: Governos e cidadãos devem estar atentos à desinformação.” https://tek.sapo.pt/noticias/computadores/artigos/como-o-audio-deepfake-pode-interferir-nas-eleicoes-governos-e-cidadaos-devem-estar-atentos-a-desinformacao
Serra-Silva, Bruno, and João Crespo Santos. 2023. “Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a More Polarized Party System?” In Portugal Since the 2008 Economic Crisis: Resilience and Change, ed. António Costa Pinto, 129-155. New York: Routledge.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351046916
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
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9
There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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7
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
The right to participate and vote in national elections in Portugal is extended to all adult citizens over the age of 18. Early voting options are available for hospitalized, imprisoned, or overseas citizens. Foreign residents in Portugal, hailing from EU member states or specific countries, can register for local elections under certain conditions (CNE, n.da). Brazilian citizens in Portugal with equal political rights can vote in legislative elections (CNE, n.db). Those denied the right to vote can file complaints with the National Elections Commission (CNE) – the independent body overseeing elections in Portugal.
There is typically a good balance between polling stations and population density, with stations in each administrative parish. Free transportation is provided for those with limited mobility if required. Polling stations operate from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., usually on Sundays (CNE, n.dc). The ballot design is accessible, and Braille voting matrices can be provided upon request. However, concerns have been raised by the Association of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Portugal (ACAPO) about irregularities with the Braille matrix (DN/Lusa, 2022).
While the electoral process is generally transparent and non-discriminatory, occasional irregularities occur. Irregularities in the early voting process for emigrant Portuguese communities have been observed, with thousands reportedly not receiving their ballot papers in the 2022 legislative elections (Observador, 2022a). Additionally, irregularities in the European electoral circle led to the unprecedented annulment of 80% of votes by the Constitutional Court, necessitating a repeat of the voting process (Observador, 2022b).
The National Electoral Commission (CNE) and the Constitutional Court are responsible for addressing such irregularities, but the engagement of government ministries and the implementation of legislative changes remain crucial.
Citations:
Lei Eleitoral da Assembleia da República. Lei n.º 14/79, de 16 de maio. https://www.cne.pt/sites/default/files/dl/legis_lear_consolidada_2020-11.pdf
CNE. n.d. a. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/117/3
CNE. n.d. b. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/95/90
CNE. n.d. “Perguntas Frequentes: Votação em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/108/3
Observador. 2022. “”Milhares de portugueses na Europa” não receberam documentação para votar, acusa Rui Rio.” https://observador.pt/2022/03/14/milhares-de-portugueses-na-europa-nao-receberam-documentacao-para-votar-acusa-rui-rio
Observador. 2022b. “Tribunal Constitucional manda repetir eleições nas assembleias da Europa com irregularidades.” https://observador.pt/2022/02/15/tribunal-constitucional-manda-repetir-eleicoes-nas-assembleias-da-europa-com-irregularidades
DN/Lusa. 2022. “ACAPO denuncia irregularidades com matriz em Braille nas mesas de voto.” https://www.dn.pt/politica/acapo-denuncia-irregularidades-com-matriz-em-braille-nas-mesas-de-voto-14542360.html
There is typically a good balance between polling stations and population density, with stations in each administrative parish. Free transportation is provided for those with limited mobility if required. Polling stations operate from 8 a.m. to 7 p.m., usually on Sundays (CNE, n.dc). The ballot design is accessible, and Braille voting matrices can be provided upon request. However, concerns have been raised by the Association of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Portugal (ACAPO) about irregularities with the Braille matrix (DN/Lusa, 2022).
While the electoral process is generally transparent and non-discriminatory, occasional irregularities occur. Irregularities in the early voting process for emigrant Portuguese communities have been observed, with thousands reportedly not receiving their ballot papers in the 2022 legislative elections (Observador, 2022a). Additionally, irregularities in the European electoral circle led to the unprecedented annulment of 80% of votes by the Constitutional Court, necessitating a repeat of the voting process (Observador, 2022b).
The National Electoral Commission (CNE) and the Constitutional Court are responsible for addressing such irregularities, but the engagement of government ministries and the implementation of legislative changes remain crucial.
Citations:
Lei Eleitoral da Assembleia da República. Lei n.º 14/79, de 16 de maio. https://www.cne.pt/sites/default/files/dl/legis_lear_consolidada_2020-11.pdf
CNE. n.d. a. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/117/3
CNE. n.d. b. “Perguntas Frequentes: Recenseamento / Direito de Voto em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/95/90
CNE. n.d. “Perguntas Frequentes: Votação em Portugal.” https://www.cne.pt/faq2/108/3
Observador. 2022. “”Milhares de portugueses na Europa” não receberam documentação para votar, acusa Rui Rio.” https://observador.pt/2022/03/14/milhares-de-portugueses-na-europa-nao-receberam-documentacao-para-votar-acusa-rui-rio
Observador. 2022b. “Tribunal Constitucional manda repetir eleições nas assembleias da Europa com irregularidades.” https://observador.pt/2022/02/15/tribunal-constitucional-manda-repetir-eleicoes-nas-assembleias-da-europa-com-irregularidades
DN/Lusa. 2022. “ACAPO denuncia irregularidades com matriz em Braille nas mesas de voto.” https://www.dn.pt/politica/acapo-denuncia-irregularidades-com-matriz-em-braille-nas-mesas-de-voto-14542360.html
Graph View
To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
The expression of broader societal interests through political parties is somewhat hindered by certain features of the Portuguese electoral system, as previously discussed. In legislative elections, 226 seats are distributed proportionally to the number of voters in the 20 electoral districts of Portugal: 18 mainland districts and two districts for each Autonomous Region. In addition, there are two districts for Portuguese citizens residing abroad, one for those in Europe and another for those outside Europe, with two seats each. This generates a total of 230 seats in parliament.
It should be noted that this diaspora is substantial, with around 1.5 million registered electors in 2022 (Setenta e Quatro, 2022); however, the proportion of these who actually vote is very small. Turnout was only 11% in these two districts in the 2022 elections.
Previous elections reveal challenges in representing districts with much lower population density, primarily due to the limited number of seats they elect, which favors major political parties. For instance, in Portalegre, a district that elects only two members for parliament, the 2022 legislative elections showed that more than half of the valid votes cast in this district (51.82%) did not result in the election of any representatives (Expresso, 2022).
Despite these challenges, the traditionally stable Portuguese party system has recently undergone significant changes, moving away from the long-standing dominance of the same five parties that have controlled representation since 1999. However, it remains to be seen whether this shift has made the system more representative of broader social and political interests.
The January 2022 legislative elections saw 22 different lists competing, one more than in 2019, marking the highest total since democratization and reflecting increased inter-party differentiation and diverse societal representations (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023). The upcoming snap election scheduled for March 2024 is likely to maintain this level of partisan diversity, potentially encompassing more societal interests. Furthermore, the two mainstream parties – PS and PSD – which historically shared substantial programmatic agreement, have experienced increased ideological divergence in recent years (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023).
Portugal’s main political parties have a formally decentralized structure at local and regional levels. However, these structures are predominantly mobilized for elections rather than articulating local interests and fostering grassroots engagement.
Citations:
Setenta e Quatro. 2022. “Todos os votos são iguais, mas alguns são mais iguais do que outros.” https://setentaequatro.pt/ensaio/todos-os-votos-sao-iguais-mas-alguns-sao-mais-iguais-do-que-outros
Expresso. 2022. “Mais de 671 mil votos foram ‘para o lixo’ nestas legislativas. Foi um em cada sete.” https://expresso.pt/eleicoes/legislativas-2022/2022-01-31-Mais-de-671-mil-votos-foram-para-o-lixo-nestas-legislativas.-Foi-um-em-cada-sete-c2760589
Serra-Silva, A., and M. Santos. 2023. “Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a More Polarized Party System?” In A. Costa Pinto eds., Portugal Since the 2008 Economic Crisis: Resilience and Change, 1st ed., 129-155. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351046916
It should be noted that this diaspora is substantial, with around 1.5 million registered electors in 2022 (Setenta e Quatro, 2022); however, the proportion of these who actually vote is very small. Turnout was only 11% in these two districts in the 2022 elections.
Previous elections reveal challenges in representing districts with much lower population density, primarily due to the limited number of seats they elect, which favors major political parties. For instance, in Portalegre, a district that elects only two members for parliament, the 2022 legislative elections showed that more than half of the valid votes cast in this district (51.82%) did not result in the election of any representatives (Expresso, 2022).
Despite these challenges, the traditionally stable Portuguese party system has recently undergone significant changes, moving away from the long-standing dominance of the same five parties that have controlled representation since 1999. However, it remains to be seen whether this shift has made the system more representative of broader social and political interests.
The January 2022 legislative elections saw 22 different lists competing, one more than in 2019, marking the highest total since democratization and reflecting increased inter-party differentiation and diverse societal representations (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023). The upcoming snap election scheduled for March 2024 is likely to maintain this level of partisan diversity, potentially encompassing more societal interests. Furthermore, the two mainstream parties – PS and PSD – which historically shared substantial programmatic agreement, have experienced increased ideological divergence in recent years (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023).
Portugal’s main political parties have a formally decentralized structure at local and regional levels. However, these structures are predominantly mobilized for elections rather than articulating local interests and fostering grassroots engagement.
Citations:
Setenta e Quatro. 2022. “Todos os votos são iguais, mas alguns são mais iguais do que outros.” https://setentaequatro.pt/ensaio/todos-os-votos-sao-iguais-mas-alguns-sao-mais-iguais-do-que-outros
Expresso. 2022. “Mais de 671 mil votos foram ‘para o lixo’ nestas legislativas. Foi um em cada sete.” https://expresso.pt/eleicoes/legislativas-2022/2022-01-31-Mais-de-671-mil-votos-foram-para-o-lixo-nestas-legislativas.-Foi-um-em-cada-sete-c2760589
Serra-Silva, A., and M. Santos. 2023. “Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a More Polarized Party System?” In A. Costa Pinto eds., Portugal Since the 2008 Economic Crisis: Resilience and Change, 1st ed., 129-155. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351046916
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
2
1
1
Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
The Portuguese constitution guarantees political and civic liberties, as well as democratic values, through political parties that promote widely agreed-upon fundamental liberties, rights, and the development of democratic institutions.
Despite the stability of the Portuguese party system since democratization – mainly characterized by the alternating rule between the two major parties, PSD and PS, and the dominance of the same five parties in parliament from 1999 to 2015 (Jalali, 2019) – Portuguese politics has recently undergone substantial transformations.
First, the unexpected government solution known as Geringonça (“contraption”) in 2015, which saw cross-party cooperation between the PS and left-wing parties for the first time, marked a significant shift in cross-party collaboration in Portuguese politics (Fernandes et al., 2018).
Second, the 2019 general elections witnessed the emergence of three new parties: Iniciativa Liberal (Liberal Initiative), focused on economic and social liberalization; the left-wing LIVRE (FREE); and Chega (Enough), the first Portuguese populist radical right party to win parliamentary representation.
Third, the 2022 general elections saw a significant increase in Chega’s and IL’s vote share in a short period, contributing to higher party polarization (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023: 136).
The rise of these new parties has heightened conflicts in parliament, impacting cross-party cooperation and consensus-building on legislative approvals, as observed in recent research (e.g., Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023: 145). Scholars have concluded that there are clear signs of increased polarization, especially between 2015 and 2022 (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023). While Portugal didn’t have prominent anti-democratic forces until recently, the emergence of Chega has sparked discussions about whether this political force deviates from the values of liberal democracy. The legal existence of Chega has been questioned by several parties, and there have been formal requests, such as the one made by Ana Gomes, a former diplomat and Eurodeputy, to outlaw the Chega party, though without effect (Rádio Renascença, 2021).
Citations:
Serra-Silva, João, and Pedro Santos. 2023. “Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a More Polarized Party System?” In Portugal Since the 2008 Economic Crisis: Resilience and Change, eds. António Costa Pinto. 1st ed. 129-155. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351046916
Fernandes, J., Magalhães, P., and Santana-Pereira, J. 2018. “Portugal’s Leftist Government: From Sick Man to Poster Boy?” South European Society and Politics 23 (4): 503-524. DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2018.1525914.
Jalali, C. 2019. “The Portuguese Party System: Evolution in Continuity?” In Costa Pinto, A. and Teixeira, C. P., eds. Political Institutions and Democracy in Portugal. London: Palgrave.
Rádio Renascença. 2021. “Ana Gomes avança com participação para ilegalização do Chega.” https://rr.sapo.pt/noticia/politica/2021/02/04/ana-gomes-avanca-com-participacao-para-ilegalizacao-do-chega/225347
Despite the stability of the Portuguese party system since democratization – mainly characterized by the alternating rule between the two major parties, PSD and PS, and the dominance of the same five parties in parliament from 1999 to 2015 (Jalali, 2019) – Portuguese politics has recently undergone substantial transformations.
First, the unexpected government solution known as Geringonça (“contraption”) in 2015, which saw cross-party cooperation between the PS and left-wing parties for the first time, marked a significant shift in cross-party collaboration in Portuguese politics (Fernandes et al., 2018).
Second, the 2019 general elections witnessed the emergence of three new parties: Iniciativa Liberal (Liberal Initiative), focused on economic and social liberalization; the left-wing LIVRE (FREE); and Chega (Enough), the first Portuguese populist radical right party to win parliamentary representation.
Third, the 2022 general elections saw a significant increase in Chega’s and IL’s vote share in a short period, contributing to higher party polarization (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023: 136).
The rise of these new parties has heightened conflicts in parliament, impacting cross-party cooperation and consensus-building on legislative approvals, as observed in recent research (e.g., Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023: 145). Scholars have concluded that there are clear signs of increased polarization, especially between 2015 and 2022 (Serra-Silva & Santos, 2023). While Portugal didn’t have prominent anti-democratic forces until recently, the emergence of Chega has sparked discussions about whether this political force deviates from the values of liberal democracy. The legal existence of Chega has been questioned by several parties, and there have been formal requests, such as the one made by Ana Gomes, a former diplomat and Eurodeputy, to outlaw the Chega party, though without effect (Rádio Renascença, 2021).
Citations:
Serra-Silva, João, and Pedro Santos. 2023. “Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: Towards a More Polarized Party System?” In Portugal Since the 2008 Economic Crisis: Resilience and Change, eds. António Costa Pinto. 1st ed. 129-155. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351046916
Fernandes, J., Magalhães, P., and Santana-Pereira, J. 2018. “Portugal’s Leftist Government: From Sick Man to Poster Boy?” South European Society and Politics 23 (4): 503-524. DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2018.1525914.
Jalali, C. 2019. “The Portuguese Party System: Evolution in Continuity?” In Costa Pinto, A. and Teixeira, C. P., eds. Political Institutions and Democracy in Portugal. London: Palgrave.
Rádio Renascença. 2021. “Ana Gomes avança com participação para ilegalização do Chega.” https://rr.sapo.pt/noticia/politica/2021/02/04/ana-gomes-avanca-com-participacao-para-ilegalizacao-do-chega/225347
Graph View
To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
Article 48 of the Portuguese constitution, along with comprehensive legal regulations such as Law 26/2016, safeguards the right to participate in public life and access official information. If access is required, the process is outlined in this law, necessitating a written request to the relevant entity or body. Restrictions on official information access are outlined in Article 6 of Law 26/2016. These restrictions take the form of exemptions and are justified.
Citizens can appeal to the Commission on Access to Administrative Documents (Comissão de Acesso aos Documentos Administrativos, CADA) if they have any complaints. This entity oversees access to administrative documents and information.
Official information is readily available online, even in public spaces such as municipal libraries. However, barriers like disorganized information presentation may hinder citizens’ access. The government’s Simplex system – particularly its 2023 edition – has demonstrated positive outcomes by modernizing public administration through digitalization, thus offering citizens better and simpler access to information.
Citations:
Law No. 26/2016. 2016. Diário da República no. 160/2016, Série I de 2016. https://diariodarepublica.pt/dr/legislacao-consolidada/lei/2016-106603618
Simplex. n.d. ” https://www.simplex.gov.pt”
Citizens can appeal to the Commission on Access to Administrative Documents (Comissão de Acesso aos Documentos Administrativos, CADA) if they have any complaints. This entity oversees access to administrative documents and information.
Official information is readily available online, even in public spaces such as municipal libraries. However, barriers like disorganized information presentation may hinder citizens’ access. The government’s Simplex system – particularly its 2023 edition – has demonstrated positive outcomes by modernizing public administration through digitalization, thus offering citizens better and simpler access to information.
Citations:
Law No. 26/2016. 2016. Diário da República no. 160/2016, Série I de 2016. https://diariodarepublica.pt/dr/legislacao-consolidada/lei/2016-106603618
Simplex. n.d. ” https://www.simplex.gov.pt”