Diagonal Accountability
#15Key Findings
Slovakia falls into the sample’s middle ranks (rank 15) with regard to diagonal accountability.
While media freedom in Slovakia is constitutionally guaranteed, the parliament’s appointment of the public media service’s director results in state capture. Media ownership concentration has increased, with oligarchs controlling key private media outlets. Politicians frequently seek to intimidate journalists.
Civil society groups operate freely, but the Fico government has plans to impose new limitations and “foreign agent” registration requirements on organizations receiving foreign funding. Labor and employer groups consult with the government through the tripartite Economic and Social Council, as well as through various advisory bodies at the ministerial level.
Some social welfare and environmental organizations also possess sufficient organizational strength to independently formulate policies and engage in a collaborative policymaking process with the government. Environmental groups in particular have had difficulty in influencing policy and winning widespread public support.
While media freedom in Slovakia is constitutionally guaranteed, the parliament’s appointment of the public media service’s director results in state capture. Media ownership concentration has increased, with oligarchs controlling key private media outlets. Politicians frequently seek to intimidate journalists.
Civil society groups operate freely, but the Fico government has plans to impose new limitations and “foreign agent” registration requirements on organizations receiving foreign funding. Labor and employer groups consult with the government through the tripartite Economic and Social Council, as well as through various advisory bodies at the ministerial level.
Some social welfare and environmental organizations also possess sufficient organizational strength to independently formulate policies and engage in a collaborative policymaking process with the government. Environmental groups in particular have had difficulty in influencing policy and winning widespread public support.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent are the media free from government influence and able to act independently?
10
9
9
There are no disincentives, by law or in practice, for the media to criticize the government and public officials.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
2
1
1
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
Media freedom in Slovakia is guaranteed by the constitution and upheld by a set of laws, including media law and election legislation. Censorship is prohibited, the judicial oversight system is functional, and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) serves as the final authority for free speech cases. While the press does not require a license to publish, radio and TV broadcasting operate under a state-regulated license regime (cf. Hanák, 2022).
Slovakia ranks highly in the World Index of Media Freedom, placing 17th in 2022 (RSF 2022). According to Urbániková (2022), while the legal regulation of media freedom is sophisticated, its implementation faces challenges. Public radio and TV broadcasting (RTVS) exemplifies media capture, partly because politicians in parliament elect the director. This issue is highlighted in the 2021 Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom report (2022).
Oligarchs influence some media outlets. For instance, Boris Kollár, leader of the Sme Rodina party and Speaker of the National Council of the Slovak Republic from 2020 to 2023, owns two of the four most popular radio stations in Slovakia.
In the Media Pluralism Monitor 2022, Slovakia was rated as a low-risk country for the “Journalistic profession, standards and protection” indicator (Urbániková, 2022). However, the 2018 murder of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée remains partially unresolved. Two perpetrators and an intermediary were convicted, but the trial of the alleged instigator, Marian Kočner, and his accomplice continues. While direct physical attacks against journalists are rare, politicians frequently intimidate them (Urbániková, 2022).
Citations:
Hanák, P. 2022. Media Law and Media Capture in Slovakia and the Czech Republic after the Year 2000. Prague: Charles University.
Urbániková, M. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Country Report: Slovakia. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom.
https://rsf.org/en/index
Slovakia ranks highly in the World Index of Media Freedom, placing 17th in 2022 (RSF 2022). According to Urbániková (2022), while the legal regulation of media freedom is sophisticated, its implementation faces challenges. Public radio and TV broadcasting (RTVS) exemplifies media capture, partly because politicians in parliament elect the director. This issue is highlighted in the 2021 Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom report (2022).
Oligarchs influence some media outlets. For instance, Boris Kollár, leader of the Sme Rodina party and Speaker of the National Council of the Slovak Republic from 2020 to 2023, owns two of the four most popular radio stations in Slovakia.
In the Media Pluralism Monitor 2022, Slovakia was rated as a low-risk country for the “Journalistic profession, standards and protection” indicator (Urbániková, 2022). However, the 2018 murder of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée remains partially unresolved. Two perpetrators and an intermediary were convicted, but the trial of the alleged instigator, Marian Kočner, and his accomplice continues. While direct physical attacks against journalists are rare, politicians frequently intimidate them (Urbániková, 2022).
Citations:
Hanák, P. 2022. Media Law and Media Capture in Slovakia and the Czech Republic after the Year 2000. Prague: Charles University.
Urbániková, M. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Country Report: Slovakia. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom.
https://rsf.org/en/index
To what extent is a plurality of opinions in the media ensured?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to a pluralistic media landscape that represents all existing political perspectives in society.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
According to the Center for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom’s 2022 report (Urbániková 2022), Slovak anti-monopoly policies ensure the transparency of ownership structures and maintain a plurality of opinions in digital, print, and broadcast media outlets at low-risk levels. Regulations overseeing publicly owned media formally ensure an adequate plurality of views. However, the plurality of opinions in private media presents a risk. For the “Market Plurality” indicator, Slovakia is among the countries with the highest risk. The concentration of media ownership in the hands of Slovak, Czech, and other regional entrepreneurs has been increasing. The most profitable media outlets are currently divided among Czech-Slovak entrepreneurs whose core business lies outside the media (Godársky & Mračka 2023).
The 2022 Law on Media introduced the obligation to register all media outlets in the registry of public sector partners, increasing the transparency of the media market.
Many major digital, print, and broadcast outlets consistently critique government policies and report on abuses of power, which applies to both the 2020 – 2023 OLANO and 2023 – SMER governments. The legislation forces the broadcasting media to encompass a diverse range of political perspectives – paragraph 16, article 3a of Law 308/2000 directly requests the versatility of information and plurality of opinions.
Commercial and owner influence over editorial content is at a medium risk level in Slovakia. However, for the public broadcaster RTVS and most private media, the political independence of the media and the level of conflict of interest are at high risk. The political independence of local and regional media is also endangered due to their funding and ownership by local and regional authorities, resulting in content often blatantly skewed in favor of the current local and regional political representation (Urbániková, 2022).
Citations:
Monitoring media pluralism in the digital era. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom, 2022
Urbániková, M. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Country Report: Slovakia. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom.
Godársky, I., and Mračka, M. 2023. “Slovakia. Country Report 2023.” Euromedia Ownership Monitor (EurOMo), https://media-ownership.eu/findings/countries/slovakia.
Zákon 452/2021 o elektronických komunikáciách. 2021. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2021/452/20220201
Zákon 308/2000 o vysielaní a retransmisii. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2000/308/20201120.html
The 2022 Law on Media introduced the obligation to register all media outlets in the registry of public sector partners, increasing the transparency of the media market.
Many major digital, print, and broadcast outlets consistently critique government policies and report on abuses of power, which applies to both the 2020 – 2023 OLANO and 2023 – SMER governments. The legislation forces the broadcasting media to encompass a diverse range of political perspectives – paragraph 16, article 3a of Law 308/2000 directly requests the versatility of information and plurality of opinions.
Commercial and owner influence over editorial content is at a medium risk level in Slovakia. However, for the public broadcaster RTVS and most private media, the political independence of the media and the level of conflict of interest are at high risk. The political independence of local and regional media is also endangered due to their funding and ownership by local and regional authorities, resulting in content often blatantly skewed in favor of the current local and regional political representation (Urbániková, 2022).
Citations:
Monitoring media pluralism in the digital era. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom, 2022
Urbániková, M. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Country Report: Slovakia. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom.
Godársky, I., and Mračka, M. 2023. “Slovakia. Country Report 2023.” Euromedia Ownership Monitor (EurOMo), https://media-ownership.eu/findings/countries/slovakia.
Zákon 452/2021 o elektronických komunikáciách. 2021. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2021/452/20220201
Zákon 308/2000 o vysielaní a retransmisii. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2000/308/20201120.html
Graph View
To what extent are citizens able to freely form or join independent political and civic groups, openly raise and discuss political issues, and assemble without restrictions?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose very few or no significant obstacles to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
Slovakia’s constitution and other legal institutions fully safeguard political rights, including freedom of association and assembly. Political and civic groups can operate freely without unwarranted state intrusion or interference, provided they respect the law. These freedoms can only be restricted under the law and to the extent necessary in a democratic society for a legitimate aim. The right to associate is executed through registration, which can only be rejected for specific reasons, such as incomplete documentation or if the public space is already booked for another event.
The government does not use intimidation, harassment, or threats of retaliation to prevent citizens from exercising their rights to assemble and associate legally (see Centre for Human Rights of the University of Pretoria 2021).
An example of civic groups operating freely is the Platform of Volunteer Centers and Organizations. In 2023, they organized a series of roundtables with representatives from public administration, local government, and organizations promoting volunteerism. They drafted the National Plan for the Development of Volunteerism for 2024–2030, which is now open for public comment.
The situation may, however, change. The new government, led by Prime Minister Robert Fico, has expressed intentions to adopt new legislation related to NGOs and cancel the existing tax assignation system. Currently, all taxpayers can assign 2 or 3% of their income tax to civil society organizations (CSOs), including associations, foundations, nonprofit funds, and nonprofit organizations delivering public services. Eligible CSOs must be registered annually with a notary, and their activities must be connected with health, sports, social care, culture, education, protection of human rights, environmental protection, research and development, or voluntary work (paragraph 50, the law on income taxation 595/2003). The legislation also permits direct allocations of public funds to CSOs, commonly at the self-government level (laws on budgetary rules 523/2004 and 583/2004).
Robert Fico has referred to some NGOs as foreign agents (see Správy RTVS, 4 November 2023, or Robert Fico’s post on social media). He explicitly called Transparency International Slovakia a foreign agent because it is financed from abroad. Fico announced plans to “copy and paste” the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), a U.S. law requiring political and lobbying groups or individuals linked to foreign entities to register.
The Law on Obligatory Registration of NGOs, which came into effect in 2019 during a Smer-led government, created a register of NGOs launched in 2021. There are more than 82,000 registered NGOs in Slovakia. Concerns over the new government’s actions and rhetoric have increased (ECNL 2023).
Citations:
The Right of Peaceful Assembly: A Global Analysis of Domestic Regimes – Slovakia. 2021. Centre for Human Rights of the University of Pretoria. https://www.rightofassembly.info/country/slovakia
Správy RTVS. 2023. “Robert Fico avizuje nový zákon: Mimovládne organizácie by boli označené ako zahraniční agenti. Môže to pomôcť proti dezinformáciám.” https://spravy.rtvs.sk/2023/11/robert-fico-avizoval-novy-zakon-mimovladne-organizacie-by-boli-oznacovane-ako-zahranicny-agent/
FinState.sk. 2024. “Databáza nadácií, neziskových organizácií a združení (Database of foundations, nonprofit organizations and associations).” https://finstat.sk/databaza-nadacii-neziskovych-organizacii-zdruzeni
Ministry of Interior. 2023. Národný program rozvoja dobrovoľníctva na roky 2024 – 2030. Návrh. https://www.dobrovolnickecentra.sk/images/stories/files/2023/Narodny_plan_rozvoja_dobrovolnictva.pdf
The European Center for Not-for-Profit Law Stichting (ECNL). 2023. “Slovak Civil Society Is Concerned That the New Government’s Actions and Rhetoric Are Shrinking Space for Their Work. How Can They Respond?” https://ecnl.org/news/slovakia-civil-society-under-threat
The government does not use intimidation, harassment, or threats of retaliation to prevent citizens from exercising their rights to assemble and associate legally (see Centre for Human Rights of the University of Pretoria 2021).
An example of civic groups operating freely is the Platform of Volunteer Centers and Organizations. In 2023, they organized a series of roundtables with representatives from public administration, local government, and organizations promoting volunteerism. They drafted the National Plan for the Development of Volunteerism for 2024–2030, which is now open for public comment.
The situation may, however, change. The new government, led by Prime Minister Robert Fico, has expressed intentions to adopt new legislation related to NGOs and cancel the existing tax assignation system. Currently, all taxpayers can assign 2 or 3% of their income tax to civil society organizations (CSOs), including associations, foundations, nonprofit funds, and nonprofit organizations delivering public services. Eligible CSOs must be registered annually with a notary, and their activities must be connected with health, sports, social care, culture, education, protection of human rights, environmental protection, research and development, or voluntary work (paragraph 50, the law on income taxation 595/2003). The legislation also permits direct allocations of public funds to CSOs, commonly at the self-government level (laws on budgetary rules 523/2004 and 583/2004).
Robert Fico has referred to some NGOs as foreign agents (see Správy RTVS, 4 November 2023, or Robert Fico’s post on social media). He explicitly called Transparency International Slovakia a foreign agent because it is financed from abroad. Fico announced plans to “copy and paste” the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), a U.S. law requiring political and lobbying groups or individuals linked to foreign entities to register.
The Law on Obligatory Registration of NGOs, which came into effect in 2019 during a Smer-led government, created a register of NGOs launched in 2021. There are more than 82,000 registered NGOs in Slovakia. Concerns over the new government’s actions and rhetoric have increased (ECNL 2023).
Citations:
The Right of Peaceful Assembly: A Global Analysis of Domestic Regimes – Slovakia. 2021. Centre for Human Rights of the University of Pretoria. https://www.rightofassembly.info/country/slovakia
Správy RTVS. 2023. “Robert Fico avizuje nový zákon: Mimovládne organizácie by boli označené ako zahraniční agenti. Môže to pomôcť proti dezinformáciám.” https://spravy.rtvs.sk/2023/11/robert-fico-avizoval-novy-zakon-mimovladne-organizacie-by-boli-oznacovane-ako-zahranicny-agent/
FinState.sk. 2024. “Databáza nadácií, neziskových organizácií a združení (Database of foundations, nonprofit organizations and associations).” https://finstat.sk/databaza-nadacii-neziskovych-organizacii-zdruzeni
Ministry of Interior. 2023. Národný program rozvoja dobrovoľníctva na roky 2024 – 2030. Návrh. https://www.dobrovolnickecentra.sk/images/stories/files/2023/Narodny_plan_rozvoja_dobrovolnictva.pdf
The European Center for Not-for-Profit Law Stichting (ECNL). 2023. “Slovak Civil Society Is Concerned That the New Government’s Actions and Rhetoric Are Shrinking Space for Their Work. How Can They Respond?” https://ecnl.org/news/slovakia-civil-society-under-threat
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
The existing legislation in Slovakia provides numerous opportunities to cultivate civil society organizations (CSOs). The primary public funding source for CSOs is tax assignation, which amounts to approximately €80 million annually, supplemented by state budget allocations through competitive schemes and programs.
Major CSOs can cooperate and form alliances, although there are limitations due to their policy fields and normative orientations (Koncepcia rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti na Slovensku na roky 2021–2030, 2021). The rules for membership in the Government Council for CSOs encourage organizations to unite with similar entities to gain membership.
Public involvement in major CSOs’ activities is generally limited, with more significant support typically arising during specific crises (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020).
Each government in Slovakia formally supports the development of civil society organizations (CSOs) and is legally required to consult major CSOs on draft legislation. The Plenipotentiary for the Development of Civil Society, an advisory body within the Ministry of Interior, regularly prepares development concepts. Since March 10, 2022, this position has been held by Filip Vagač, a well-known CSO expert and activist. The Government Council for CSOs, established in 2012, includes state secretaries (junior ministers) from various ministries, giving the government more influence. CSOs are represented according to the Chamber of CSOs’ representative rules, but only the chair (Minister of Interior) can propose new members.
The main CSOs representing labor and capital primarily access policymaking through the tripartite mechanism – the Economic and Social Council – as well as social dialogue platforms and various advisory bodies at government and ministerial levels. This dialogue includes trade unions, business and professional organizations, CSOs, territorial and professional self-government bodies, trade and professional chambers, consumer groups, NGOs, and churches.
Trade unions and employer associations are the main non-state actors in capital and labor. The Confederation of Trade Unions (KOZ) represents 25 sectoral unions and an umbrella organization, collectively representing up to 25% of employees. The main employer association, AZZZ, represents 35 employers’ unions and associations, covering about 50% of employer organizations. Two umbrella associations represent almost all self-governments. These negotiations focus on various economic and social policy issues, primarily minimum wage rules and other labor-related matters. Many business representatives not in the Economic and Social Council are united in umbrella and coordination associations, positioning them well to provide policy proposals. Many cooperate with different think tanks. Due to leadership changes, trade unions have suffered from fragmentation but have recently improved their negotiation capacity.
Several CSOs in Slovakia possess sufficient organizational strength to formulate policies independently or engage in integrated policy formulation processes with the government. Notable players include INEKO, IVO, INESS, and Aliancia Fair Play (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020; Vladovič, 2008).
The practices of the Slovak governments from 2020 to 2023 (except for the short-lived Ódor government) have been problematic. Igor Matovič’s capacity to cooperate with other actors was limited (Malý and Nemec, 2023). The new government under Prime Minister Robert Fico holds a negative view of politically oriented CSOs, sometimes referring to them as foreign agents. The system of tax assignation is currently under discussion. (Správy RTVS, 4 November 2023).
Citations:
OECD and AIAS. 2021. Slovak Republic. Institutional Characteristics of Trade Unions, Wage Setting, State.
Intervention and Social Pacts. OECD Publishing, Paris. https://www.oecd.org/employment/collective-bargaining-database-slovakrepublic.pdf
Zákon 595/2003 o dani s príjmov. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2003/595/20170201#paragraf-50
Zákon 523/2004 o rozpočtových pravidlách verejnej správy. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2004/523/
Zákon 583/2004 o rozpočtových pravidlách územnej samosprávy. https://www.epi.sk/zz/2004-583
Legislatívne pravidlá vlády. https://www.vlada.gov.sk/share/RVLP/lpv_sr-14122022.pdf?csrt=411327310783031006
Vladovič, M. 2008. “Think tanky a ich vplyv na politický systém.” Slovenská politologická revue 3 (7): 95-122.
Koncepcia rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti na Slovensku na roky 2021 – 2030. 2021. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Malý, I., and Nemec, J. 2023. “‘Non-Standard’ Political Parties and The Capacity to Govern in Turbulent Times: Slovakia 2020-2022.” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences Special issue: 101-117.
Správy RTVS. 2023. “Robert Fico avizuje nový zákon: Mimovládne organizácie by boli označené ako zahraniční agenti. Môže to pomôcť proti dezinformáciám.” https://spravy.rtvs.sk/2023/11/robert-fico-avizoval-novy-zakon-mimovladne-organi-zacie-by-boli-oznacovane-ako-zahranicny-agent/
Major CSOs can cooperate and form alliances, although there are limitations due to their policy fields and normative orientations (Koncepcia rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti na Slovensku na roky 2021–2030, 2021). The rules for membership in the Government Council for CSOs encourage organizations to unite with similar entities to gain membership.
Public involvement in major CSOs’ activities is generally limited, with more significant support typically arising during specific crises (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020).
Each government in Slovakia formally supports the development of civil society organizations (CSOs) and is legally required to consult major CSOs on draft legislation. The Plenipotentiary for the Development of Civil Society, an advisory body within the Ministry of Interior, regularly prepares development concepts. Since March 10, 2022, this position has been held by Filip Vagač, a well-known CSO expert and activist. The Government Council for CSOs, established in 2012, includes state secretaries (junior ministers) from various ministries, giving the government more influence. CSOs are represented according to the Chamber of CSOs’ representative rules, but only the chair (Minister of Interior) can propose new members.
The main CSOs representing labor and capital primarily access policymaking through the tripartite mechanism – the Economic and Social Council – as well as social dialogue platforms and various advisory bodies at government and ministerial levels. This dialogue includes trade unions, business and professional organizations, CSOs, territorial and professional self-government bodies, trade and professional chambers, consumer groups, NGOs, and churches.
Trade unions and employer associations are the main non-state actors in capital and labor. The Confederation of Trade Unions (KOZ) represents 25 sectoral unions and an umbrella organization, collectively representing up to 25% of employees. The main employer association, AZZZ, represents 35 employers’ unions and associations, covering about 50% of employer organizations. Two umbrella associations represent almost all self-governments. These negotiations focus on various economic and social policy issues, primarily minimum wage rules and other labor-related matters. Many business representatives not in the Economic and Social Council are united in umbrella and coordination associations, positioning them well to provide policy proposals. Many cooperate with different think tanks. Due to leadership changes, trade unions have suffered from fragmentation but have recently improved their negotiation capacity.
Several CSOs in Slovakia possess sufficient organizational strength to formulate policies independently or engage in integrated policy formulation processes with the government. Notable players include INEKO, IVO, INESS, and Aliancia Fair Play (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020; Vladovič, 2008).
The practices of the Slovak governments from 2020 to 2023 (except for the short-lived Ódor government) have been problematic. Igor Matovič’s capacity to cooperate with other actors was limited (Malý and Nemec, 2023). The new government under Prime Minister Robert Fico holds a negative view of politically oriented CSOs, sometimes referring to them as foreign agents. The system of tax assignation is currently under discussion. (Správy RTVS, 4 November 2023).
Citations:
OECD and AIAS. 2021. Slovak Republic. Institutional Characteristics of Trade Unions, Wage Setting, State.
Intervention and Social Pacts. OECD Publishing, Paris. https://www.oecd.org/employment/collective-bargaining-database-slovakrepublic.pdf
Zákon 595/2003 o dani s príjmov. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2003/595/20170201#paragraf-50
Zákon 523/2004 o rozpočtových pravidlách verejnej správy. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2004/523/
Zákon 583/2004 o rozpočtových pravidlách územnej samosprávy. https://www.epi.sk/zz/2004-583
Legislatívne pravidlá vlády. https://www.vlada.gov.sk/share/RVLP/lpv_sr-14122022.pdf?csrt=411327310783031006
Vladovič, M. 2008. “Think tanky a ich vplyv na politický systém.” Slovenská politologická revue 3 (7): 95-122.
Koncepcia rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti na Slovensku na roky 2021 – 2030. 2021. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Malý, I., and Nemec, J. 2023. “‘Non-Standard’ Political Parties and The Capacity to Govern in Turbulent Times: Slovakia 2020-2022.” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences Special issue: 101-117.
Správy RTVS. 2023. “Robert Fico avizuje nový zákon: Mimovládne organizácie by boli označené ako zahraniční agenti. Môže to pomôcť proti dezinformáciám.” https://spravy.rtvs.sk/2023/11/robert-fico-avizoval-novy-zakon-mimovladne-organi-zacie-by-boli-oznacovane-ako-zahranicny-agent/
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
The state of social welfare in Slovakia mirrors the conditions observed in the capital and labor sectors. Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Slovakia possess sufficient organizational strength to independently formulate policies or engage in a collaborative policymaking process with the government. Additionally, several CSOs provide social welfare services and are part of the Association of Social Services Providers, participating in the SR’s Council of Non-Governmental and Nonprofit Organizations.
The most influential welfare policy contributors include INEKO, INESS, Socioforum, and others. These organizations share their expertise with CSO representatives who have access to decision-making processes. Among CSOs delivering welfare services, Liga proti rakovine is the most prominent, with the Red Cross ranking second in visibility (for more, see Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020).
Citations:
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
The most influential welfare policy contributors include INEKO, INESS, Socioforum, and others. These organizations share their expertise with CSO representatives who have access to decision-making processes. Among CSOs delivering welfare services, Liga proti rakovine is the most prominent, with the Red Cross ranking second in visibility (for more, see Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020).
Citations:
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
The situation for environmental CSOs in Slovakia parallels that in the economy, labor, and social welfare sectors. The most prominent environmental CSO is Slovak Greenpeace, followed by Sloboda Zvierat and LO Vlk (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020). Environmental CSOs, such as Ekofórum, which comprises 22 member organizations, collaborate to represent the sector in the Government Council for CSOs.
Environmental CSOs face challenges in influencing government policies and securing widespread public support due to differing opinions and the limited willingness of citizens to support environmental protection (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020). While they have significantly improved environmental protection and awareness, their activities sometimes encounter public opposition, particularly when they affect daily life.
A prominent issue is the debate over brown bear management. Some experts, primarily from environmental CSOs, argue that the bear population is low and that the problem lies with human behavior. In contrast, farmers and hunters advocate for regulating bear numbers due to increasing encounters in villages and cities. This debate was a significant topic in the 2023 election campaign, with the current Fico government promising regulation (Plávalová, 2023).
Citations:
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Plávalová, B. 2023. “Odstrel medveďov závisí od výsledku volieb. Ako sa k nemu stavajú jednotlivé strany?” https://domov.sme.sk/c/23195395/parlamentne-volby-2023-politicke-strany-medved-kampan.html
Environmental CSOs face challenges in influencing government policies and securing widespread public support due to differing opinions and the limited willingness of citizens to support environmental protection (Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti, 2020). While they have significantly improved environmental protection and awareness, their activities sometimes encounter public opposition, particularly when they affect daily life.
A prominent issue is the debate over brown bear management. Some experts, primarily from environmental CSOs, argue that the bear population is low and that the problem lies with human behavior. In contrast, farmers and hunters advocate for regulating bear numbers due to increasing encounters in villages and cities. This debate was a significant topic in the 2023 election campaign, with the current Fico government promising regulation (Plávalová, 2023).
Citations:
Analýza socioekonomického prínosu neziskového sektora a stavu a trendov rozvoja občianskej spoločnosti. 2020. Bratislava: Úrad splnomocnenca vlády SR pre rozvoj občianskej spoločnosti.
Plávalová, B. 2023. “Odstrel medveďov závisí od výsledku volieb. Ako sa k nemu stavajú jednotlivé strany?” https://domov.sme.sk/c/23195395/parlamentne-volby-2023-politicke-strany-medved-kampan.html