Social Sustainability
#29Key Findings
In the category of social sustainability, Slovakia falls into the sample’s bottom ranks (rank 29).
Education expenditures are among the lowest in the EU. Despite recent increases, teachers’ salaries remain low. Student performance has declined, and PISA results are below the OECD average. The government has responded by implementing a large-scale curricula reform.
Social assistance programs offer monetary and in-kind benefits to individuals in need. Housing conditions are a concern particularly among the Roma population. The country has a high mortality rates from preventable causes, due to little focus on preventive care. Doctors have launched large-scale protests regarding the poor state of the health services.
Gender equality strategies and institutions have limited effectiveness. Maternity leave is provided, along with some financial benefits for parents. Childcare capacities do not meet demand. All children will have a right to attend kindergarten as of 2025, but municipalities complain of insufficient financial support. Migrants face numerous obstacles to integration.
Education expenditures are among the lowest in the EU. Despite recent increases, teachers’ salaries remain low. Student performance has declined, and PISA results are below the OECD average. The government has responded by implementing a large-scale curricula reform.
Social assistance programs offer monetary and in-kind benefits to individuals in need. Housing conditions are a concern particularly among the Roma population. The country has a high mortality rates from preventable causes, due to little focus on preventive care. Doctors have launched large-scale protests regarding the poor state of the health services.
Gender equality strategies and institutions have limited effectiveness. Maternity leave is provided, along with some financial benefits for parents. Childcare capacities do not meet demand. All children will have a right to attend kindergarten as of 2025, but municipalities complain of insufficient financial support. Migrants face numerous obstacles to integration.
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To what extent do policies and regulations in the education system hinder or facilitate high-quality education and training?
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9
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Education policies are fully aligned with the goal of ensuring high-quality education and training.
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7
6
Education policies are largely aligned with the goal of ensuring high-quality education and training.
5
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3
Education policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of ensuring high-quality education and training.
2
1
1
Education policies are not at all aligned with the goal of ensuring high-quality education and training.
The question of the extent to which policies and regulations in the education system hinder or facilitate high-quality education and training does not have any definite answer; however, important progress in some aspects can be reported for the 2022–2024 period.
Financial and human resources remain critical problems, independent of the circumstances of the poly-crisis period. Slovakia’s educational expenditures are very low – only Romania and Bulgaria spend less among EU countries. Despite a significant increase over the last few years, teachers’ salaries are still low, making the profession unattractive for graduates, particularly in the capital, Bratislava, where the salary is insufficient to cover standard living costs. According to RTVS (2023), the average gross salary of a teacher in March 2023 was €1,206, while the average salary of a master’s degree graduate was €1,782. Due to these factors – and the low social status of teachers – the recruitment of highly skilled educators is rather problematic. Many schools repeatedly announce vacancies and, in the interim, are forced to use non-qualified teachers to fill empty positions.
The results of Slovak pupils in PISA are systematically declining. According to 2022 results (OECD, 2023), performance in all three skills – reading, mathematics, and science – is below the OECD average. The state responded to the decreasing quality of primary education by implementing a large-scale educational reform, and in 2023, new national curricula were approved (Fico’s government promised to continue with this reform).
According to most evaluations, existing policies and regulations ensure continuous monitoring of labor market demands. However, this is not followed by the adaptation of education and training programs to provide relevant skills. Consequently, there is a disparity between the supply of graduates and the actual demand in practice, both at the secondary and tertiary education levels. Reforming the university system is a specific goal of the Slovak Recovery and Resilience Plan. One of its objectives is to align proposed study programs more closely with the needs of the national economy.
Individuals have good access to lifelong learning opportunities. The system of post-education training is coordinated by the Ministry of Education, which accredits training programs. However, the efficiency of these programs is not systematically evaluated.
Education for sustainable development is insufficiently integrated into the curricula at all school levels.
Citations:
Rádiožurnál. 2023. “Učitelia majú o stovky eur nižší priemerný plat ako Slováci v iných povolaniach.” https://spravy.rtvs.sk/2023/03/ucitelia-maju-o-stovky-eur-nizsi-priemerny-plat-ako-slovaci-v-inych-povolaniach
OECD. 2023. PISA 2022 Results The State of Learning and Equity in Education. Paris: OECD
Financial and human resources remain critical problems, independent of the circumstances of the poly-crisis period. Slovakia’s educational expenditures are very low – only Romania and Bulgaria spend less among EU countries. Despite a significant increase over the last few years, teachers’ salaries are still low, making the profession unattractive for graduates, particularly in the capital, Bratislava, where the salary is insufficient to cover standard living costs. According to RTVS (2023), the average gross salary of a teacher in March 2023 was €1,206, while the average salary of a master’s degree graduate was €1,782. Due to these factors – and the low social status of teachers – the recruitment of highly skilled educators is rather problematic. Many schools repeatedly announce vacancies and, in the interim, are forced to use non-qualified teachers to fill empty positions.
The results of Slovak pupils in PISA are systematically declining. According to 2022 results (OECD, 2023), performance in all three skills – reading, mathematics, and science – is below the OECD average. The state responded to the decreasing quality of primary education by implementing a large-scale educational reform, and in 2023, new national curricula were approved (Fico’s government promised to continue with this reform).
According to most evaluations, existing policies and regulations ensure continuous monitoring of labor market demands. However, this is not followed by the adaptation of education and training programs to provide relevant skills. Consequently, there is a disparity between the supply of graduates and the actual demand in practice, both at the secondary and tertiary education levels. Reforming the university system is a specific goal of the Slovak Recovery and Resilience Plan. One of its objectives is to align proposed study programs more closely with the needs of the national economy.
Individuals have good access to lifelong learning opportunities. The system of post-education training is coordinated by the Ministry of Education, which accredits training programs. However, the efficiency of these programs is not systematically evaluated.
Education for sustainable development is insufficiently integrated into the curricula at all school levels.
Citations:
Rádiožurnál. 2023. “Učitelia majú o stovky eur nižší priemerný plat ako Slováci v iných povolaniach.” https://spravy.rtvs.sk/2023/03/ucitelia-maju-o-stovky-eur-nizsi-priemerny-plat-ako-slovaci-v-inych-povolaniach
OECD. 2023. PISA 2022 Results The State of Learning and Equity in Education. Paris: OECD
To what extent does the current policy approach in the education system hinder or facilitate equitable access to high-quality education and training?
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9
9
Education policies are fully aligned with the goal of ensuring equitable access to high-quality education and training.
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6
7
6
Education policies are largely aligned with the goal of ensuring equitable access to high-quality education and training.
5
4
3
4
3
Education policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of ensuring equitable access to high-quality education and training.
2
1
1
Education policies are not at all aligned with the goal of ensuring equitable access to high-quality education and training.
Existing policies and regulations ensure equal access to pre-primary education. According to Law 209/2019, which amended the general schooling law (245/2008), all children under five – the last year before entering primary school – must attend kindergarten. Additionally, access to kindergarten from age three is guaranteed based on the amendment of the general schooling law from May 9, 2023 (this right will be implemented step-by-step until 2025). Access to early childhood development facilities (nurseries), however, is not guaranteed.
The education system ensures equitable access to all levels of education, regardless of socioeconomic background. According to the PISA 2022 report (OECD, 2023), Slovakia is significantly below the OECD average for the indicator “socioeconomic fairness.” Students with low social status also have poor results. In April 2023, the European Union initiated investigations at the European Court of Justice into Slovakia for continuing discrimination against Roma children in primary education. According to the EU, Slovakia is the EU member state with the highest rate of segregation of Roma in education, and the existing plans to address this problem are insufficient.
The education system does not provide regular second-chance education opportunities for individuals with very low skill levels upon leaving education, except for retraining. There is also a lack of education programs “preparing teachers for a non-mainstream educational process with non-mainstream pupils” (Lukáč and Lukáčová 2024: 34).
Citations:
OECD. 2023. PISA 2022 Results The State of Learning and Equity in Education. Paris: OECD.
European Union. 2023. “Press release: The European Commission Decides to Refer Slovakia to the Court of Justice of the European Union for Not Sufficiently Addressing Discrimination Against Roma Children at School.” Brussels: European Union.
Zákon č. 245/2008 o výchove a vzdelávaní. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2008/245/
Lukáč, M., and S. Lukáčová. 2024. “Second Chance in Vocational Education and Training of Adults in Slovakia: Second or Wasted Chance?” International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training 11 (1): 33–54. https://doi.org/10.13152/IJRVET.11.1.2
The education system ensures equitable access to all levels of education, regardless of socioeconomic background. According to the PISA 2022 report (OECD, 2023), Slovakia is significantly below the OECD average for the indicator “socioeconomic fairness.” Students with low social status also have poor results. In April 2023, the European Union initiated investigations at the European Court of Justice into Slovakia for continuing discrimination against Roma children in primary education. According to the EU, Slovakia is the EU member state with the highest rate of segregation of Roma in education, and the existing plans to address this problem are insufficient.
The education system does not provide regular second-chance education opportunities for individuals with very low skill levels upon leaving education, except for retraining. There is also a lack of education programs “preparing teachers for a non-mainstream educational process with non-mainstream pupils” (Lukáč and Lukáčová 2024: 34).
Citations:
OECD. 2023. PISA 2022 Results The State of Learning and Equity in Education. Paris: OECD.
European Union. 2023. “Press release: The European Commission Decides to Refer Slovakia to the Court of Justice of the European Union for Not Sufficiently Addressing Discrimination Against Roma Children at School.” Brussels: European Union.
Zákon č. 245/2008 o výchove a vzdelávaní. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2008/245/
Lukáč, M., and S. Lukáčová. 2024. “Second Chance in Vocational Education and Training of Adults in Slovakia: Second or Wasted Chance?” International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training 11 (1): 33–54. https://doi.org/10.13152/IJRVET.11.1.2
Graph View
To what extent do existing institutions ensure equal access to essential services and basic income support for those in need?
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Existing essential public services and basic income support are fully aligned with the goal of ensuring equal access for those in need.
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Existing essential public services and basic income support are largely aligned with the goal of ensuring equal access for those in need.
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Existing essential public services and basic income support are only somewhat aligned with the goal of ensuring equal access for those in need.
2
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1
Existing essential public services and basic income support are not at all aligned with the goal of ensuring equal access for those in need.
The social welfare system in the Slovak Republic is comprised of four main components: healthcare, social insurance, state social support, and social assistance (Bendárik, 2021).
Healthcare benefits are provided under the supervision of the Ministry of Health. The mandatory health insurance system covers treatment costs in healthcare facilities and part of the cost of medicines. However, some citizens are uninsured for various reasons and receive only emergency care.
The social insurance system, which is overseen by the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Family, is a public institution that provides cash benefits financed by contributions. This system operates on a pay-as-you-go basis and includes insurance for old age, disability, survivors, illness, maternity, unemployment, accidents at work, and occupational diseases.
State social support consists of cash benefits primarily for families and is managed by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. Payments are processed through the Office of Labor, Social Affairs, and Family. The Ministry of Finance handles the tax bonus, which is distributed via tax authorities and businesses.
Social assistance includes monetary and in-kind benefits provided by the state administration (mainly the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Health) and local government. These benefits target individuals in material need, those with reduced work capacity, and severely disabled persons. Social assistance is organized through regional state administration offices, local self-government, and non-governmental organizations.
The basic social network includes healthcare, sickness benefits, maternity benefits, disability care, old age care, survivor benefits, occupational accident and disease insurance, family benefits, unemployment support, minimum income guarantees, long-term care, and social protection for self-employed persons. Relevant institutions offer comprehensive information about rights and access to essential services and basic income support on their websites. However, targeted and individual support is less developed. Slovak social policy is often reactive and bureaucratic, with nonprofit organizations filling existing gaps (Plaček et al., 2023).
Regarding access to cash transfers and benefits, Slovakia’s social rental housing system is underdeveloped. Following privatization after 1989, only 2–3% of the housing stock consists of social rental houses (Zajacová, Zúbková, and Stehlíková, 2023). Although Law 222/2022 was introduced to support rental housing, the results are still awaited.
The housing situation of the Roma population is particularly concerning. According to the Office of the Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities, 58% of households in marginalized Roma communities live in inadequate housing, and 88% experience overcrowding. State efforts to improve the situation are limited, and successful nonprofit projects have yet to be incorporated into mainstream public initiatives (Murray Svidroňová et al., 2017).
Under Law 442/2002, those with housing typically have effective access to water and sanitation services. These services were originally the responsibility of municipalities, with cash or in-kind benefits available for households needing to connect to the network. The Regulatory Office for Network Industries (URSO) regulates water and sanitation fees. Roma in marginalized settlements often have limited access to these services, with varying levels of provision depending on municipal capacities and priorities.
Energy supply operates on a de-bundling principle, allowing consumers to choose from various suppliers. URSO regulated prices and was heavily subsidized by the state during the 2023–2024 period of energy price inflation.
Municipalities and self-governing regions provide public bus transport. Public rail transport operates on a de-bundling principle, though private carriers play a minimal role. Prices are regulated and subsidized in both cases.
Access to digital infrastructure and financial services depends on affordability and capacity. Although Slovakia is close to the EU average for internet access, it lags among socially vulnerable groups (European Commission, 2023). More than 90% of individuals aged 15 and above hold a bank account. However, there are no systematic alternative solutions for Roma citizens living in marginalized settlements without electricity.
Citations:
Bednárik, M. 2021. Stav sociálnej ochrany na Slovensku. Bratislava: Inštitút pre výskum práce a rodiny.
Plaček, M., Nemec, J., Svidroňová, M., Mikołajczak, P., and Kovács, É. 2023. “Civil Society Versus Local Self‐Governments and Central Government in V4 Countries: The Case of Co‐Creation.” Politics and Governance 11 (2): 293-304.
European Commission. 2023. Report on Access to Essential Services. Brussels: European Union.
Zajacová, J., Zúbková, M., and Stehlíková, B. 2023. “Housing Expenditure and Overburden of Households in EU Countries.” Journal of Economics Studies and Research.
Murray Svidroňová, M., Mikušová Meričková, B., Nemec, J., and Kuvíková, H. 2017. “Social Housing Provided by the Third Sector: The Slovak Experience.” Critical Housing Analysis 4(2): 67-75.
Zákon 222/2022 o štátnej podpore nájomného bývania. 2022. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2022-222
Healthcare benefits are provided under the supervision of the Ministry of Health. The mandatory health insurance system covers treatment costs in healthcare facilities and part of the cost of medicines. However, some citizens are uninsured for various reasons and receive only emergency care.
The social insurance system, which is overseen by the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Family, is a public institution that provides cash benefits financed by contributions. This system operates on a pay-as-you-go basis and includes insurance for old age, disability, survivors, illness, maternity, unemployment, accidents at work, and occupational diseases.
State social support consists of cash benefits primarily for families and is managed by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. Payments are processed through the Office of Labor, Social Affairs, and Family. The Ministry of Finance handles the tax bonus, which is distributed via tax authorities and businesses.
Social assistance includes monetary and in-kind benefits provided by the state administration (mainly the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Health) and local government. These benefits target individuals in material need, those with reduced work capacity, and severely disabled persons. Social assistance is organized through regional state administration offices, local self-government, and non-governmental organizations.
The basic social network includes healthcare, sickness benefits, maternity benefits, disability care, old age care, survivor benefits, occupational accident and disease insurance, family benefits, unemployment support, minimum income guarantees, long-term care, and social protection for self-employed persons. Relevant institutions offer comprehensive information about rights and access to essential services and basic income support on their websites. However, targeted and individual support is less developed. Slovak social policy is often reactive and bureaucratic, with nonprofit organizations filling existing gaps (Plaček et al., 2023).
Regarding access to cash transfers and benefits, Slovakia’s social rental housing system is underdeveloped. Following privatization after 1989, only 2–3% of the housing stock consists of social rental houses (Zajacová, Zúbková, and Stehlíková, 2023). Although Law 222/2022 was introduced to support rental housing, the results are still awaited.
The housing situation of the Roma population is particularly concerning. According to the Office of the Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities, 58% of households in marginalized Roma communities live in inadequate housing, and 88% experience overcrowding. State efforts to improve the situation are limited, and successful nonprofit projects have yet to be incorporated into mainstream public initiatives (Murray Svidroňová et al., 2017).
Under Law 442/2002, those with housing typically have effective access to water and sanitation services. These services were originally the responsibility of municipalities, with cash or in-kind benefits available for households needing to connect to the network. The Regulatory Office for Network Industries (URSO) regulates water and sanitation fees. Roma in marginalized settlements often have limited access to these services, with varying levels of provision depending on municipal capacities and priorities.
Energy supply operates on a de-bundling principle, allowing consumers to choose from various suppliers. URSO regulated prices and was heavily subsidized by the state during the 2023–2024 period of energy price inflation.
Municipalities and self-governing regions provide public bus transport. Public rail transport operates on a de-bundling principle, though private carriers play a minimal role. Prices are regulated and subsidized in both cases.
Access to digital infrastructure and financial services depends on affordability and capacity. Although Slovakia is close to the EU average for internet access, it lags among socially vulnerable groups (European Commission, 2023). More than 90% of individuals aged 15 and above hold a bank account. However, there are no systematic alternative solutions for Roma citizens living in marginalized settlements without electricity.
Citations:
Bednárik, M. 2021. Stav sociálnej ochrany na Slovensku. Bratislava: Inštitút pre výskum práce a rodiny.
Plaček, M., Nemec, J., Svidroňová, M., Mikołajczak, P., and Kovács, É. 2023. “Civil Society Versus Local Self‐Governments and Central Government in V4 Countries: The Case of Co‐Creation.” Politics and Governance 11 (2): 293-304.
European Commission. 2023. Report on Access to Essential Services. Brussels: European Union.
Zajacová, J., Zúbková, M., and Stehlíková, B. 2023. “Housing Expenditure and Overburden of Households in EU Countries.” Journal of Economics Studies and Research.
Murray Svidroňová, M., Mikušová Meričková, B., Nemec, J., and Kuvíková, H. 2017. “Social Housing Provided by the Third Sector: The Slovak Experience.” Critical Housing Analysis 4(2): 67-75.
Zákon 222/2022 o štátnej podpore nájomného bývania. 2022. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2022-222
To what extent do existing institutions and policies ensure high-quality services and basic income support?
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9
9
Existing essential public services and basic income support are fully aligned with the goal of satisfying basic human needs.
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6
Existing essential public services and basic income support are largely aligned with the goal of satisfying basic human needs.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing essential public services and basic income support are only somewhat aligned with the goal of satisfying basic human needs.
2
1
1
Existing essential public services and basic income support are not at all aligned with the goal of satisfying basic human needs.
The primary social cash benefits in Slovakia (Law 417/2013 on emergency support) as of January 1, 2023, were as follows:
A general emergency benefit (with a minimum level of €84.90 monthly for a single person and a maximum level of €297.50 for a family with more than four children).
Protective allowance (€86.80 monthly).
Activation allowance (€86.80 monthly).
Child allowance (€23.70 monthly).
Housing allowance (with a minimum level of €95.20 monthly for a single person and a maximum level of €291.90 for a family with more than four children).
At the same time, the “subsistence minimum” was defined as €268.88 monthly for the first adult in the family, €187.57 monthly for the second adult in the family, and €122.77 monthly for each child.
The level of these benefits is flexible and is adjusted to reflect the “subsistence minimum” and other factors. However, it is not possible to state that the basic income benefits in Slovakia enable the fulfillment of basic human needs, especially for families in Roma communities with both parents unemployed and many children in one family (Kahanec et al., 2020). Despite some existing subsidies, the policies and services do not ensure that the level of cash transfers, subsidies, earmarked financial support, or benefits in-kind meet basic human needs in housing, water and sanitation, energy, and public transport. Digital infrastructure and financial services are not subsidized, which means there is no free internet access.
Citations:
Zákon č. 417/2013 o pomoci v hmotnej núdzi. 2013. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2013/417/
Kahanec, M., Kováčová, L., Poláčková, Z., and Sedláková, M. 2020. The social and employment situation of Roma communities in Slovakia. Brussels: European Parliament.
A general emergency benefit (with a minimum level of €84.90 monthly for a single person and a maximum level of €297.50 for a family with more than four children).
Protective allowance (€86.80 monthly).
Activation allowance (€86.80 monthly).
Child allowance (€23.70 monthly).
Housing allowance (with a minimum level of €95.20 monthly for a single person and a maximum level of €291.90 for a family with more than four children).
At the same time, the “subsistence minimum” was defined as €268.88 monthly for the first adult in the family, €187.57 monthly for the second adult in the family, and €122.77 monthly for each child.
The level of these benefits is flexible and is adjusted to reflect the “subsistence minimum” and other factors. However, it is not possible to state that the basic income benefits in Slovakia enable the fulfillment of basic human needs, especially for families in Roma communities with both parents unemployed and many children in one family (Kahanec et al., 2020). Despite some existing subsidies, the policies and services do not ensure that the level of cash transfers, subsidies, earmarked financial support, or benefits in-kind meet basic human needs in housing, water and sanitation, energy, and public transport. Digital infrastructure and financial services are not subsidized, which means there is no free internet access.
Citations:
Zákon č. 417/2013 o pomoci v hmotnej núdzi. 2013. https://www.slov-lex.sk/pravne-predpisy/SK/ZZ/2013/417/
Kahanec, M., Kováčová, L., Poláčková, Z., and Sedláková, M. 2020. The social and employment situation of Roma communities in Slovakia. Brussels: European Parliament.
Graph View
To what extent does current health policy hinder or facilitate health system resilience?
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9
9
Health policies are fully aligned with the goal of achieving a resilient health system.
8
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7
6
Health policies are largely aligned with the goal of achieving a resilient health system.
5
4
3
4
3
Health policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of achieving a resilient health system.
2
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1
Health policies are not at all aligned with the goal of achieving a resilient health system.
Slovakia’s health-related digital infrastructure is still under development. The existing system, E-zdravie, supports “transactions” and helps collect data. Several specialized bodies are responsible for gathering data to monitor emerging threats and accurately assess public health matters, such as the Institute for Health Analyses and the Institute for Research and Development at the Ministry of Health, the National Health Information Centre, and the Public Health Authority of the Slovak Republic. These institutions collect significant amounts of data. However, the extent to which these data are utilized to prevent emerging threats and accurately assess public health matters remains problematic.
The primary limiting factors are the very limited resources of the Slovak health system (OECD, 2021) and the country’s limited capacity for evidence-based policymaking, which became particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic (Grendzinska et al., 2022).
The limited resources prevent ensuring the availability of health products and services when and where they are needed, a situation exacerbated during the COVID-19 crisis. The OECD/European Observatory report (2021: 22) states: “The COVID-19 crisis and related containment measures limited access to services in 2020 and 2021. In early 2021, 23% of people reported forgoing care during the first 12 months of the pandemic, slightly more than the EU average of 21%.” The situation slightly improved in 2022–2023, but waiting lists are still too long. The intention to set the maximum waiting time for treatment at one year was postponed to 2025.
The government is failing to implement effective measures to offset healthcare risks. The OECD/European Observatory report (2021: 22) states: “Slovakia has one of the highest mortality rates from preventable and treatable causes, yet spends the least on prevention in the EU. Substantial scope remains for improvement in effective public health policies to reduce avoidable hospitalizations and premature deaths.”
Moreover, the reforms are not properly presented to stakeholders; therefore, reform attempts are hindered by regional and professional priorities, such as plans to reduce the number of hospitals or to push for specialization within hospitals. There are also problems with basic services and personnel. Hospitals struggle with a constant lack of medical doctors and nurses. In 2022, the trade union representative said that Slovak hospitals need 5,000 doctors but have only 3,700 (Folentová, 2022). The country also lacks 2,200 nurses, roughly one-fifth of the required number. In the summer of 2022, three thousand medical doctors – almost all of the current hospital staff – threatened to resign in protest of the poor state of health service. They demanded reforms and higher salaries.
Citations:
OECD/European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies. 2021. Slovakia: Country Health Profile 2021. Paris: OECD Publishing and Brussels: European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies.
Grendzinska, J., Hoffman, I., Klimovský, D., Malý, I., and Nemec, J. 2022. “Four Cases, the Same Story? The Roles of the Prime Ministers in the V4 Countries during the COVID-19 Crisis.” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, Special Issue: 28-44.
Folentová, V. 2022. “Odborár Visolajský. Výpovede lekárov dokáže zastaviť len vláda.” https://dennikn.sk/2935825/odborar-visolajsky-vypovede-lekarov-dokaze-zastavit-len-vlada/?ref=mpm
The primary limiting factors are the very limited resources of the Slovak health system (OECD, 2021) and the country’s limited capacity for evidence-based policymaking, which became particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic (Grendzinska et al., 2022).
The limited resources prevent ensuring the availability of health products and services when and where they are needed, a situation exacerbated during the COVID-19 crisis. The OECD/European Observatory report (2021: 22) states: “The COVID-19 crisis and related containment measures limited access to services in 2020 and 2021. In early 2021, 23% of people reported forgoing care during the first 12 months of the pandemic, slightly more than the EU average of 21%.” The situation slightly improved in 2022–2023, but waiting lists are still too long. The intention to set the maximum waiting time for treatment at one year was postponed to 2025.
The government is failing to implement effective measures to offset healthcare risks. The OECD/European Observatory report (2021: 22) states: “Slovakia has one of the highest mortality rates from preventable and treatable causes, yet spends the least on prevention in the EU. Substantial scope remains for improvement in effective public health policies to reduce avoidable hospitalizations and premature deaths.”
Moreover, the reforms are not properly presented to stakeholders; therefore, reform attempts are hindered by regional and professional priorities, such as plans to reduce the number of hospitals or to push for specialization within hospitals. There are also problems with basic services and personnel. Hospitals struggle with a constant lack of medical doctors and nurses. In 2022, the trade union representative said that Slovak hospitals need 5,000 doctors but have only 3,700 (Folentová, 2022). The country also lacks 2,200 nurses, roughly one-fifth of the required number. In the summer of 2022, three thousand medical doctors – almost all of the current hospital staff – threatened to resign in protest of the poor state of health service. They demanded reforms and higher salaries.
Citations:
OECD/European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies. 2021. Slovakia: Country Health Profile 2021. Paris: OECD Publishing and Brussels: European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies.
Grendzinska, J., Hoffman, I., Klimovský, D., Malý, I., and Nemec, J. 2022. “Four Cases, the Same Story? The Roles of the Prime Ministers in the V4 Countries during the COVID-19 Crisis.” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences, Special Issue: 28-44.
Folentová, V. 2022. “Odborár Visolajský. Výpovede lekárov dokáže zastaviť len vláda.” https://dennikn.sk/2935825/odborar-visolajsky-vypovede-lekarov-dokaze-zastavit-len-vlada/?ref=mpm
To what extent does current health policy hinder or facilitate achieving high-quality healthcare?
10
9
9
Health policies are fully aligned with the goal of achieving high-quality healthcare.
8
7
6
7
6
Health policies are largely aligned with the goal of achieving high-quality healthcare.
5
4
3
4
3
Health policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of achieving high-quality healthcare.
2
1
1
Health policies are not at all aligned with the goal of achieving high-quality healthcare.
Slovakia invests very few resources and little effort in preventive healthcare. It does not encourage changes toward a healthier lifestyle (OECD, 2021: 22): “Nearly half of all deaths in Slovakia are attributable to potentially preventable behavioral and environmental causes.”
Waiting lists are not transparently published, but for some treatments, patients must wait more than a year. The level of unmet demand is above the OECD average (OECD, 2021a).
Fico’s government postponed the health network reform prepared by the 2020 OĽaNO-led government, which was part of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan. This reform aimed to ensure that individuals receive appropriate care at the right place and time, particularly on the tertiary level. The strategy for implementing integrated care was already passed in 2014, but Robert Fico blocked its revised version prepared in 2019.
Limited resources restrict access to high-cost technologies and medications (OECD, 2021)).
Citations:
OECD/European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies. 2021. Slovakia: Country Health Profile 2021. Paris: OECD Publishing and Brussels: European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies.
OECD. 2021a. Health at Glance. Paris: OECD
Waiting lists are not transparently published, but for some treatments, patients must wait more than a year. The level of unmet demand is above the OECD average (OECD, 2021a).
Fico’s government postponed the health network reform prepared by the 2020 OĽaNO-led government, which was part of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan. This reform aimed to ensure that individuals receive appropriate care at the right place and time, particularly on the tertiary level. The strategy for implementing integrated care was already passed in 2014, but Robert Fico blocked its revised version prepared in 2019.
Limited resources restrict access to high-cost technologies and medications (OECD, 2021)).
Citations:
OECD/European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies. 2021. Slovakia: Country Health Profile 2021. Paris: OECD Publishing and Brussels: European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies.
OECD. 2021a. Health at Glance. Paris: OECD
To what extent does current health policy hinder or facilitate equitable access to high-quality healthcare?
10
9
9
Health policies are fully aligned with the goal of achieving equitable access to high-quality healthcare.
8
7
6
7
6
Health policies are largely aligned with the goal of achieving equitable access to high-quality healthcare.
5
4
3
4
3
Health policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of achieving equitable access to high-quality healthcare.
2
1
1
Health policies are not at all aligned with the goal of achieving equitable access to high-quality healthcare.
Policies and regulations largely ensure equitable access to healthcare in terms of timeliness, quality, and scope, regardless of socioeconomic status, age, gender, ethnicity, etc., as guaranteed by the constitution. However, fully equitable access to healthcare is not always possible. For example, people in rural communities do not have the same access time to emergency services as those close to main hospitals. Although there is a regulation stipulating a 15-minute response time for emergencies, in practice, this depends on the availability of emergency services.
Another practical limitation is the situation of the LGBTQ+ community. The 2023 government, at the request of the SNS party, abolished changes that simplified the process of changing gender (HNonline, 21 November 2023).
Access to essential healthcare is relatively equally guaranteed across all regions of the country by the minimum network of healthcare facilities, as mandated by government decree 640/2008. Access to basic, non-urgent services does not significantly differ between the center and the periphery, thanks to this minimum network. However, the situation is slightly worsening in peripheral areas today due to a shortage of general practitioners. It is becoming increasingly difficult to find new GPs and nurses to replace those who have retired.
As in most countries, people living in the capital, Bratislava, with its seven academic hospitals and one new, well-equipped private hospital, and to a large extent those living in cities (such as Banska Bystrica and Kosice, each with two academic hospitals, as well as Martin, Nitra, Trencin, Presov, Trnava, and Zilina), have better access to more specialized treatments.
Citations:
Nariadenie vlády Slovenskej republiky o verejnej minimálnej sieti poskytovateľov zdravotnej starostlivosti 640/2008. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2008-640
HNonline. 2023. “Rezort zdravotníctva vyhovie SNS. Zruší zjednodušenie zmeny pohlavia pre transrodových ľudí.” https://hnonline.sk/slovensko/96116453-rezort-zdravotnictva-vyhovie-sns-zrusi-zjednodusenie-zmeny-pohlavia-pre-transrodovych-ludi
Another practical limitation is the situation of the LGBTQ+ community. The 2023 government, at the request of the SNS party, abolished changes that simplified the process of changing gender (HNonline, 21 November 2023).
Access to essential healthcare is relatively equally guaranteed across all regions of the country by the minimum network of healthcare facilities, as mandated by government decree 640/2008. Access to basic, non-urgent services does not significantly differ between the center and the periphery, thanks to this minimum network. However, the situation is slightly worsening in peripheral areas today due to a shortage of general practitioners. It is becoming increasingly difficult to find new GPs and nurses to replace those who have retired.
As in most countries, people living in the capital, Bratislava, with its seven academic hospitals and one new, well-equipped private hospital, and to a large extent those living in cities (such as Banska Bystrica and Kosice, each with two academic hospitals, as well as Martin, Nitra, Trencin, Presov, Trnava, and Zilina), have better access to more specialized treatments.
Citations:
Nariadenie vlády Slovenskej republiky o verejnej minimálnej sieti poskytovateľov zdravotnej starostlivosti 640/2008. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2008-640
HNonline. 2023. “Rezort zdravotníctva vyhovie SNS. Zruší zjednodušenie zmeny pohlavia pre transrodových ľudí.” https://hnonline.sk/slovensko/96116453-rezort-zdravotnictva-vyhovie-sns-zrusi-zjednodusenie-zmeny-pohlavia-pre-transrodovych-ludi
Graph View
How committed is the government to ensuring gender equality in all respects?
10
9
9
The government is clearly committed to the goal of ensuring gender equality.
8
7
6
7
6
The government is largely committed to the goal of ensuring gender equality.
5
4
3
4
3
The government is only somewhat committed to the goal of ensuring gender equality.
2
1
1
The government is not at all committed to the goal of ensuring gender equality.
Formally, Slovakia has established institutions and strategies related to gender equality. The constitution guarantees equality among all individuals regarding dignity and rights and prohibits discrimination on various grounds, including sex (Article 12). Law 365/2004 on anti-discrimination further prohibits discrimination based on sex, religion or belief, race, nationality or ethnic group, disability, age, sexual orientation, marital or family status, color, language, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, lineage or other status, or for reporting a crime or other anti-social activity. The Department for Gender Equality and Equal Opportunities at the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and the Family is responsible for coordinating Slovakia’s gender equality policy.
The National Strategy for Equality between Women and Men and Equal Opportunities in the Slovak Republic for 2021–2027 was developed by the Ministry of Labor and focuses on eight strategic areas. While the strategy outlines several concrete goals, it does not define progress indicators.
Despite these formal measures, the reality remains challenging due to the dominance of parties with very traditional understandings of gender values. Under pressure from the Slovak National Party (SNS), Slovakia withdrew its signature from the Istanbul Convention (IC) in 2019. In the same year, the SNS pushed for a parliamentary resolution that rejected any EU decisions and measures based on the IC after the European Union joined the convention. Consequently, the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) stated that there is insufficient comparable data to assess violence against women in Slovakia.
According to the EIGE (2022), Slovakia underperforms in all evaluated indicators, including commitment to promoting gender equality, personnel resources of the national gender equality bodies, gender mainstreaming, and the production and dissemination of sex-disaggregated statistics. Slovakia’s latest Gender Equality Index (2023) confirmed that the country particularly struggles with equality in the domain of power, where it has the lowest score, 31.1 points out of 100, ranking 22nd in the EU. In the 2023 elections, Progressive Slovakia was the first party to apply a voluntary quota for women (a zip system)
Citations:
Ústava Slovenskej republiky. https://www.nrsr.sk/web/Ustava/ustava_202309/index.html
European Institute for Gender Equality. 2022. Slovakia. Brussels: European Union.
European Institute for Gender Equality. 2023. “Slovakia – Gender Equality Index.” https://eige.europa.eu/modules/custom/eige_gei/app/content/downloads/factsheets/SK_2023_factsheet.pdf
https://eige.europa.eu/modules/custom/eige_gei/app/content/downloads/factsheets/SK_2023_factsheet.pdf
The National Strategy for Equality between Women and Men and Equal Opportunities in the Slovak Republic for 2021–2027 was developed by the Ministry of Labor and focuses on eight strategic areas. While the strategy outlines several concrete goals, it does not define progress indicators.
Despite these formal measures, the reality remains challenging due to the dominance of parties with very traditional understandings of gender values. Under pressure from the Slovak National Party (SNS), Slovakia withdrew its signature from the Istanbul Convention (IC) in 2019. In the same year, the SNS pushed for a parliamentary resolution that rejected any EU decisions and measures based on the IC after the European Union joined the convention. Consequently, the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) stated that there is insufficient comparable data to assess violence against women in Slovakia.
According to the EIGE (2022), Slovakia underperforms in all evaluated indicators, including commitment to promoting gender equality, personnel resources of the national gender equality bodies, gender mainstreaming, and the production and dissemination of sex-disaggregated statistics. Slovakia’s latest Gender Equality Index (2023) confirmed that the country particularly struggles with equality in the domain of power, where it has the lowest score, 31.1 points out of 100, ranking 22nd in the EU. In the 2023 elections, Progressive Slovakia was the first party to apply a voluntary quota for women (a zip system)
Citations:
Ústava Slovenskej republiky. https://www.nrsr.sk/web/Ustava/ustava_202309/index.html
European Institute for Gender Equality. 2022. Slovakia. Brussels: European Union.
European Institute for Gender Equality. 2023. “Slovakia – Gender Equality Index.” https://eige.europa.eu/modules/custom/eige_gei/app/content/downloads/factsheets/SK_2023_factsheet.pdf
https://eige.europa.eu/modules/custom/eige_gei/app/content/downloads/factsheets/SK_2023_factsheet.pdf
Graph View
To what extent does the current family policy approach support or hinder unpaid family care work?
10
9
9
Family policies are fully aligned with the goal of creating the conditions for strong families.
8
7
6
7
6
Family policies are largely aligned with the goal of creating the conditions for strong families.
5
4
3
4
3
Family policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of creating the conditions for strong families.
2
1
1
Family policies are not at all aligned with the goal of creating family-friendly conditions.
Maternity leave in Slovakia lasts for a maximum of 34 weeks, with six to eight weeks taken before birth and 26 to 28 weeks after (Dančíková, 2023). Following childbirth, it is mandatory to take at least 14 weeks of maternity leave, extending at least six weeks beyond the birth. Employment is guaranteed upon return, as stipulated by the labor code. The maternity benefit is 75% of average earnings from the previous calendar year, with a minimum of €413 and a maximum of €1,851 as of 2023. Paternity leave is also available.
Parental leave extends until the child reaches three years of age, with a parental leave benefit of €413 (as of 2023). Employment is guaranteed upon return from leave. With employer agreement, parental leave can be extended until the child turns five. Both parents may take parental leave simultaneously. Employees also have the right to take leave to care for a sick relative at home and to look after a child under 11 years (or 18 years if the child has long-term health problems), with insured parents receiving 55% of their previous daily earnings for 14 calendar days.
The system of nurseries for children below the age of three has insufficient capacity. According to Mikulíková (2023), there are 208 nurseries in Slovakia with the capacity to accommodate 3,800 children. This issue also affects kindergartens, leading many women to stay home with their small children if they can afford it.
Starting in 2025, parents will have the right to a kindergarten place for their child, with the last year of kindergarten becoming compulsory. Municipalities will be responsible for managing this demand and will receive subsidies from the state to build new capacities. However, many representatives complain that financial support is slow.
There are various forms of financial support, such as child benefits, supplements to child benefits, and tax base deductions, aimed at aiding families but not ensuring economic stability or basic financial security. These measures are insufficient to encourage individuals to have children, given their low levels (the standard child benefit is €60 per month). Additionally, the measures taken by the previous OĽaNO-led coalition (2020–2023) to support families, particularly through tax base deductions, did not offer specific support for Roma families. Roma children are at long-term risk of poverty and social exclusion, as Roma citizens face discrimination in the workplace.
In the EU SILC MRK survey (Markovič and Plachá, 2021), 87% of households in marginalized Roma communities (MRK) are at risk of poverty, and 52% face serious material deprivation. These figures are alarming when compared to data on the overall population of Slovakia, where 11% are at risk of poverty and 6% face serious material deprivation (Kadlečíková, 2022).
Citations:
Dančíková, Z. 2023. “Slovak Republic.” International Network on Leave Policies & Research. https://www.leavenetwork.org/fileadmin/user_upload/k_leavenetwork/annual_reviews/2023/SlovakRepublic2023.pdf
Mikulíková, Ž. 2023. “Chýbajúce jasle bránia mladým rodičom vrátiť sa do práce.” Pravda, April 15.
https://spravy.pravda.sk/domace/clanok/663869-navrat-do-prace-chybajuce-jasle-to-handlovcanom-neulahcuju/Markovič, F., and Plachá, Ľ. 2021. “Príjmy a životné podmienky v marginalizovaných rómskych komunitách: Vybrané ukazovatele zo zisťovania EU SILC_MRK 2020.” https://www.romovia.vlada.gov.sk/site/assets/file/1563/analyticka_sprava_eu_silc_mrk_2020_elektronicka_final.pdf?csrt=4502439748116953159
Kadlečíková, J. 2022. “Situation in Roma Communities – When Will We Move On?” Minority Policy 2022/01. https://mensinovapolitika.eu/en/situation-in-roma-communities-when-will-we-move-on/
Parental leave extends until the child reaches three years of age, with a parental leave benefit of €413 (as of 2023). Employment is guaranteed upon return from leave. With employer agreement, parental leave can be extended until the child turns five. Both parents may take parental leave simultaneously. Employees also have the right to take leave to care for a sick relative at home and to look after a child under 11 years (or 18 years if the child has long-term health problems), with insured parents receiving 55% of their previous daily earnings for 14 calendar days.
The system of nurseries for children below the age of three has insufficient capacity. According to Mikulíková (2023), there are 208 nurseries in Slovakia with the capacity to accommodate 3,800 children. This issue also affects kindergartens, leading many women to stay home with their small children if they can afford it.
Starting in 2025, parents will have the right to a kindergarten place for their child, with the last year of kindergarten becoming compulsory. Municipalities will be responsible for managing this demand and will receive subsidies from the state to build new capacities. However, many representatives complain that financial support is slow.
There are various forms of financial support, such as child benefits, supplements to child benefits, and tax base deductions, aimed at aiding families but not ensuring economic stability or basic financial security. These measures are insufficient to encourage individuals to have children, given their low levels (the standard child benefit is €60 per month). Additionally, the measures taken by the previous OĽaNO-led coalition (2020–2023) to support families, particularly through tax base deductions, did not offer specific support for Roma families. Roma children are at long-term risk of poverty and social exclusion, as Roma citizens face discrimination in the workplace.
In the EU SILC MRK survey (Markovič and Plachá, 2021), 87% of households in marginalized Roma communities (MRK) are at risk of poverty, and 52% face serious material deprivation. These figures are alarming when compared to data on the overall population of Slovakia, where 11% are at risk of poverty and 6% face serious material deprivation (Kadlečíková, 2022).
Citations:
Dančíková, Z. 2023. “Slovak Republic.” International Network on Leave Policies & Research. https://www.leavenetwork.org/fileadmin/user_upload/k_leavenetwork/annual_reviews/2023/SlovakRepublic2023.pdf
Mikulíková, Ž. 2023. “Chýbajúce jasle bránia mladým rodičom vrátiť sa do práce.” Pravda, April 15.
https://spravy.pravda.sk/domace/clanok/663869-navrat-do-prace-chybajuce-jasle-to-handlovcanom-neulahcuju/Markovič, F., and Plachá, Ľ. 2021. “Príjmy a životné podmienky v marginalizovaných rómskych komunitách: Vybrané ukazovatele zo zisťovania EU SILC_MRK 2020.” https://www.romovia.vlada.gov.sk/site/assets/file/1563/analyticka_sprava_eu_silc_mrk_2020_elektronicka_final.pdf?csrt=4502439748116953159
Kadlečíková, J. 2022. “Situation in Roma Communities – When Will We Move On?” Minority Policy 2022/01. https://mensinovapolitika.eu/en/situation-in-roma-communities-when-will-we-move-on/
Graph View
To what extent does the current pension policy approach prevent poverty among senior citizens?
10
9
9
Pension policies are fully aligned with the goal of preventing old-age poverty.
8
7
6
7
6
Pension policies are largely aligned with the goal of preventing old-age poverty.
5
4
3
4
3
Pension policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of preventing old-age poverty.
2
1
1
Pension policies are not at all aligned with the goal of preventing old-age poverty.
The pension system partly ensures an old-age income for individuals in non-standard employment or with interrupted employment histories. Persons with less than 15 years of social pension insurance are not eligible for a pension, although insurance from other EU countries counts. Self-employed persons contribute to pension insurance, with a minimum level defined independently from the tax base. Disabled persons have a specific disability pension scheme. The state does not pay pension insurance for the unemployed, meaning that periods of unemployment do not count toward pension entitlement.
Women’s old-age poverty is a significant issue, driven by two core factors: a relatively low level of pension benefits in Slovakia and income gender inequality. Wage differences between men and women in Slovakia are higher than the European Union average, currently at 16.6%. This inequality in pay affects the entire society’s standard of living. Salary differences, despite women’s higher educational attainment, make women more at risk of poverty, especially seniors and widows. Gender inequality also extends to pension amounts, with Slovak women receiving, on average, 18% lower pensions than men.
The state pension benefit must provide an old-age income that enables citizens to meet their basic needs. The minimum pension of €376.50 in 2023 is guaranteed only to people with 30 or more years of pension insurance. The average pension was approximately €650 in 2023. Single persons with pensions below €500 may have significant problems covering their basic needs independently, even if they live in their own housing. Persons who have to pay for rental housing may need €700–€800 monthly to cover their basic needs (National Bank, 2023).
Citations:
Národná banka SR. 2023. Ekonomické životné minimum – nová metrika životných nákladov domácností. Bratislava: Národná banka.
Šoltés, E., Komara, S., and Šoltésová, T. 2023. “Exploration of Poverty and Social Exclusion of Slovak Population via Contrast Analysis Associated with Logit Models.” Qual Quant 57: 5079–5105. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-022-01573-9
Women’s old-age poverty is a significant issue, driven by two core factors: a relatively low level of pension benefits in Slovakia and income gender inequality. Wage differences between men and women in Slovakia are higher than the European Union average, currently at 16.6%. This inequality in pay affects the entire society’s standard of living. Salary differences, despite women’s higher educational attainment, make women more at risk of poverty, especially seniors and widows. Gender inequality also extends to pension amounts, with Slovak women receiving, on average, 18% lower pensions than men.
The state pension benefit must provide an old-age income that enables citizens to meet their basic needs. The minimum pension of €376.50 in 2023 is guaranteed only to people with 30 or more years of pension insurance. The average pension was approximately €650 in 2023. Single persons with pensions below €500 may have significant problems covering their basic needs independently, even if they live in their own housing. Persons who have to pay for rental housing may need €700–€800 monthly to cover their basic needs (National Bank, 2023).
Citations:
Národná banka SR. 2023. Ekonomické životné minimum – nová metrika životných nákladov domácností. Bratislava: Národná banka.
Šoltés, E., Komara, S., and Šoltésová, T. 2023. “Exploration of Poverty and Social Exclusion of Slovak Population via Contrast Analysis Associated with Logit Models.” Qual Quant 57: 5079–5105. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-022-01573-9
To what extent does the current pension policy approach hinder or promote intergenerational equity?
10
9
9
Pension policies are fully aligned with the goal of achieving intergenerational equity.
8
7
6
7
6
Pension policies are largely aligned with the goal of achieving intergenerational equity.
5
4
3
4
3
Pension policies are only somewhat aligned with the goal of achieving intergenerational equity.
2
1
1
Pension policies are not at all aligned with the goal of achieving intergenerational equity.
The pension system encourages individuals to work longer because the level of the individual pension increases with each additional year of employment. Receiving both wages and pensions simultaneously is allowed without restriction.
The state pension system (first pillar) is funded on the pay-as-you-go principle, with current workers funding pensioners. It does not guarantee an adequate old-age income for lower-income groups and some other social groups, like the long-term unemployed. According to the European Semester (European Union, 2023: 4): “The aging population poses challenges to the long-term sustainability of public finances. Pension expenses are estimated to increase from 8.3% of GDP in 2019 to 13.4% in 2050, one of the largest increases in the EU.”
The minimum pension, available only for those with 30 years of pension insurance, was set at 145% of the subsistence minimum. Since October 2023, it has increased from €365.70 to €389.90 per month. Pensioners unable to secure basic living conditions can also apply for the “Assistance in Material Need” benefit.
Citations:
Europan Union. 2023. 2023 Country Report – Slovakia. Brussels: European Union.
The state pension system (first pillar) is funded on the pay-as-you-go principle, with current workers funding pensioners. It does not guarantee an adequate old-age income for lower-income groups and some other social groups, like the long-term unemployed. According to the European Semester (European Union, 2023: 4): “The aging population poses challenges to the long-term sustainability of public finances. Pension expenses are estimated to increase from 8.3% of GDP in 2019 to 13.4% in 2050, one of the largest increases in the EU.”
The minimum pension, available only for those with 30 years of pension insurance, was set at 145% of the subsistence minimum. Since October 2023, it has increased from €365.70 to €389.90 per month. Pensioners unable to secure basic living conditions can also apply for the “Assistance in Material Need” benefit.
Citations:
Europan Union. 2023. 2023 Country Report – Slovakia. Brussels: European Union.
Graph View
To what extent does the current policy approach hinder or facilitate the inclusion of migrants into society and the labor market?
10
9
9
Integration policies are fully aligned with achieving the sustainable inclusion of migrants in society.
8
7
6
7
6
Integration policies are largely aligned with achieving the sustainable inclusion of migrants in society.
5
4
3
4
3
Integration policies are only somewhat aligned with achieving the sustainable inclusion of migrants in society.
2
1
1
Integration policies are not at all aligned with achieving the sustainable inclusion of migrants in society.
According to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (2020), migrants in Slovakia face numerous obstacles to integration. While they enjoy basic rights and security, they do not have equal opportunities. Slovakia scores significantly low in labor market mobility, political participation, and education. Family reunification is rated as “halfway favorable.” The process for immigrants to obtain citizenship is lengthy and complicated, requiring a minimum of eight years of continuous stay.
The Ministry of Interior is the main body responsible for migration. On September 8, 2021, the Slovak government approved the Migration Policy of the Slovak Republic Perspective 2025, which prioritizes “managed economic migration” and a strict fight against illegal migration. The policy includes general goals but lacks concrete targets and indicators. Slovakia has faced a lack of service infrastructure, negatively impacting the long-term integration of migrants. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, several new local and regional offices (e.g., Košice, Nitra, Trnava) were established through the initiative of regional self-governments and NGOs. The Migration Policy document suggests the need for a specialized nationwide coordination office, but no significant policy steps were taken until January 2024.
Anti-migrant attitudes are prevalent in Slovakia. According to a Eurobarometer survey, 83% of Slovak respondents have negative feelings toward people from outside the EU (EC 2018). These negative attitudes are reflected in the positions of political parties. A report by the Slovak Ombudsman on December 12, 2023, criticized the living conditions of immigrants in the refugee camp Sečovce (Kancelária VOP 2023).
Attitudes towards immigration from Ukraine have been more open and friendly due to cultural proximity. The government adopted several measures to support their stay and possible integration. However, Amnesty International criticized the insufficient protection of the rights of immigrants from Ukraine, especially women with children and the LGBTQ community (Amnesty International, 2023).
Citations:
Migrant Integration Policy Index. 2020. “Slovakia.” https://www.mipex.eu/slovakia
Government of the Slovak Republic. 2021. “Migration Policy of the Slovak Republic Perspective 2025.” https://www.employment.gov.sk/files/slovensky/ministerstvo/integracia-cudzincov/dokumenty/migracna_politika.pdf
Vašečka, M. 2009. Postoje verejnosti k cudzincom a zahraničnej migrácii v Slovenskej republike. Bratislava: IOM.
Amnesty International. 2023. “Stav ľudských práv v roku na Slovensku v roku 2022.” https://www.amnesty.sk/stav-ludskych-prav-v-roku-na-slovensku-v-roku-2022/
Kancelária verejného ochráncu práv. 2023. “Podmienky v UPZC Sečovce sú prísnejšie ako výkon trestu odňatia slobody. A to napriek tomu, že cudzinci, vrátanie žien a detí, žiaden trestný čin nespáchali.” https://vop.gov.sk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Tlacova-sprava-VOP-12.-12.-2023-UPZC-Secovce.pdf
European Commission, Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs, Directorate-General for Communication, and TNS Opinion and Social. 2018. “Special Eurobarometer 469: Integration of Immigrants in the European Union Report.” https://publications.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/a0fb4f0c-97c0-11e9-9369-01aa75ed71a1/language-en
The Ministry of Interior is the main body responsible for migration. On September 8, 2021, the Slovak government approved the Migration Policy of the Slovak Republic Perspective 2025, which prioritizes “managed economic migration” and a strict fight against illegal migration. The policy includes general goals but lacks concrete targets and indicators. Slovakia has faced a lack of service infrastructure, negatively impacting the long-term integration of migrants. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, several new local and regional offices (e.g., Košice, Nitra, Trnava) were established through the initiative of regional self-governments and NGOs. The Migration Policy document suggests the need for a specialized nationwide coordination office, but no significant policy steps were taken until January 2024.
Anti-migrant attitudes are prevalent in Slovakia. According to a Eurobarometer survey, 83% of Slovak respondents have negative feelings toward people from outside the EU (EC 2018). These negative attitudes are reflected in the positions of political parties. A report by the Slovak Ombudsman on December 12, 2023, criticized the living conditions of immigrants in the refugee camp Sečovce (Kancelária VOP 2023).
Attitudes towards immigration from Ukraine have been more open and friendly due to cultural proximity. The government adopted several measures to support their stay and possible integration. However, Amnesty International criticized the insufficient protection of the rights of immigrants from Ukraine, especially women with children and the LGBTQ community (Amnesty International, 2023).
Citations:
Migrant Integration Policy Index. 2020. “Slovakia.” https://www.mipex.eu/slovakia
Government of the Slovak Republic. 2021. “Migration Policy of the Slovak Republic Perspective 2025.” https://www.employment.gov.sk/files/slovensky/ministerstvo/integracia-cudzincov/dokumenty/migracna_politika.pdf
Vašečka, M. 2009. Postoje verejnosti k cudzincom a zahraničnej migrácii v Slovenskej republike. Bratislava: IOM.
Amnesty International. 2023. “Stav ľudských práv v roku na Slovensku v roku 2022.” https://www.amnesty.sk/stav-ludskych-prav-v-roku-na-slovensku-v-roku-2022/
Kancelária verejného ochráncu práv. 2023. “Podmienky v UPZC Sečovce sú prísnejšie ako výkon trestu odňatia slobody. A to napriek tomu, že cudzinci, vrátanie žien a detí, žiaden trestný čin nespáchali.” https://vop.gov.sk/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Tlacova-sprava-VOP-12.-12.-2023-UPZC-Secovce.pdf
European Commission, Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs, Directorate-General for Communication, and TNS Opinion and Social. 2018. “Special Eurobarometer 469: Integration of Immigrants in the European Union Report.” https://publications.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/a0fb4f0c-97c0-11e9-9369-01aa75ed71a1/language-en
Graph View
How committed is the government to helping build the capacity to reduce poverty and provide social protection in low- and middle-income countries?
10
9
9
The government’s development cooperation strategy is fully aligned with the goal of improving capacity-building for poverty reduction in low- and middle-income countries.
8
7
6
7
6
The government’s development cooperation strategy is largely aligned with the goal of improving capacity-building for poverty reduction in low- and middle-income countries.
5
4
3
4
3
The government’s development cooperation strategy is only somewhat aligned with the goal of improving capacity-building in poverty reduction in low- and middle-income countries.
2
1
1
The government’s development cooperation strategy is not all aligned with the goal of improving capacity-building for poverty reduction in low- and middle-income countries.
The coordinators of Slovak development aid are the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs, the Directorate-General for Economic and Development Cooperation, and the Department for Development Assistance and Humanitarian Aid. The Coordinating Committee for Development Cooperation serves as the interministerial body for development cooperation. The Slovak Agency for International Development Cooperation (SAIDC) implements Slovak development cooperation. The legal basis is Law 392/2015 on development cooperation. The “Medium-Term Strategy for Development Cooperation of the Slovak Republic for 2019–2023” provides the main framework, aligning with the SDG goals but not clearly defining capacity-building targets for recipient countries or binding budget allocations.
Slovak development aid has a regional focus. During 2019–2023, it targeted three program countries – Kenya, Moldova, and Georgia – as well as four partner regions and one partner country. These include the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia); EU Eastern Partnership countries (Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine); Eastern Sub-Saharan Africa (Burundi, Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda); and the Middle East (Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Afghanistan).
Official documents define poverty reduction measures in a very general way, perhaps due to the common view that domestic poverty should be addressed first using EU funds, undermining public support for development cooperation (Jankowski, 2018; Gažovic and Profant, 2015).
Slovak development aid is delivered in six sectors: education, healthcare, good governance and civil society building, food security and agriculture, infrastructure and sustainable use of natural resources, and support for creating a market environment.
Slovakia’s official development aid for 2022 was as follows:
Bilateral ODA: €38,906,106.80
Multilateral ODA: €123,843,244.32
Total ODA: €162,755,840.89
ODA to GDP: 0.153%
The state budget situation is the primary determinant of the total amount of Slovak development aid. The financial plan outlined by the Medium-Term Strategy for Development Cooperation of the Slovak Republic for 2019-2023 is only tentative.
The extent to which the Slovak government improves access to technology, scientific knowledge, essential medicines, vaccines, and healthcare services depends on the specific content of the calls for projects and the proposals submitted by the winners.
Citations:
Ministerstvo zahraničných vecí. 2019. “Medium-Term Strategy for Development Cooperation of the Slovak Republic for 2019 – 2023.” https://slovakaid.sk/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/strednodoba_strategia_rozvojovej_spoluprace_eng_2019-2023_644_stran_final.pdf
Zákon o rozvojovej spolupráci. 2015. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2015-392
Annual ODA report Slovakia, 2022. https://slovakaid.sk/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Sprava-o-rozvojovej-spolupraci-Slovenskej-republiky-za-rok-2022.pdf
Jankowski, B. 2018. “Changes in the European Development Policy after 2020. Conclusions for the Visegrad Group.” Online Journal Modelling the New Europe 26: 52–77.
Gažovic, O., and Profant, T. 2015. “Slovakia: A Donor Against Its Will?” In O. Horký and S. Lightfoot, eds., Development Cooperation of the ‘New’ EU Member States, 64-81. Palgrave Macmillan.
Slovak development aid has a regional focus. During 2019–2023, it targeted three program countries – Kenya, Moldova, and Georgia – as well as four partner regions and one partner country. These include the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia); EU Eastern Partnership countries (Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine); Eastern Sub-Saharan Africa (Burundi, Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda); and the Middle East (Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Afghanistan).
Official documents define poverty reduction measures in a very general way, perhaps due to the common view that domestic poverty should be addressed first using EU funds, undermining public support for development cooperation (Jankowski, 2018; Gažovic and Profant, 2015).
Slovak development aid is delivered in six sectors: education, healthcare, good governance and civil society building, food security and agriculture, infrastructure and sustainable use of natural resources, and support for creating a market environment.
Slovakia’s official development aid for 2022 was as follows:
Bilateral ODA: €38,906,106.80
Multilateral ODA: €123,843,244.32
Total ODA: €162,755,840.89
ODA to GDP: 0.153%
The state budget situation is the primary determinant of the total amount of Slovak development aid. The financial plan outlined by the Medium-Term Strategy for Development Cooperation of the Slovak Republic for 2019-2023 is only tentative.
The extent to which the Slovak government improves access to technology, scientific knowledge, essential medicines, vaccines, and healthcare services depends on the specific content of the calls for projects and the proposals submitted by the winners.
Citations:
Ministerstvo zahraničných vecí. 2019. “Medium-Term Strategy for Development Cooperation of the Slovak Republic for 2019 – 2023.” https://slovakaid.sk/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/strednodoba_strategia_rozvojovej_spoluprace_eng_2019-2023_644_stran_final.pdf
Zákon o rozvojovej spolupráci. 2015. https://www.zakonypreludi.sk/zz/2015-392
Annual ODA report Slovakia, 2022. https://slovakaid.sk/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Sprava-o-rozvojovej-spolupraci-Slovenskej-republiky-za-rok-2022.pdf
Jankowski, B. 2018. “Changes in the European Development Policy after 2020. Conclusions for the Visegrad Group.” Online Journal Modelling the New Europe 26: 52–77.
Gažovic, O., and Profant, T. 2015. “Slovakia: A Donor Against Its Will?” In O. Horký and S. Lightfoot, eds., Development Cooperation of the ‘New’ EU Member States, 64-81. Palgrave Macmillan.