Diagonal Accountability
#20Key Findings
Spain falls into the sample’s lower-middle ranks (rank 20) with regard to diagonal accountability.
The media landscape is diverse and free. Political disputes have complicated the process of appointing a public broadcasting president. Various mechanisms such as licensing and institutional advertising enable some political influence even over private-sector media decisions.
While the media is strongly concentrated among a few groups, a broad spectrum of views is represented. The public media are legally required to reflect the country’s diversity. The constitution protects public assembly rights, but a controversial public security law has set some assembly restrictions.
Trade unions and employers’ associations routinely consult with the government in a neo-corporatist model, with substantial influence over policy. Noneconomic groups are comparatively weak, with their influence largely depending on participation within political parties. Environmental organizations have a growing impact on public opinion.
The media landscape is diverse and free. Political disputes have complicated the process of appointing a public broadcasting president. Various mechanisms such as licensing and institutional advertising enable some political influence even over private-sector media decisions.
While the media is strongly concentrated among a few groups, a broad spectrum of views is represented. The public media are legally required to reflect the country’s diversity. The constitution protects public assembly rights, but a controversial public security law has set some assembly restrictions.
Trade unions and employers’ associations routinely consult with the government in a neo-corporatist model, with substantial influence over policy. Noneconomic groups are comparatively weak, with their influence largely depending on participation within political parties. Environmental organizations have a growing impact on public opinion.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent are the media free from government influence and able to act independently?
10
9
9
There are no disincentives, by law or in practice, for the media to criticize the government and public officials.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
2
1
1
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
The freedom of the press is guaranteed in the Spanish constitution. Law 13/2022 of July 7, 2022, regulates the provision of audiovisual services, and Law 17/2006 of June 5, 2006, on State-Owned Radio and Television safeguards the independence, neutrality, and objectivity of the public media. Indeed, Spain has a diverse and free print, audio, digital, and TV media landscape.
In the past decade, some laws, such as the so-called gag law, placed constraints on media freedom and created difficulties for journalists. Although the government tried to repeal the most controversial articles of this law, the lack of agreement on this issue before the parliamentary elections in July 2023 constituted a serious breach of one of the government’s electoral promises. Reporters Without Borders reported on a climate of polarization, which is eroding society’s confidence in journalists and fueling hate speech against the media. According to the World Press Freedom Index, reporting is being replaced by opinion. Spain was ranked 36th in the 2023 World Press Freedom Index, down from 29th in 2021.
Certain media outlets have alleged that the government is declining to address questions during press conferences. Simultaneously, extremist parties engage in verbal assaults against journalists whose inquiries they deem problematic. Particularly, the far-right party Vox continues to spread false information and deny journalists and the media access to its press conferences and other events.
During the review period, the appointment of the public broadcast (RTVE) president continued to be a challenge. In February 2021, the PSOE and PP reached an agreement to renew the Board of Directors of RTVE, and a new president was appointed in March 2021. Nevertheless, after losing support from the government coalition, the president resigned in 2022, and an “acting chair” with limited executive powers was nominated.
According to the Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), editorial autonomy in Spain increased from a medium risk of 63% in 2020 to a high risk of 75% in 2021 because the appointment and removal of media editors-in-chief are not safe from political interference in practice.
The situation regarding regional public-broadcast groups is particularly concerning, as incumbent governments often openly promote their partisan political objectives. This has been notably evident in Andalusia, Madrid, and especially Catalonia, where public media has overtly supported the nationalist regional government’s pro-secession stance while limiting access for those with opposing or pluralistic perspectives.
In private broadcasting operations, there is no regulation guaranteeing autonomy in appointing and dismissing editors-in-chief. While media groups are formally independent, both national and regional parties in office have traditionally sought to support newspapers, radio, and television stations ideologically aligned with them. Various mechanisms enable political influence on media decisions, with licensing and institutional advertising being prominent among them. In 2021, the central government increased its allocation for institutional advertising by 86% compared to 2020. Independent media outlets have called on the government to safeguard information plurality and quality by ensuring a fair distribution of institutional advertising. However, there have been no new developments regarding the legal framework for institutional advertising during the review period.
The National Commission for Markets and Competition (CNMC) serves as the national-level audiovisual regulator, while regional audiovisual authorities oversee service providers at the regional level. Law 7 July 2022 advocates for better cooperation between the CNMC and regional audiovisual authorities to improve the supervision of online services, platforms, and providers. In 2023, the CNMC was allocated additional human and financial resources.
Despite attempts to exert influence, government or public officials do not censor digital, print, or broadcast media. Freedom House’s 2022 Freedom on the Net report does not include data for Spain, but there is no evidence of state censorship, self-censorship among journalists, or harassment of journalists beyond isolated incidents.
A recent survey from the Center for Sociological Research (CIS) shows that the confidence of Spanish citizens in media information has slightly decreased, scoring 4.1 on a 10-point scale. Law 2/2023 establishes an authority to protect whistleblowers, aiming to enhance transparency and accountability in media practices.
Citations:
Reporters without borders. 2023. “World Press Freedom Index.” https://rsf.org/en/spain
European University Institute. 2022. “Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era in the Year 2021.” https://data.europa.eu/doi/10.2870/74922
In the past decade, some laws, such as the so-called gag law, placed constraints on media freedom and created difficulties for journalists. Although the government tried to repeal the most controversial articles of this law, the lack of agreement on this issue before the parliamentary elections in July 2023 constituted a serious breach of one of the government’s electoral promises. Reporters Without Borders reported on a climate of polarization, which is eroding society’s confidence in journalists and fueling hate speech against the media. According to the World Press Freedom Index, reporting is being replaced by opinion. Spain was ranked 36th in the 2023 World Press Freedom Index, down from 29th in 2021.
Certain media outlets have alleged that the government is declining to address questions during press conferences. Simultaneously, extremist parties engage in verbal assaults against journalists whose inquiries they deem problematic. Particularly, the far-right party Vox continues to spread false information and deny journalists and the media access to its press conferences and other events.
During the review period, the appointment of the public broadcast (RTVE) president continued to be a challenge. In February 2021, the PSOE and PP reached an agreement to renew the Board of Directors of RTVE, and a new president was appointed in March 2021. Nevertheless, after losing support from the government coalition, the president resigned in 2022, and an “acting chair” with limited executive powers was nominated.
According to the Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), editorial autonomy in Spain increased from a medium risk of 63% in 2020 to a high risk of 75% in 2021 because the appointment and removal of media editors-in-chief are not safe from political interference in practice.
The situation regarding regional public-broadcast groups is particularly concerning, as incumbent governments often openly promote their partisan political objectives. This has been notably evident in Andalusia, Madrid, and especially Catalonia, where public media has overtly supported the nationalist regional government’s pro-secession stance while limiting access for those with opposing or pluralistic perspectives.
In private broadcasting operations, there is no regulation guaranteeing autonomy in appointing and dismissing editors-in-chief. While media groups are formally independent, both national and regional parties in office have traditionally sought to support newspapers, radio, and television stations ideologically aligned with them. Various mechanisms enable political influence on media decisions, with licensing and institutional advertising being prominent among them. In 2021, the central government increased its allocation for institutional advertising by 86% compared to 2020. Independent media outlets have called on the government to safeguard information plurality and quality by ensuring a fair distribution of institutional advertising. However, there have been no new developments regarding the legal framework for institutional advertising during the review period.
The National Commission for Markets and Competition (CNMC) serves as the national-level audiovisual regulator, while regional audiovisual authorities oversee service providers at the regional level. Law 7 July 2022 advocates for better cooperation between the CNMC and regional audiovisual authorities to improve the supervision of online services, platforms, and providers. In 2023, the CNMC was allocated additional human and financial resources.
Despite attempts to exert influence, government or public officials do not censor digital, print, or broadcast media. Freedom House’s 2022 Freedom on the Net report does not include data for Spain, but there is no evidence of state censorship, self-censorship among journalists, or harassment of journalists beyond isolated incidents.
A recent survey from the Center for Sociological Research (CIS) shows that the confidence of Spanish citizens in media information has slightly decreased, scoring 4.1 on a 10-point scale. Law 2/2023 establishes an authority to protect whistleblowers, aiming to enhance transparency and accountability in media practices.
Citations:
Reporters without borders. 2023. “World Press Freedom Index.” https://rsf.org/en/spain
European University Institute. 2022. “Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era in the Year 2021.” https://data.europa.eu/doi/10.2870/74922
To what extent is a plurality of opinions in the media ensured?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to a pluralistic media landscape that represents all existing political perspectives in society.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
The constitution provides for freedom of expression and the right to information, ensuring a pluralistic media environment with various public and private television and radio stations, newspapers, and internet portals. According to Law 17/2006 on State-Owned Radio and Television, public media must reflect the social, ideological, political, and cultural diversity of Spanish society. The CNMC, together with regional audiovisual authorities, oversees public and private media to ensure a plurality of opinions. The licensing and regulatory regimes for privately owned media also support this plurality.
Spain’s largest newspaper is the influential center-left El País, while other nationwide newspapers include the center-right El Mundo and the conservative ABC. In Catalonia, the moderate nationalist La Vanguardia leads the market. Progressive digital publications like Eldiario.es and Publico.es have large readerships, while significant center-right digital media sites include Elconfidencial.com, and right-wing sites consist of Elespanol.com and Okdiario.com. Despite the rise of digital media, the electronic versions of print newspapers remain the country’s most widely read information websites.
The radio market is dominated by the center-left SER station, followed by Cadena Cope (owned by the Catholic Church), the center-right Onda Cero, and the Catalan private station RAC-1. The publicly owned Radio Nacional de España also has a notable presence. In television, the market is largely controlled by the Italian company Mediaset (including Telecinco and Cuatro channels), Atresmedia Corporación (owning the right-wing Antena 3 and the leftist La Sexta), and the public broadcaster Televisión Española, alongside regional public-television networks and small private stations. The primary media groups collectively secure 80% of advertising revenue in television and 96% in radio, while the press sector’s four major publishing groups reach 87% of audiences.
The CNMC has warned that this concentration could threaten media pluralism in the future. The concentration of the advertising market by Mediaset and Atresmedia has been confirmed by a CNMC sanction. According to the MPM 2022 Report, Spanish media pluralism faces a high risk of media concentration (67%). The widespread use of social networks has facilitated the proliferation of electronic newspapers and independent blogs, counterbalancing oligopolistic trends and ensuring a variety of opinions in public debate.
Although media criticism of the government varies in intensity and tone, all outlets report on government issues and acknowledge significant political perspectives. Some media exhibit bias toward certain political parties.
Citations:
Asociación para la Investigación de Medios de Comunicación. 2023. “Audiencia de Internet.” https://www.aimc.es/
Universidad de Navarra. 2023. “Digital News Report.” https://www.digitalnewsreport.es
European University Institute. 2022. “Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union.” https://data.europa.eu/doi/10.2870/74922
Spain’s largest newspaper is the influential center-left El País, while other nationwide newspapers include the center-right El Mundo and the conservative ABC. In Catalonia, the moderate nationalist La Vanguardia leads the market. Progressive digital publications like Eldiario.es and Publico.es have large readerships, while significant center-right digital media sites include Elconfidencial.com, and right-wing sites consist of Elespanol.com and Okdiario.com. Despite the rise of digital media, the electronic versions of print newspapers remain the country’s most widely read information websites.
The radio market is dominated by the center-left SER station, followed by Cadena Cope (owned by the Catholic Church), the center-right Onda Cero, and the Catalan private station RAC-1. The publicly owned Radio Nacional de España also has a notable presence. In television, the market is largely controlled by the Italian company Mediaset (including Telecinco and Cuatro channels), Atresmedia Corporación (owning the right-wing Antena 3 and the leftist La Sexta), and the public broadcaster Televisión Española, alongside regional public-television networks and small private stations. The primary media groups collectively secure 80% of advertising revenue in television and 96% in radio, while the press sector’s four major publishing groups reach 87% of audiences.
The CNMC has warned that this concentration could threaten media pluralism in the future. The concentration of the advertising market by Mediaset and Atresmedia has been confirmed by a CNMC sanction. According to the MPM 2022 Report, Spanish media pluralism faces a high risk of media concentration (67%). The widespread use of social networks has facilitated the proliferation of electronic newspapers and independent blogs, counterbalancing oligopolistic trends and ensuring a variety of opinions in public debate.
Although media criticism of the government varies in intensity and tone, all outlets report on government issues and acknowledge significant political perspectives. Some media exhibit bias toward certain political parties.
Citations:
Asociación para la Investigación de Medios de Comunicación. 2023. “Audiencia de Internet.” https://www.aimc.es/
Universidad de Navarra. 2023. “Digital News Report.” https://www.digitalnewsreport.es
European University Institute. 2022. “Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union.” https://data.europa.eu/doi/10.2870/74922
Graph View
To what extent are citizens able to freely form or join independent political and civic groups, openly raise and discuss political issues, and assemble without restrictions?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose very few or no significant obstacles to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
Article 21 of the constitution affirms the right to peaceful assembly without prior authorization, although authorities must be notified in advance when assemblies are planned in public areas. Article 22 recognizes the right of association, requiring notifications 10 days before an event, with a 24-hour notice acceptable in exceptional cases. Law no. 4/2015 for the Protection of Public Security prohibits spontaneous demonstrations and introduces penalties for failing to declare gatherings at essential community service facilities.
In 2022 and 2023, the government attempted to repeal controversial articles of this law but was unsuccessful due to early elections. Several rule of law reports and the Venice Commission noted the law’s negative impact on the right of assembly and freedom of expression. Political and civic groups operated freely during the review period.
In October and November 2023, protesters demonstrated against the agreement and the investiture of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. Most demonstrations were peaceful, but some groups used violence against public security forces. The government did not apply arbitrary restrictions or employ intimidation or harassment.
In 2022 and 2023, the government attempted to repeal controversial articles of this law but was unsuccessful due to early elections. Several rule of law reports and the Venice Commission noted the law’s negative impact on the right of assembly and freedom of expression. Political and civic groups operated freely during the review period.
In October and November 2023, protesters demonstrated against the agreement and the investiture of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. Most demonstrations were peaceful, but some groups used violence against public security forces. The government did not apply arbitrary restrictions or employ intimidation or harassment.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
The Spanish constitution mandates trade unions and employers’ associations to advocate for and safeguard the economic interests of workers and employers. It establishes a model of neo-corporatism, authorizing these organizations to represent workers in collective bargaining and participate in mandatory preliminary conciliation procedures before presenting disputes to government conciliation agencies. Although trade union density is low (18%), Spain’s biggest trade unions (UGT and CCOO) and employers’ associations have the organizational strength to independently formulate policies to which the government responds. Both main trade unions tend to collaborate and defend common platforms. According to the OECD, employer organization density is higher (88%). However, governments may proceed with policies even without CSO support in the absence of agreement.
During the review period, the government actively engaged in dialogue with UGT, CCOO, and employers’ associations, signing several agreements, including one on raising the minimum wage. Numerous meetings were convened to discuss policy proposals. The 2023 labor market reform strengthened trade unions by amplifying the significance of indefinite contracts.
Post-COVID-19, the government, trade unions, and employers’ associations met within the Social Dialogue Board for Recovery, Transformation, and Resilience (2021–2026), serving as a channel for dialogue on the RRP’s design and implementation. Membership dues for professional associations, business associations, official chambers, and trade unions are tax-deductible.
Due to the prevalence of self-employed workers and small businesses, trade unions play a lesser role than in countries with significant industrial sectors. From January to September 2023, 588 strikes occurred, involving 210,410 workers, marking an increase compared to 2022. However, the number of days lost to strikes has been below the EU average in recent years. Trade unions have been successful in mobilizing and collective bargaining.
During the review period, the government actively engaged in dialogue with UGT, CCOO, and employers’ associations, signing several agreements, including one on raising the minimum wage. Numerous meetings were convened to discuss policy proposals. The 2023 labor market reform strengthened trade unions by amplifying the significance of indefinite contracts.
Post-COVID-19, the government, trade unions, and employers’ associations met within the Social Dialogue Board for Recovery, Transformation, and Resilience (2021–2026), serving as a channel for dialogue on the RRP’s design and implementation. Membership dues for professional associations, business associations, official chambers, and trade unions are tax-deductible.
Due to the prevalence of self-employed workers and small businesses, trade unions play a lesser role than in countries with significant industrial sectors. From January to September 2023, 588 strikes occurred, involving 210,410 workers, marking an increase compared to 2022. However, the number of days lost to strikes has been below the EU average in recent years. Trade unions have been successful in mobilizing and collective bargaining.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
With the exception of trade unions and employers’ associations, noneconomic interest groups in Spain are relatively weak, making it difficult for them to influence political decision-making with relevant policy proposals. The lack of a strong, organized civil society discourages the government from considering these associations’ views in policy formulation, as this would complicate the process without necessarily adding social legitimacy. Their influence largely depends on their participation within political parties.
For example, although women’s associations are weak as autonomous organizations, they have become increasingly influential within political parties, especially the PSOE. Similarly, the LGBTQ+ movement has successfully defended homosexual rights. Platforms and networks have been able to gain media attention and shape public policy by demanding more transparency, better mortgage regulation, and changes in healthcare and education. Over the last several years, pensioners have staged large protests to demand fairer pensions for themselves and future generations.
For example, although women’s associations are weak as autonomous organizations, they have become increasingly influential within political parties, especially the PSOE. Similarly, the LGBTQ+ movement has successfully defended homosexual rights. Platforms and networks have been able to gain media attention and shape public policy by demanding more transparency, better mortgage regulation, and changes in healthcare and education. Over the last several years, pensioners have staged large protests to demand fairer pensions for themselves and future generations.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
Environmental interest associations in Spain also face challenges in influencing political decision-making. Major groups in climate policy include Greenpeace, WWF, Amigos de la Tierra, Ecologistas en Acción, and SeoBirdLife. However, these organizations have gradually gained technical competence and increasingly rely on academic expertise and specialized publications to influence public opinion and policymakers.
While the general population supports environmental protection, there is little active participation in civil society organizations’ activities. Leading environmental groups benefit from their international or European umbrella organizations to put forward policy proposals. During the review period, CSOs participated in consultations on the design of government environmental strategies. Major CSOs collaborated to urge the government to accelerate an ecologically and socially just transition and to use the EU Council presidency to push for ambitious climate goals during COP28.
While the general population supports environmental protection, there is little active participation in civil society organizations’ activities. Leading environmental groups benefit from their international or European umbrella organizations to put forward policy proposals. During the review period, CSOs participated in consultations on the design of government environmental strategies. Major CSOs collaborated to urge the government to accelerate an ecologically and socially just transition and to use the EU Council presidency to push for ambitious climate goals during COP28.