Consensus-Building
#1Key Findings
Sweden is one of three countries that share the SGI 2024’s top rank (rank 1) in the category of consensus-building.
Nongovernmental actors including academics are routinely integrated into the policymaking process, particularly in commissions of inquiry. The country has a long tradition of evidence-based policymaking.
A tripartite system enables the government, employer organizations and trade unions to work together intensively and comprehensively to resolve labor market issues. Social welfare organizations also participate in various forms of consultation, but some complain that their concerns are not taken seriously enough.
Environmental organizations are seen as key actors in achieving sustainability goals and promoting environmental protection. The parliament’s open data service offers significant amounts of current and historical data, but the country has scored below the OECD average for open government data quality in recent years.
Nongovernmental actors including academics are routinely integrated into the policymaking process, particularly in commissions of inquiry. The country has a long tradition of evidence-based policymaking.
A tripartite system enables the government, employer organizations and trade unions to work together intensively and comprehensively to resolve labor market issues. Social welfare organizations also participate in various forms of consultation, but some complain that their concerns are not taken seriously enough.
Environmental organizations are seen as key actors in achieving sustainability goals and promoting environmental protection. The parliament’s open data service offers significant amounts of current and historical data, but the country has scored below the OECD average for open government data quality in recent years.
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To what extent is the government successful in effectively harnessing the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes?
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9
9
The government is able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
8
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7
6
In most cases, the government is able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
5
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3
4
3
Only rarely is the government able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
2
1
1
The government is not able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
In a recent reconceptualization of policy styles, Petridou (2022) posits that Sweden has a “managerial” policy style. This style is characterized by high policy capacity and significant inclusiveness of non-governmental actors in the policymaking process, including academics who produce expert knowledge regularly feeding into public policy.
The linear, consensus-building, problem-solving approach to making public policy lends itself to incorporating academic knowledge, particularly in the process of commissions of inquiry (Statens offentliga utredningar, SOU) and during the referral process of any new legislation. Sweden has a long tradition of evidence-based policymaking. For instance, the Riksdag arranges an annual research day. The theme of the 2023 seminar, held in June, was how the Riksdag can address complex challenges with the help of research (Sveriges Riksdag, 2023).
Recent developments are concerning. The agreement that enabled government formation after the gridlock of the 2022 elections (Tidöavtalet) highlighted the newfound political influence of the radical right-wing party Sweden Democrats. The agreement included a provision to change the undergraduate education for social workers, emphasizing punitive measures with the obligatory inclusion of courses on youth criminality. It also mandated that teachers and other street-level bureaucrats report suspect individuals to authorities. Both provisions faced severe criticism and, as of this writing, have not been implemented (Ahlgren et al., 2022; Hedman, 2022). The government also attempted to involve itself in academia by shortening the mandate period of university board members, which met sharp criticism from the vice chancellors of Swedish universities (Viberg et al., 2023).
Citations:
Ahlgren, T., Arnesson, K., Bergmark, Å., and Wiklund, S. 2022. “Ett populistiskt ingrep i socionomutbildningen.” Svenska Dagbladet. https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/sa-fungerar-riksdagen/arbetet-i-riksdagen/riksdagens-engagemang-i-vetenskap-och-forskning/
Hedman, E. 2022. “Kritiken: Tidöavtalet kan tvinga lärare att ange elever.” Skolvärlden. https://skolvarlden.se/artiklar/kritiken-tidoavtalet-kan-tvinga-larare-ange-elever
Petridou, E. 2022. “Following the Public Health Agency’s Guidelines: The Swedish Approach.” In N. Zahariadis, E. Petridou, T. Exadaktylos, and J. Sparf, eds., Policy Styles and Trust in the Age of Pandemics: Global Threat, National Responses. New York: Routledge, 17-38.
Viberg, M., Holmefur, N., Egnell, R., and Schnürer, J. 2023. “Brev till regeringen med anledning av förkortad mandatperiod för styrelserna.” Göteborgs Universitet. https://www.gu.se/nyheter/brev-till-regeringen-med-anledning-av-forkortad-mandatperiod-for-styrelserna
The linear, consensus-building, problem-solving approach to making public policy lends itself to incorporating academic knowledge, particularly in the process of commissions of inquiry (Statens offentliga utredningar, SOU) and during the referral process of any new legislation. Sweden has a long tradition of evidence-based policymaking. For instance, the Riksdag arranges an annual research day. The theme of the 2023 seminar, held in June, was how the Riksdag can address complex challenges with the help of research (Sveriges Riksdag, 2023).
Recent developments are concerning. The agreement that enabled government formation after the gridlock of the 2022 elections (Tidöavtalet) highlighted the newfound political influence of the radical right-wing party Sweden Democrats. The agreement included a provision to change the undergraduate education for social workers, emphasizing punitive measures with the obligatory inclusion of courses on youth criminality. It also mandated that teachers and other street-level bureaucrats report suspect individuals to authorities. Both provisions faced severe criticism and, as of this writing, have not been implemented (Ahlgren et al., 2022; Hedman, 2022). The government also attempted to involve itself in academia by shortening the mandate period of university board members, which met sharp criticism from the vice chancellors of Swedish universities (Viberg et al., 2023).
Citations:
Ahlgren, T., Arnesson, K., Bergmark, Å., and Wiklund, S. 2022. “Ett populistiskt ingrep i socionomutbildningen.” Svenska Dagbladet. https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/sa-fungerar-riksdagen/arbetet-i-riksdagen/riksdagens-engagemang-i-vetenskap-och-forskning/
Hedman, E. 2022. “Kritiken: Tidöavtalet kan tvinga lärare att ange elever.” Skolvärlden. https://skolvarlden.se/artiklar/kritiken-tidoavtalet-kan-tvinga-larare-ange-elever
Petridou, E. 2022. “Following the Public Health Agency’s Guidelines: The Swedish Approach.” In N. Zahariadis, E. Petridou, T. Exadaktylos, and J. Sparf, eds., Policy Styles and Trust in the Age of Pandemics: Global Threat, National Responses. New York: Routledge, 17-38.
Viberg, M., Holmefur, N., Egnell, R., and Schnürer, J. 2023. “Brev till regeringen med anledning av förkortad mandatperiod för styrelserna.” Göteborgs Universitet. https://www.gu.se/nyheter/brev-till-regeringen-med-anledning-av-forkortad-mandatperiod-for-styrelserna
Graph View
To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of trade unions and business organizations in policymaking?
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9
9
The government is able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
8
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6
7
6
Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
5
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3
4
3
The government is rarely able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
2
1
1
The government is not able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
Cooperation between the government and trade unions in Sweden is traditionally strong and has historically played a central role in shaping the country’s policies and legislation. This cooperation is an expression of the Swedish model, which is based on a tripartite structure in which the government, employer organizations, and trade unions work together to resolve labor market issues. This approach is often referred to as the “Saltsjöbad spirit” (Elvander 1988). In 2022, the main agreement between labor, employers, and the government was renewed with modified rules and under political pressure (Kjellberg 2023a).
Union membership in most Western countries has declined over the past few decades, though Sweden and other Nordic countries seem somewhat sheltered from such trends. However, in the last two decades, even Sweden has exhibited both a decline in trade union membership and a less close relationship between the unions and their traditional political partners, i.e., Social Democratic Parties. Foreign-born workers are not unionized to the same extent as Swedish-born workers, which can be explained by the fact that workers not born in Sweden are mainly employed in sectors that are difficult to organize, especially in the service sector with low qualification requirements. Despite this, around 90% of all workers are covered by collective agreements, i.e., mainly bilateral negotiations between labor and capital.
While the union density rate has remained relatively stable at 70% in recent years (with slight fluctuations), the density rate for private-sector employers is around 88%. In the public sector, the degree of organization is 100% for obvious reasons. This means that around 88% of employees work in companies affiliated with an employers’ association (Kjellberg 2023b).
With regard to power resources and the strengthening of tripartite agreements, the integration of the interest groups of labor and capital has been implemented both intensively and comprehensively in Sweden. While cooperation between unions, employers’ associations, and the government takes many forms, the most institutionalized policy feedback mechanism is the referral (“remiss”) system (Government Offices of Sweden, n.d.).
Citations:
Elvander, Nils. 1988. Den svenska modellen. Stockholm.
Government Offices of Sweden. n.d. “Remisser.” https://www.regeringen.se/remisser/
Kjellberg, Anders. 2023a. Den svenska modellen ur ett nordiskt perspektiv: facklig anslütning och nytt huvudavtal. https://lucris.lub.lu.se/ws/portalfiles/portal/148881382/Arena_Ide_2023_Kjellberg_4_juni_Slutvers.pdf
Kjellberg, Anders. 2023b. “Parternas organisationsgrad och kollektivavtalens utbredning.” Melingsinstitutets årsrapport https://lucris.lub.lu.se/ws/portalfiles/portal/138623782/Parternas_organisationsgrad_2022_Kjellberg.pdf
Union membership in most Western countries has declined over the past few decades, though Sweden and other Nordic countries seem somewhat sheltered from such trends. However, in the last two decades, even Sweden has exhibited both a decline in trade union membership and a less close relationship between the unions and their traditional political partners, i.e., Social Democratic Parties. Foreign-born workers are not unionized to the same extent as Swedish-born workers, which can be explained by the fact that workers not born in Sweden are mainly employed in sectors that are difficult to organize, especially in the service sector with low qualification requirements. Despite this, around 90% of all workers are covered by collective agreements, i.e., mainly bilateral negotiations between labor and capital.
While the union density rate has remained relatively stable at 70% in recent years (with slight fluctuations), the density rate for private-sector employers is around 88%. In the public sector, the degree of organization is 100% for obvious reasons. This means that around 88% of employees work in companies affiliated with an employers’ association (Kjellberg 2023b).
With regard to power resources and the strengthening of tripartite agreements, the integration of the interest groups of labor and capital has been implemented both intensively and comprehensively in Sweden. While cooperation between unions, employers’ associations, and the government takes many forms, the most institutionalized policy feedback mechanism is the referral (“remiss”) system (Government Offices of Sweden, n.d.).
Citations:
Elvander, Nils. 1988. Den svenska modellen. Stockholm.
Government Offices of Sweden. n.d. “Remisser.” https://www.regeringen.se/remisser/
Kjellberg, Anders. 2023a. Den svenska modellen ur ett nordiskt perspektiv: facklig anslütning och nytt huvudavtal. https://lucris.lub.lu.se/ws/portalfiles/portal/148881382/Arena_Ide_2023_Kjellberg_4_juni_Slutvers.pdf
Kjellberg, Anders. 2023b. “Parternas organisationsgrad och kollektivavtalens utbredning.” Melingsinstitutets årsrapport https://lucris.lub.lu.se/ws/portalfiles/portal/138623782/Parternas_organisationsgrad_2022_Kjellberg.pdf
To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of leading social welfare CSOs in policymaking?
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9
The government is able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
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7
6
Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
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The government is rarely able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
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The government is not able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
In Sweden, the government has traditionally worked to facilitate and promote the participation of leading social welfare CSOs in decision-making. Through various forms of consultation, dialogue and participation in committees and councils, these organizations have the opportunity to influence policy and legislation related to social issues. The government often sees CSOs as important partners and recognizes their expertise and commitment to welfare issues, making it natural to involve them in the decision-making process. These bodies can be composed of representatives from both the government and CSOs and aim to gather different perspectives and expertise to shape social policies. CSOs have the possibility to provide policy feedback in the institutionalized process of referral.
At the same time, there are challenges and criticisms regarding the degree of participation and influence that CSOs actually have in decision-making. Some organizations feel their opinions and proposals are not always taken seriously enough or that they are not given sufficient time and resources to participate fully. Additionally, issues of transparency and openness in the decision-making process can impact the ability of organizations to participate meaningfully.
A recent report focuses on collaborations between CSOs and regions. More specifically, it addresses a power imbalance between civil society and the regions. The regions are in a much stronger financial position and have significantly more employees, which means they can independently make the necessary decisions for collaboration and perform the essential tasks. Additionally, collaboration is overly dependent on the individuals involved and lacks sufficient structure. The risk of an overly personal collaboration is that uncertainty arises as soon as an individual is replaced, and it can be more difficult for the collaborating organizations to achieve a common understanding of the work. There is a need for formalized collaboration arrangements to ensure they endure the often high personnel turnover (MUCF, 2023).
Citations:
MUCF. 2023. “Samverkan mellan civil samhället och Sveriges regioner – det finns.”
outnyttjad potential. https://www.mucf.se/sites/default/files/2023/12/samverkan-civilsamhallet-och-regionerna.pdf
At the same time, there are challenges and criticisms regarding the degree of participation and influence that CSOs actually have in decision-making. Some organizations feel their opinions and proposals are not always taken seriously enough or that they are not given sufficient time and resources to participate fully. Additionally, issues of transparency and openness in the decision-making process can impact the ability of organizations to participate meaningfully.
A recent report focuses on collaborations between CSOs and regions. More specifically, it addresses a power imbalance between civil society and the regions. The regions are in a much stronger financial position and have significantly more employees, which means they can independently make the necessary decisions for collaboration and perform the essential tasks. Additionally, collaboration is overly dependent on the individuals involved and lacks sufficient structure. The risk of an overly personal collaboration is that uncertainty arises as soon as an individual is replaced, and it can be more difficult for the collaborating organizations to achieve a common understanding of the work. There is a need for formalized collaboration arrangements to ensure they endure the often high personnel turnover (MUCF, 2023).
Citations:
MUCF. 2023. “Samverkan mellan civil samhället och Sveriges regioner – det finns.”
outnyttjad potential. https://www.mucf.se/sites/default/files/2023/12/samverkan-civilsamhallet-och-regionerna.pdf
To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of leading environmental CSOs in policymaking?
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The government is able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
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Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
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The government is rarely able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
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1
The government is not able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
Consultation with societal actors has historically been a strong feature of Swedish democracy. Public consultation remains a core component of the Swedish policymaking process. In this corporatist arrangement, the government consults with key societal partners on a wide range of issues, including those concerning the environment and climate action. Stakeholders are thus given an opportunity to influence public policy from the early stages of the policy process until implementation.
Public inquiries and participation in various committees and councils are among the forms of consultation. The government often recognizes the expertise and commitment of environmental NGOs in addressing environmental issues, viewing them as essential actors in achieving sustainability goals and promoting environmental protection.
The center-right minority government elected in 2022 has taken a permissive stance on environmental policy, eliciting criticism from environmental CSOs in print media, television, and their websites. The Swedish Climate Policy Council, an independent interdisciplinary organization tasked with evaluating Swedish climate policy against the possibility of achieving its goals, posits that the current policy will increase emissions and prevent Sweden from meeting its targets (Klimatpolitiska rådet, 2023).
Citations:
Klimatpolitiska rådet. 2023. “Handlingsplan otillräcklig – ytterligare styrmedel behövs för att nå klimatmålen.” https://www.klimatpolitiskaradet.se/pressrummet/handlingsplanen-otillracklig-ytterligare-styrmedel-behovs-for-att-na-klimatmalen/
Public inquiries and participation in various committees and councils are among the forms of consultation. The government often recognizes the expertise and commitment of environmental NGOs in addressing environmental issues, viewing them as essential actors in achieving sustainability goals and promoting environmental protection.
The center-right minority government elected in 2022 has taken a permissive stance on environmental policy, eliciting criticism from environmental CSOs in print media, television, and their websites. The Swedish Climate Policy Council, an independent interdisciplinary organization tasked with evaluating Swedish climate policy against the possibility of achieving its goals, posits that the current policy will increase emissions and prevent Sweden from meeting its targets (Klimatpolitiska rådet, 2023).
Citations:
Klimatpolitiska rådet. 2023. “Handlingsplan otillräcklig – ytterligare styrmedel behövs för att nå klimatmålen.” https://www.klimatpolitiskaradet.se/pressrummet/handlingsplanen-otillracklig-ytterligare-styrmedel-behovs-for-att-na-klimatmalen/
Graph View
To what extent does the government publish data and information that empowers citizens to hold the government accountable?
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The government publishes data and information in a manner that empowers citizens to hold the government accountable.
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Most of the time, the government publishes data and information in a manner that empowers citizens to hold the government accountable.
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The government rarely publishes data and information in a manner that strengthens citizens to hold the government accountable.
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The government does not publish data and information in a manner that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable.
In 2019, Sweden scored significantly below the OECD average on open government data – a composite indicator assessing governments’ efforts to implement open data in three areas: Openness, Usefulness, and Re-usability of government data (OURdata) (OECD, n.d.).
Public documents are generally available to the public unless they are classified. Government websites and all levels of governance, including public agencies, increasingly make information available in various languages. Several websites also provide data that can be reused and reconfigured according to the users’ individual needs. For example, the Riksdag’s “open data” service offers APIs (application programming interfaces) and current and historical data on documents, professional information on members of parliament, votes, debates, and more (Riksdagen, 2023).
DIGG, the Agency for Digital Government, suggests increasing governmental support through funding for easy-to-implement digital solutions to enhance the availability and usability of data on government websites (DIGG, 2023).
Citations:
DIGG. 2022. “Tekniska förutsättningar för öppna data. Rapport 2022-0428.” https://www.digg.se/download/18.79c61f7c17db5871992f0bf/1647952780115/Tekniska%20förutsättningar%20för%20öppna%20data%202022-0428%20Myndigheten%20för%20digital%20förvaltning.pdf
OECD. n.d. “Open Government Data.” https://www.oecd.org/gov/digital-government/open-government-data.htm
Riksdagen. 2023. “Riksdagens öppna data.” https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/dokument-och-lagar/riksdagens-oppna-data/
Public documents are generally available to the public unless they are classified. Government websites and all levels of governance, including public agencies, increasingly make information available in various languages. Several websites also provide data that can be reused and reconfigured according to the users’ individual needs. For example, the Riksdag’s “open data” service offers APIs (application programming interfaces) and current and historical data on documents, professional information on members of parliament, votes, debates, and more (Riksdagen, 2023).
DIGG, the Agency for Digital Government, suggests increasing governmental support through funding for easy-to-implement digital solutions to enhance the availability and usability of data on government websites (DIGG, 2023).
Citations:
DIGG. 2022. “Tekniska förutsättningar för öppna data. Rapport 2022-0428.” https://www.digg.se/download/18.79c61f7c17db5871992f0bf/1647952780115/Tekniska%20förutsättningar%20för%20öppna%20data%202022-0428%20Myndigheten%20för%20digital%20förvaltning.pdf
OECD. n.d. “Open Government Data.” https://www.oecd.org/gov/digital-government/open-government-data.htm
Riksdagen. 2023. “Riksdagens öppna data.” https://www.riksdagen.se/sv/dokument-och-lagar/riksdagens-oppna-data/