Diagonal Accountability
#1Key Findings
Sweden is the SGI 2024’s top performer (rank 1) in the category of diagonal accountability.
The country strongly protects media freedom and the freedom of expression. There is a strong framework for regulating hate speech. Public media board members are not allowed to hold political office. Although media plurality is legally protected, news media concentration is a concern.
The freedoms of association and assembly are constitutionally protected. Civil society organizations play a significant role in policymaking though a system in which commission findings are sent to relative stakeholders before any legislative changes are made.
Employer and labor groups have considerable influence within the policymaking process, but the government is not involved in salary negotiations between labor unions and employers. Social welfare and environmental organizations also play a strong role in shaping policies within their area of focus.
The country strongly protects media freedom and the freedom of expression. There is a strong framework for regulating hate speech. Public media board members are not allowed to hold political office. Although media plurality is legally protected, news media concentration is a concern.
The freedoms of association and assembly are constitutionally protected. Civil society organizations play a significant role in policymaking though a system in which commission findings are sent to relative stakeholders before any legislative changes are made.
Employer and labor groups have considerable influence within the policymaking process, but the government is not involved in salary negotiations between labor unions and employers. Social welfare and environmental organizations also play a strong role in shaping policies within their area of focus.
Graph View
Graph View
To what extent are the media free from government influence and able to act independently?
10
9
9
There are no disincentives, by law or in practice, for the media to criticize the government and public officials.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
2
1
1
Existing disincentives, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in criticizing the government and public officials.
Freedom of the media is protected in the Swedish constitution. Two of the four fundamental laws include the Freedom of the Press Act and the Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression, collectively ensuring freedom of the media and expression of opinion.
Sweden consistently scores high in all aspects of media freedom and freedom of expression. It has an effective framework for regulating hate speech. The Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom reports that Sweden generally shows a very low risk for media pluralism, with indicators holding stable (Färdigh, 2022).
In 2023, the government issued a decision to formalize what had previously been practiced but not legislated. At the request of the foundation controlling Swedish media – Swedish Radio (SR), Swedish Television (SVT), and Swedish Educational Radio (UR) – it is now formally forbidden for any members of these organizations’ boards to hold political office (Government Offices of Sweden, 2024).
Also in 2023, a parliamentary committee was assigned to assess Swedish public media and suggest changes if needed. This was framed as an attempt to ensure that public media keeps up with a changing media landscape and as a resource optimization issue (Sveriges Riksdag, 2023).
In 2023, against the background of spiraling costs due to inflation, Swedish Radio announced that they would have to make significant reductions in activities to run a balanced budget in the coming years (SVT, 2024). This trend may weaken public broadcasting and media pluralism in Sweden in the future.
Citations:
Färdigh, Mathias A. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), 2022, Country Reports. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/74707
Government Offices of Sweden. 2023. “Regeringen säkerställer Public service-företagens oberoende från politiken” https://www.regeringen.se/pressmeddelanden/2023/10/regeringen-sakerstaller-public-service-foretagens-oberoende-fran-partipolitik/
SVT. 2024. “Stora nedskärningar på Sveriges radio – 180 tjänster försvinner.” https://www.svt.se/kultur/organisationen-pa-sveriges-radio-gors-om
Sweden consistently scores high in all aspects of media freedom and freedom of expression. It has an effective framework for regulating hate speech. The Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom reports that Sweden generally shows a very low risk for media pluralism, with indicators holding stable (Färdigh, 2022).
In 2023, the government issued a decision to formalize what had previously been practiced but not legislated. At the request of the foundation controlling Swedish media – Swedish Radio (SR), Swedish Television (SVT), and Swedish Educational Radio (UR) – it is now formally forbidden for any members of these organizations’ boards to hold political office (Government Offices of Sweden, 2024).
Also in 2023, a parliamentary committee was assigned to assess Swedish public media and suggest changes if needed. This was framed as an attempt to ensure that public media keeps up with a changing media landscape and as a resource optimization issue (Sveriges Riksdag, 2023).
In 2023, against the background of spiraling costs due to inflation, Swedish Radio announced that they would have to make significant reductions in activities to run a balanced budget in the coming years (SVT, 2024). This trend may weaken public broadcasting and media pluralism in Sweden in the future.
Citations:
Färdigh, Mathias A. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), 2022, Country Reports. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/74707
Government Offices of Sweden. 2023. “Regeringen säkerställer Public service-företagens oberoende från politiken” https://www.regeringen.se/pressmeddelanden/2023/10/regeringen-sakerstaller-public-service-foretagens-oberoende-fran-partipolitik/
SVT. 2024. “Stora nedskärningar på Sveriges radio – 180 tjänster försvinner.” https://www.svt.se/kultur/organisationen-pa-sveriges-radio-gors-om
To what extent is a plurality of opinions in the media ensured?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to a pluralistic media landscape that represents all existing political perspectives in society.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the media in representing all relevant political perspectives in society.
Media plurality and freedom of expression are protected from governmental abuse. In addition to the constitution, which automatically grants constitutional protection to internet publications, media and freedom of expression are regulated by the Radio and Television Act (SFS 2020:875) (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020). The latter was updated in 2020 to include provisions for video recording platforms, regulatory changes regarding TV broadcasting, child protection (for example ads cannot target children under 12), and program accessibility for people with disabilities.
Sweden is rated high risk for news media concentration indicators (96%) and commercial and owner influence over editorial content (68%), while the score for transparency of media ownership is medium (50%). The EUI Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom argues that the Swedish regulatory system is inadequate and cannot ensure transparency and prevent media concentration (Färdigh, 2022).
Citations:
Färdigh, Mathias A. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Country Report: Sweden. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), 2022, Country Reports. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/74707
Government Offices of Sweden. 2020. Lag om ändring i radio- och tv-lagen. https://svenskforfattningssamling.se/sites/default/files/sfs/2020-10/SFS2020-875.pdf
Sweden is rated high risk for news media concentration indicators (96%) and commercial and owner influence over editorial content (68%), while the score for transparency of media ownership is medium (50%). The EUI Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom argues that the Swedish regulatory system is inadequate and cannot ensure transparency and prevent media concentration (Färdigh, 2022).
Citations:
Färdigh, Mathias A. 2022. Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the Year 2021. Country Report: Sweden. Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), 2022, Country Reports. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/74707
Government Offices of Sweden. 2020. Lag om ändring i radio- och tv-lagen. https://svenskforfattningssamling.se/sites/default/files/sfs/2020-10/SFS2020-875.pdf
Graph View
To what extent are citizens able to freely form or join independent political and civic groups, openly raise and discuss political issues, and assemble without restrictions?
10
9
9
There are no barriers, by law or in practice to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
8
7
6
7
6
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose very few or no significant obstacles to creating an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
5
4
3
4
3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
2
1
1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to the creation of an engaged society and civil society organizations that are free to operate.
The freedom of association and the freedom of assembly are constitutionally protected. Civil society organizations in Sweden have a formal seat at the policymaking table through the referral system (remiss system): the findings of any commission of inquiry ahead of proposed legislative changes are sent out to relevant stakeholders, including civil society organizations, for comments, which form the final piece of legislation.
Rules and conditions under which demonstrations may take place are posted by the Swedish police on their website (see https://polisen.se/om-polisen/polisens-arbete/demonstrationer/). Recent events, embroiled in larger geopolitical challenges and domestic politics, have challenged the freedom of assembly and highlighted the tensions between free speech and hate crimes. This has engendered a heated debate. Amnesty International reports that the UN International Independent Expert Mechanism to Advance Racial Justice in the Context of Law Enforcement expressed concerns that responses aimed at addressing security challenges are handled through over-policing, surveillance, and arbitrary stops and searches (Amnesty International, 2023).
Public burnings of the Quran culminated in June 2023, sparking heated public debate. These incidents became fodder for power games played by Erdoğan, who used them to extract as many concessions as possible from Sweden toward Turkey in the bargaining of Sweden’s NATO membership. Several voices within the country urged the police to ban the burning of the Quran; however, the courts ruled that this act does not constitute a hate crime and that the only permissible action within the existing legal framework would be to move these burnings to a less sensitive area (SVT, 2023). The Swedish Institute reports that such incidents have the potential to damage the country’s image abroad (Svenska Institutet, 2023).
Citations:
Amnesty International. 2023. “Amnesty International Report 2022/23: The State of the World’s Human Rights.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/pol10/5670/2023/en/
Svenska Institutet. 2023. “Omvärldens reaktioner på koranbränningar i Sverige sommaren 2023.” https://si.se/omvarldens-reaktioner-pa-koranbranningar-i-sverige-sommaren-2023/
SVT. 2023. “Guide: Det här säger lagen om koranbränning i Sverige.” https://www.svt.se/nyheter/inrikes/guide-det-har-sager-lagen-om-koranbranning
Rules and conditions under which demonstrations may take place are posted by the Swedish police on their website (see https://polisen.se/om-polisen/polisens-arbete/demonstrationer/). Recent events, embroiled in larger geopolitical challenges and domestic politics, have challenged the freedom of assembly and highlighted the tensions between free speech and hate crimes. This has engendered a heated debate. Amnesty International reports that the UN International Independent Expert Mechanism to Advance Racial Justice in the Context of Law Enforcement expressed concerns that responses aimed at addressing security challenges are handled through over-policing, surveillance, and arbitrary stops and searches (Amnesty International, 2023).
Public burnings of the Quran culminated in June 2023, sparking heated public debate. These incidents became fodder for power games played by Erdoğan, who used them to extract as many concessions as possible from Sweden toward Turkey in the bargaining of Sweden’s NATO membership. Several voices within the country urged the police to ban the burning of the Quran; however, the courts ruled that this act does not constitute a hate crime and that the only permissible action within the existing legal framework would be to move these burnings to a less sensitive area (SVT, 2023). The Swedish Institute reports that such incidents have the potential to damage the country’s image abroad (Svenska Institutet, 2023).
Citations:
Amnesty International. 2023. “Amnesty International Report 2022/23: The State of the World’s Human Rights.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/pol10/5670/2023/en/
Svenska Institutet. 2023. “Omvärldens reaktioner på koranbränningar i Sverige sommaren 2023.” https://si.se/omvarldens-reaktioner-pa-koranbranningar-i-sverige-sommaren-2023/
SVT. 2023. “Guide: Det här säger lagen om koranbränning i Sverige.” https://www.svt.se/nyheter/inrikes/guide-det-har-sager-lagen-om-koranbranning
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
In early 20th-century Sweden, the relationship between labor and industry underwent significant evolution, marked by a series of compromises aimed at addressing the pressing social and economic challenges of the time. One pivotal agreement was reached in 1938 with the establishment of the Saltsjöbaden Agreement, a landmark accord that laid the groundwork for collective bargaining and labor rights. Spearheaded by the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) and the Swedish Employers Association (SAF), this agreement aimed to strike a balance between the interests of workers and employers, fostering a cooperative framework for resolving labor disputes and negotiating fair wages and working conditions. The Saltsjöbaden Agreement emphasized the importance of mutual respect, dialogue, and compromise, setting a precedent for collaborative labor relations that would come to define Sweden’s social model.
Central to the compromise between labor and industry in early 20th-century Sweden was the concept of “wage solidarity” (lönesolidaritet), which sought to ensure equitable pay scales across various industries and professions. This principle, enshrined in subsequent agreements following the Saltsjöbaden pact, aimed to mitigate income disparities and foster a sense of social cohesion. Additionally, the compromise facilitated the establishment of comprehensive social welfare programs, including universal healthcare and unemployment benefits, which provided a safety net for workers and their families. Through these compromises, Sweden achieved a delicate equilibrium between the demands of labor and the imperatives of industry, laying the foundation for its renowned welfare state and cementing its reputation as a model for progressive social policy (Elvander 1988).
A legacy of this agreement is that the government is not involved in salary negotiations between labor unions and employers. As a consequence, there is no governmentally mandated minimum wage. The right to unionization is legislated (SFS 1976:580). Three major unions cover the gamut of professions: LO (public and private blue-collar professions), TCO (public and private white-collar professions), and Saco (academics and professions such as civil engineers and lawyers) (Nordiskt Samarbete, n.d.). These organizations are major players in shaping public policy. They have the resources, both monetary and expertise, to influence the policy process.
Citations:
Nordiskt Samarbete. n.d. “Fackförbund i Sverige.” https://www.norden.org/sv/info-norden/fackforbund-i-sverige
Central to the compromise between labor and industry in early 20th-century Sweden was the concept of “wage solidarity” (lönesolidaritet), which sought to ensure equitable pay scales across various industries and professions. This principle, enshrined in subsequent agreements following the Saltsjöbaden pact, aimed to mitigate income disparities and foster a sense of social cohesion. Additionally, the compromise facilitated the establishment of comprehensive social welfare programs, including universal healthcare and unemployment benefits, which provided a safety net for workers and their families. Through these compromises, Sweden achieved a delicate equilibrium between the demands of labor and the imperatives of industry, laying the foundation for its renowned welfare state and cementing its reputation as a model for progressive social policy (Elvander 1988).
A legacy of this agreement is that the government is not involved in salary negotiations between labor unions and employers. As a consequence, there is no governmentally mandated minimum wage. The right to unionization is legislated (SFS 1976:580). Three major unions cover the gamut of professions: LO (public and private blue-collar professions), TCO (public and private white-collar professions), and Saco (academics and professions such as civil engineers and lawyers) (Nordiskt Samarbete, n.d.). These organizations are major players in shaping public policy. They have the resources, both monetary and expertise, to influence the policy process.
Citations:
Nordiskt Samarbete. n.d. “Fackförbund i Sverige.” https://www.norden.org/sv/info-norden/fackforbund-i-sverige
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
D5.3
In Sweden, civil society organizations (CSOs) play a crucial role in shaping social welfare policies through active participation in the policymaking process articulated through the referral system [remiss]. With a long-standing tradition of robust civil society engagement, these organizations possess significant capacity to influence and co-create relevant policies in the realm of social welfare. Through advocacy, research, and grassroots mobilization, CSOs articulate the needs and concerns of diverse communities, ensuring that policy decisions are informed by a broad spectrum of voices. This participatory approach fosters transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, strengthening the legitimacy and effectiveness of social welfare initiatives.
The Swedish government recognizes the value of collaboration with CSOs and has established mechanisms to facilitate their involvement in policy development. This is partly because increasing iterations of right-wing coalition governments have promoted the transfer of the provision of welfare services, such as the handling of crises, to civil society organizations with their large networks of organized volunteers (see Petridou et al., 2021).
Various advisory bodies and consultative forums provide platforms for dialogue between government officials and representatives of civil society. Moreover, funding schemes and grants support the operational capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs), empowering them to conduct research, organize campaigns, and implement programs aimed at addressing social welfare challenges. By leveraging their expertise and grassroots networks, CSOs contribute invaluable insights and practical solutions to the policymaking process, enriching the discourse and enhancing the responsiveness of government initiatives.
However, despite these strengths, challenges persist in ensuring that civil society organizations can fully participate in policy co-creation in Sweden’s social welfare sector. Structural barriers such as limited resources, bureaucratic hurdles, and unequal access to decision-making processes can hinder the meaningful engagement of CSOs, particularly those representing marginalized or underrepresented groups. Moreover, shifts in political dynamics or changes in government priorities may impact the extent to which CSOs are included in policy discussions, potentially undermining the continuity and effectiveness of collaborative efforts. Addressing these challenges requires ongoing commitment from both government institutions and civil society actors to foster a culture of partnership, mutual respect, and shared responsibility in shaping policies that promote social justice and equity.
The public agency responsible for civil society issues in Sweden is the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society, focusing on youth policy and policy on civil society. It also has the mandate to distribute funds to civil society in the form of support for organizations, projects, and international collaboration.
The structure of CSOs in Sweden is complex. CSOs may be voluntary, faith-based, foundations, member-based organizations, consultancies and financing entities, limited liability companies with restrictions on gain distributions to shareholders, and cooperatives (MUCF, 2024).
The latest annual report released by the agency in 2023, with results concerning 2022, finds that some volunteer CSOs are still grappling with the consequences of the pandemic, particularly in terms of shrinking membership among the elderly. Additionally, high electricity prices and the Russian invasion of Ukraine present further challenges (MUCF, 2023).
Citations:
MUCF. 2024. “Civilsamhällets Organisationsformer.” https://www.mucf.se/uppdrag/kunskapsstod-till-det-civila-samhallet/civilsamhallets-organisationsformer
MUCF. 2023. Ett År med Nya Utmaningar: Uppföljning av ideella föreningars villkor 2022. https://www.mucf.se/publikationer/ett-ar-med-nya-utmaningar
Petridou, E., Sparf, J., and Pihl, K. 2020. “Resilience Work in Swedish Local Governance: Evidence from the Areas of Climate Change Adaptation, Migration, and Violent Extremism.” In Understanding Disaster Risk: A Multidimensional Approach, eds. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 225-238.
In Sweden, civil society organizations (CSOs) play a crucial role in shaping social welfare policies through active participation in the policymaking process articulated through the referral system [remiss]. With a long-standing tradition of robust civil society engagement, these organizations possess significant capacity to influence and co-create relevant policies in the realm of social welfare. Through advocacy, research, and grassroots mobilization, CSOs articulate the needs and concerns of diverse communities, ensuring that policy decisions are informed by a broad spectrum of voices. This participatory approach fosters transparency, accountability, and inclusivity, strengthening the legitimacy and effectiveness of social welfare initiatives.
The Swedish government recognizes the value of collaboration with CSOs and has established mechanisms to facilitate their involvement in policy development. This is partly because increasing iterations of right-wing coalition governments have promoted the transfer of the provision of welfare services, such as the handling of crises, to civil society organizations with their large networks of organized volunteers (see Petridou et al., 2021).
Various advisory bodies and consultative forums provide platforms for dialogue between government officials and representatives of civil society. Moreover, funding schemes and grants support the operational capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs), empowering them to conduct research, organize campaigns, and implement programs aimed at addressing social welfare challenges. By leveraging their expertise and grassroots networks, CSOs contribute invaluable insights and practical solutions to the policymaking process, enriching the discourse and enhancing the responsiveness of government initiatives.
However, despite these strengths, challenges persist in ensuring that civil society organizations can fully participate in policy co-creation in Sweden’s social welfare sector. Structural barriers such as limited resources, bureaucratic hurdles, and unequal access to decision-making processes can hinder the meaningful engagement of CSOs, particularly those representing marginalized or underrepresented groups. Moreover, shifts in political dynamics or changes in government priorities may impact the extent to which CSOs are included in policy discussions, potentially undermining the continuity and effectiveness of collaborative efforts. Addressing these challenges requires ongoing commitment from both government institutions and civil society actors to foster a culture of partnership, mutual respect, and shared responsibility in shaping policies that promote social justice and equity.
The public agency responsible for civil society issues in Sweden is the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society, focusing on youth policy and policy on civil society. It also has the mandate to distribute funds to civil society in the form of support for organizations, projects, and international collaboration.
The structure of CSOs in Sweden is complex. CSOs may be voluntary, faith-based, foundations, member-based organizations, consultancies and financing entities, limited liability companies with restrictions on gain distributions to shareholders, and cooperatives (MUCF, 2024).
The latest annual report released by the agency in 2023, with results concerning 2022, finds that some volunteer CSOs are still grappling with the consequences of the pandemic, particularly in terms of shrinking membership among the elderly. Additionally, high electricity prices and the Russian invasion of Ukraine present further challenges (MUCF, 2023).
Citations:
MUCF. 2024. “Civilsamhällets Organisationsformer.” https://www.mucf.se/uppdrag/kunskapsstod-till-det-civila-samhallet/civilsamhallets-organisationsformer
MUCF. 2023. Ett År med Nya Utmaningar: Uppföljning av ideella föreningars villkor 2022. https://www.mucf.se/publikationer/ett-ar-med-nya-utmaningar
Petridou, E., Sparf, J., and Pihl, K. 2020. “Resilience Work in Swedish Local Governance: Evidence from the Areas of Climate Change Adaptation, Migration, and Violent Extremism.” In Understanding Disaster Risk: A Multidimensional Approach, eds. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 225-238.
To what extent do civil society organizations (CSOs) have the capacity to actively participate in the co-creation of relevant policies?
10
9
9
All the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
5
4
3
4
3
Few of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
2
1
1
None of the major CSOs active in the field have the capacity to shape public policies.
Environmental civil society organizations (CSOs) are significant actors in the Swedish environmental policymaking process, much like other societal sectors. While several important initiatives exist, including the notable Fridays for Future started by Greta Thunberg (see www.fridaysforfuture.org), the largest environmental CSO in Sweden is The Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC), which has been in operation since 1909. This member-based not-for-profit organization, like all Swedish CSOs, receives state funding in addition to membership fees. It boasts 200,000 members (Naturskyddsföreningen, 2024).
SSNC has local chapters and extensive international operations supported by Sida. The organization has five objectives:
1. Atmosphere: clean air and limited impact on the climate;
2. Land-based ecosystems: a viable nature in forests and on land;
3. Aquatic ecosystems: vibrant waters from spring to ocean;
4. People: environmentally sound individuals in sustainable societies; and
5. The association’s resources: a strong and influential organization.
In pursuit of the last objective, SSNC collaborates with organizations in ten countries and four continents (Naturskyddsföreningen, 2024).
Citations:
Naturskyddsföreningen. 2024. “Our Prioritized Areas.” https://www.naturskyddsforeningen.se/our-prioritised-areas/
SSNC has local chapters and extensive international operations supported by Sida. The organization has five objectives:
1. Atmosphere: clean air and limited impact on the climate;
2. Land-based ecosystems: a viable nature in forests and on land;
3. Aquatic ecosystems: vibrant waters from spring to ocean;
4. People: environmentally sound individuals in sustainable societies; and
5. The association’s resources: a strong and influential organization.
In pursuit of the last objective, SSNC collaborates with organizations in ten countries and four continents (Naturskyddsföreningen, 2024).
Citations:
Naturskyddsföreningen. 2024. “Our Prioritized Areas.” https://www.naturskyddsforeningen.se/our-prioritised-areas/