Consensus-Building
#10Key Findings
In the category of consensus-building, the UK falls into the sample’s upper-middle ranks (rank 10).
Particularly during the pandemic, the government has relied heavily on the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies, which primarily consists of biomedical experts. The government chief scientific adviser also works with departmental scientific advisers and the broader scientific community to provide expert guidance.
Unions and employer organizations such as the Trade Union Congress and Confederation of British Industry do not play a large direct role in shaping public policies. A variety of NGOs, think tanks and research institutes influence social welfare and environmental policymaking, often through informal channels.
The UK is a leading advocate for open government, with a strong focus on transparency and public access to data. The government publishes a wide range of documents and datasets through its data portal. Information on senior public servants’ salaries, workforce data and ministerial meetings is regularly made available to the public.
Particularly during the pandemic, the government has relied heavily on the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies, which primarily consists of biomedical experts. The government chief scientific adviser also works with departmental scientific advisers and the broader scientific community to provide expert guidance.
Unions and employer organizations such as the Trade Union Congress and Confederation of British Industry do not play a large direct role in shaping public policies. A variety of NGOs, think tanks and research institutes influence social welfare and environmental policymaking, often through informal channels.
The UK is a leading advocate for open government, with a strong focus on transparency and public access to data. The government publishes a wide range of documents and datasets through its data portal. Information on senior public servants’ salaries, workforce data and ministerial meetings is regularly made available to the public.
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To what extent is the government successful in effectively harnessing the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes?
10
9
9
The government is able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
8
7
6
7
6
In most cases, the government is able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
5
4
3
4
3
Only rarely is the government able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
2
1
1
The government is not able to harness the best available scientific knowledge for policymaking purposes.
The UK government has multiple channels for harnessing scientific knowledge. This was particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic when the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE) was convened on numerous occasions in different configurations to guide the government response. SAGE membership primarily includes biomedical experts, but other means exist for gathering broader interdisciplinary knowledge. Ministers often claimed to be “following the science,” although evidence submitted to an inquiry chaired by Baroness Hallett shows that the specific science being followed was sometimes unclear. There are calls to reform UK science advice to provide more independent challenges to the government, referencing principles of science advice such as transparency, which may be challenging to implement within the UK government system (Michie et al. 2022; Cairney and Toth 2023).
Most government departments have a chief scientific adviser who collaborates with the government chief scientific adviser (GCSA). The GCSA provides scientific advice to the prime minister and cabinet members, advises on policy aspects related to science and technology, and ensures the quality and use of scientific evidence and advice in government. The GCSA can draw on the network of departmental scientific advisers and has extensive connections with the broader scientific community.
Citations:
Cairney, P., and F. Toth. 2023. “The politics of COVID-19 experts: comparing winners and losers in Italy and the UK.” Policy and Society. https://doi.org/10.1093/polsoc/puad011
Michie, S., Ball, P., Wilsdon, J., and West, R. 2022. “Lessons from the UK’s Handling of Covid-19.”
for the future of scientific advice to government: a contribution to the UK Covid-19 Public
Inquiry,’ Contemporary Social Science, https://doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2022.2150284
Most government departments have a chief scientific adviser who collaborates with the government chief scientific adviser (GCSA). The GCSA provides scientific advice to the prime minister and cabinet members, advises on policy aspects related to science and technology, and ensures the quality and use of scientific evidence and advice in government. The GCSA can draw on the network of departmental scientific advisers and has extensive connections with the broader scientific community.
Citations:
Cairney, P., and F. Toth. 2023. “The politics of COVID-19 experts: comparing winners and losers in Italy and the UK.” Policy and Society. https://doi.org/10.1093/polsoc/puad011
Michie, S., Ball, P., Wilsdon, J., and West, R. 2022. “Lessons from the UK’s Handling of Covid-19.”
for the future of scientific advice to government: a contribution to the UK Covid-19 Public
Inquiry,’ Contemporary Social Science, https://doi.org/10.1080/21582041.2022.2150284
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To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of trade unions and business organizations in policymaking?
10
9
9
The government is able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
5
4
3
4
3
The government is rarely able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
2
1
1
The government is not able to effectively involve trade unions and business organizations in policy development.
The notion of “social partners” as actors in governance is not well entrenched in the UK, in contrast to several continental European countries. Unions exercised substantial power in the third quarter of the 20th century, and institutions of corporatism were established. However, after Margaret Thatcher came to power, a succession of legislative acts curbed union power, and the decline of heavily unionized sectors such as mining and steel-making led to a sharp decrease in union influence. While certain individual unions and employer organizations maintain influence in specific areas, neither the Trade Union Congress (TUC) nor the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) routinely shape public policies. In fact, the CBI has faced scandals in the past two years that have undermined its authority, leading to the resignation of some major companies. Other employer organizations may have gained influence from the CBI’s disarray, but none have emerged as powerful alternative voices of business. The devolved Scottish and Welsh governments have shown more commitment to the idea of social partnership as part of more consensual “policy styles,” but they do not oversee many of the policy sectors traditionally associated with tripartism (Cairney 2019).
The past two years have seen a resurgence of tensions in industrial relations, particularly in the health and transport sectors. Although the UK government funds nearly all of the National Health Service and provides large subsidies for transport, it has largely stood back in resolving disputes. In health, the government’s rationale is that pay review bodies should set pay, while in the railways, it has sought to portray disputes as being between private owners and the unions.
One noteworthy exception to the limited involvement of social partners is the Low Pay Commission, which recommends annual changes in the minimum wage.
Citations:
Cairney. 2019. “Policy Styles in the UK: Majoritarian UK versus Devolved Consensus Democracies?” In Policy Styles and Policy-Making: Exploring the National Dimension, eds. Michael Howlett and Jale Tosun. London: Routledge.
The past two years have seen a resurgence of tensions in industrial relations, particularly in the health and transport sectors. Although the UK government funds nearly all of the National Health Service and provides large subsidies for transport, it has largely stood back in resolving disputes. In health, the government’s rationale is that pay review bodies should set pay, while in the railways, it has sought to portray disputes as being between private owners and the unions.
One noteworthy exception to the limited involvement of social partners is the Low Pay Commission, which recommends annual changes in the minimum wage.
Citations:
Cairney. 2019. “Policy Styles in the UK: Majoritarian UK versus Devolved Consensus Democracies?” In Policy Styles and Policy-Making: Exploring the National Dimension, eds. Michael Howlett and Jale Tosun. London: Routledge.
To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of leading social welfare CSOs in policymaking?
10
9
9
The government is able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
5
4
3
4
3
The government is rarely able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
2
1
1
The government is not able to effectively involve leading social welfare CSOs in policy development.
As explained in the answers to the questions “Effective Civil Society Organizations” and “Effective Involvement of Civil Society,” if major CSOs are understood to be social partners in a corporatist sense, then their involvement in social welfare policy is limited. However, the UK has a wealth of NGOs, think tanks, and research institutes focused on various aspects of social welfare, making them valuable contributors to policymaking. Bodies like the Migration Advisory Council, mentioned in the answer to “Sustainable Inclusion of Migrants,” also play a role. While formal consultation procedures exist, they do not capture the full range of input from these sources. Informal contacts between civil servants or ministers and social welfare experts, public events, and occasional commissions – such as those by the Centre for Social Justice, as mentioned in indicator “Effective Civil Society Organizations” – are all avenues for influence. Additionally, All-Party Parliamentary Groups facilitate interactions between the government and other organizations, further enriching the policymaking processions.
To what extent does the government facilitate the participation of leading environmental CSOs in policymaking?
10
9
9
The government is able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the time, the government is able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
5
4
3
4
3
The government is rarely able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
2
1
1
The government is not able to effectively involve leading environmental CSOs in policy development.
The answer to this question is essentially the same as for G4.2. Numerous NGOs, think tanks, and research institutes specializing in environmental analysis and policy contribute to policymaking, both through formal consultations and, often more effectively, through informal means. Formal consultations include those conducted by arm’s-length bodies such as the Climate Change Committee, which issues calls for evidence and collaborates closely with researchers and advocacy bodies to conduct policy-relevant research.
In summary, while major CSOs understood as social partners do not play a prominent role in shaping environmental policy, other organizations significantly influence this area.
Citations:
https://www.theccc.org.uk/publicationtype/0-report/08-supporting-research/
In summary, while major CSOs understood as social partners do not play a prominent role in shaping environmental policy, other organizations significantly influence this area.
Citations:
https://www.theccc.org.uk/publicationtype/0-report/08-supporting-research/
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To what extent does the government publish data and information that empowers citizens to hold the government accountable?
10
9
9
The government publishes data and information in a manner that empowers citizens to hold the government accountable.
8
7
6
7
6
Most of the time, the government publishes data and information in a manner that empowers citizens to hold the government accountable.
5
4
3
4
3
The government rarely publishes data and information in a manner that strengthens citizens to hold the government accountable.
2
1
1
The government does not publish data and information in a manner that strengthens citizens’ capacity to hold the government accountable.
The United Kingdom, once cautious about open government, has become strongly committed to it since publishing an open government white paper in 1993. As a founding member of the Open Government Partnership since 2011, the UK has become a major global advocate for citizens’ free access to government data. Parliament, the government, and the civil service publish all but certain sensitive documents in a timely manner on their websites. A dedicated data portal (data.gov.uk) serves as the entry point for a wide range of documents and datasets published by the UK government and other public bodies.
The UK government has a long history of publishing official statistics, governed by the Statistics and Registration Service Act since 2007. This act created the UK Statistics Authority – a non-ministerial department – with the Office for National Statistics (ONS) as an executive agency within the department. The act also established the Office for Statistics Regulation, which sets the Code of Practice for Official Statistics and oversees the accreditation of “National Statistics.” This role includes writing occasional letters to UK and devolved governments regarding their communication of data.
The UK government publishes a vast array of transparency data, such as senior public servants’ salaries, workforce data, special adviser pay, and details of ministerial and senior officials’ meetings. Over 9,000 items categorized as “transparency data” and more than 10,000 FOI requests are available on the government website (gov.uk). Committee and working group meetings are streamed via various online platforms, including YouTube and Facebook Live.
In the latest (2022) Open Data Barometer, the United Kingdom, alongside Canada, ranked first out of 30 governments, despite a slight decline in its score since the first edition. In contrast, the OECD’s 2019 OURdata index saw the UK lose its “open data champion” status, an outcome explained by the OECD as mainly due to “reduced efforts toward user engagement across the whole policy process, and change of policy priorities from open data to analytical capacity within the public sector.”
A biannual Open Government Action Plan sets goals and standards for open government in the UK, negotiated in cooperation with the UK Open Government Network (OGN), a coalition of active citizens and civil society organizations. The latest plan for 2024–2025 was published in December 2023 and reaffirms the UK’s commitment, emphasizing that “preserving and nurturing the dynamic between citizens and the state is vital.”
Citations:
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-national-action-plan-for-open-government-2024-2025/uk-national-action-plan-for-open-government-2024-2025
The UK government has a long history of publishing official statistics, governed by the Statistics and Registration Service Act since 2007. This act created the UK Statistics Authority – a non-ministerial department – with the Office for National Statistics (ONS) as an executive agency within the department. The act also established the Office for Statistics Regulation, which sets the Code of Practice for Official Statistics and oversees the accreditation of “National Statistics.” This role includes writing occasional letters to UK and devolved governments regarding their communication of data.
The UK government publishes a vast array of transparency data, such as senior public servants’ salaries, workforce data, special adviser pay, and details of ministerial and senior officials’ meetings. Over 9,000 items categorized as “transparency data” and more than 10,000 FOI requests are available on the government website (gov.uk). Committee and working group meetings are streamed via various online platforms, including YouTube and Facebook Live.
In the latest (2022) Open Data Barometer, the United Kingdom, alongside Canada, ranked first out of 30 governments, despite a slight decline in its score since the first edition. In contrast, the OECD’s 2019 OURdata index saw the UK lose its “open data champion” status, an outcome explained by the OECD as mainly due to “reduced efforts toward user engagement across the whole policy process, and change of policy priorities from open data to analytical capacity within the public sector.”
A biannual Open Government Action Plan sets goals and standards for open government in the UK, negotiated in cooperation with the UK Open Government Network (OGN), a coalition of active citizens and civil society organizations. The latest plan for 2024–2025 was published in December 2023 and reaffirms the UK’s commitment, emphasizing that “preserving and nurturing the dynamic between citizens and the state is vital.”
Citations:
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-national-action-plan-for-open-government-2024-2025/uk-national-action-plan-for-open-government-2024-2025