Vertical Accountability
#16Key Findings
The UK falls into the middle ranks internationally (rank 16) in the category of vertical accountability.
Political competition is lively, with many fringe candidates often appearing on ballots. Restrictions on running for Parliament are limited, excluding only certain public officials. Identity checks in conjunction with voting have caused some difficulties for certain groups, such as people with disabilities. Elections are overall free and fair.
The “first-past-the-post” system nearly always produces a majority for either the Conservatives or Labour. Smaller parties have little influence unless there is no clear majority. In contrast, the devolved governments in Scotland and Wales use mixed-member proportional systems, which allow smaller parties more representation and increase the likelihood of coalition governments.
Aggregation of preferences generally happens within parties rather than through cross-party cooperation. The opposition, for the most part, seeks to oppose. The government data portal offers large amounts of public information, but authorities can be slow to respond to freedom of information requests.
Political competition is lively, with many fringe candidates often appearing on ballots. Restrictions on running for Parliament are limited, excluding only certain public officials. Identity checks in conjunction with voting have caused some difficulties for certain groups, such as people with disabilities. Elections are overall free and fair.
The “first-past-the-post” system nearly always produces a majority for either the Conservatives or Labour. Smaller parties have little influence unless there is no clear majority. In contrast, the devolved governments in Scotland and Wales use mixed-member proportional systems, which allow smaller parties more representation and increase the likelihood of coalition governments.
Aggregation of preferences generally happens within parties rather than through cross-party cooperation. The opposition, for the most part, seeks to oppose. The government data portal offers large amounts of public information, but authorities can be slow to respond to freedom of information requests.
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To what extent is political competition among candidates and political parties free and fair?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to effective political competition.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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3
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to effective political competition.
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1
Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles to effective political competition.
There are limited restrictions on who can run for election as a member of Parliament, notably excluding serving members of the police, the civil service and the armed forces, as well as judges, although if someone in one of these groups resigns, they are free to stand. People subject to bankruptcy are also excluded, and any candidate for election must post a £500 deposit, which will be lost if an insufficient share of the vote is not obtained.
In practice, there is lively political competition, and, on occasion, a long list of “fringe” candidates will appear on ballot papers in addition to representatives of the main political parties. Systems are in place to record donations and monitor compliance. Although the media tend to focus most on the established parties, there is no evident bias against any form of minority in coverage. As in many countries, there is concern about social media manipulation. It is also now common for political parties to use social media to criticize their treatment on broadcast media (Ford et al. 2021, 306).
Broadly similar rules apply for subnational government and the devolved administrations (Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales), with an Electoral Commission overseeing the process.
A “returning officer” has responsibility for ensuring the fair conduct of elections.
Citations:
https://www.parliament.uk/about/mps-and-lords/members/electing-mps/candidates/
https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/sites/default/files/2023-03/Part%201%20Can%20you%20stand%20for%20election%20LGE.pdf
Ford, R., Bale, T., Jennings, W., and Surridge, P. 2021. “Fragmented and Polarised: Broadcasting and Social Media.” In Ford, R., Bale, T., Jennings, W., and Surridge, P., eds. The British General Election of 2019. London: Palgrave.
In practice, there is lively political competition, and, on occasion, a long list of “fringe” candidates will appear on ballot papers in addition to representatives of the main political parties. Systems are in place to record donations and monitor compliance. Although the media tend to focus most on the established parties, there is no evident bias against any form of minority in coverage. As in many countries, there is concern about social media manipulation. It is also now common for political parties to use social media to criticize their treatment on broadcast media (Ford et al. 2021, 306).
Broadly similar rules apply for subnational government and the devolved administrations (Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales), with an Electoral Commission overseeing the process.
A “returning officer” has responsibility for ensuring the fair conduct of elections.
Citations:
https://www.parliament.uk/about/mps-and-lords/members/electing-mps/candidates/
https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/sites/default/files/2023-03/Part%201%20Can%20you%20stand%20for%20election%20LGE.pdf
Ford, R., Bale, T., Jennings, W., and Surridge, P. 2021. “Fragmented and Polarised: Broadcasting and Social Media.” In Ford, R., Bale, T., Jennings, W., and Surridge, P., eds. The British General Election of 2019. London: Palgrave.
To what extent can all citizens, both in legal terms (de jure) and in practice (de facto), exercise their right to vote?
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There are no significant barriers, by law or in practice, that hinder citizens or specific groups in society from exercising their right to vote.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles to voting.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose various significant obstacles that substantially hinder voting.
Citizens must register in their local area to be eligible to vote, but the system is straightforward and fair. Voting in person takes place at local polling stations, which are sufficiently numerous to ensure easy access. The process is simple and free from obstacles or intimidation. Local authority staff check names and addresses to verify voter eligibility. In the most recent local elections held in May 2023, identity checks were implemented for the first time in England. The Electoral Commission (2023) reported that due to these new requirements, 0.25% of voters were unable to vote, 4% decided not to vote, and those without relevant ID, such as people with disabilities, faced higher difficulties. Identity checks will also be used in general elections starting October 2023.
The ballot is secret, and there are measures in place to ensure polling stations are secure. While some campaigners, like the Electoral Reform Society, advocate for more assistance for voters with disabilities to access polling stations, provisions for proxy or postal voting are available.
There are clear procedures for postal voting. Although there have been occasional, isolated allegations of voting irregularities such as double voting or impersonation, these incidents are exceptions. Vote counts are conducted scrupulously.
Citations:
https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/voter/voting-person#accessibility
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Voter ID at the May 2023 Local Elections in England: Interim Analysis.” https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/research-reports-and-data/our-reports-and-data-past-elections-and-referendums/voter-id-may-2023-local-elections-england-interim-analysis
The ballot is secret, and there are measures in place to ensure polling stations are secure. While some campaigners, like the Electoral Reform Society, advocate for more assistance for voters with disabilities to access polling stations, provisions for proxy or postal voting are available.
There are clear procedures for postal voting. Although there have been occasional, isolated allegations of voting irregularities such as double voting or impersonation, these incidents are exceptions. Vote counts are conducted scrupulously.
Citations:
https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/voter/voting-person#accessibility
Electoral Commission. 2023. “Voter ID at the May 2023 Local Elections in England: Interim Analysis.” https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/research-reports-and-data/our-reports-and-data-past-elections-and-referendums/voter-id-may-2023-local-elections-england-interim-analysis
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To what extent do parties articulate and aggregate all societal interests?
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9
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective societal integration.
For the Westminster Parliament, the “first-past-the-post” system has been in place for several generations. This system almost always results in a majority for either the Conservative or Labour parties, which have been the dominant political forces over the past century. Although there was a coalition government between 2010 and 2015, and instances where the party with the largest number of Members of Parliament had to rely on less formal arrangements to remain in power, these are exceptions.
The Conservatives are right-of-center, encompassing a range from hard right to soft right, while the Labour Party is center-left, typically including some hard left members of Parliament. This internal diversity is a feature of the system. In 2015, the Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn was from the hard left, but a significant defeat in the 2019 election likely discourages the selection of another leader from that wing of the party. The current leader, Keir Starmer, emphasizes competence over ideology. Similarly, the Conservatives underwent a rebalancing in 2022 following Liz Truss’s brief and problematic tenure as Prime Minister, during which she pursued right-wing economic reforms.
Political parties present manifestos, which are publicly available, and they are expected to broadly attempt to fulfill these commitments, although the realities of governance often lead to some promises being shelved. The differences between the main parties’ manifestos can vary, depending on the internal dynamics within each party. In practice, smaller parties have minimal influence except in rare instances when the leading party has no majority or a very small one.
The situation is quite different for the devolved governments in Scotland and Wales. Both use the mixed-member proportional system, which reduces the likelihood of a single-party majority, allows smaller parties to secure more representation, and increases the likelihood of coalition governments. However, since 2007, the Scottish National Party has defied this expectation by forming single-party governments, either as a minority (2007-2011, 2016-present) or a majority (2011-2016). In Wales, since 1999, Welsh Labour has formed minority single-party governments or majority coalition governments, including the current minority single-party government since 2021.
In Northern Ireland, the 1998 Belfast Agreement mandates a power-sharing executive with representatives from both the Nationalist and Unionist communities. After the 2021 election, which resulted in a narrow Nationalist majority, Sinn Fein had the right to nominate the First Minister for the first time. However, a Unionist boycott, partly in protest of Brexit’s impact, delayed the formation of the executive until 2024.
Overall, representation of different interests is achieved over time, provided there is a change in the governing party. Long periods of one party in power can favor certain interests, but shifts in governance help balance representation.
The Conservatives are right-of-center, encompassing a range from hard right to soft right, while the Labour Party is center-left, typically including some hard left members of Parliament. This internal diversity is a feature of the system. In 2015, the Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn was from the hard left, but a significant defeat in the 2019 election likely discourages the selection of another leader from that wing of the party. The current leader, Keir Starmer, emphasizes competence over ideology. Similarly, the Conservatives underwent a rebalancing in 2022 following Liz Truss’s brief and problematic tenure as Prime Minister, during which she pursued right-wing economic reforms.
Political parties present manifestos, which are publicly available, and they are expected to broadly attempt to fulfill these commitments, although the realities of governance often lead to some promises being shelved. The differences between the main parties’ manifestos can vary, depending on the internal dynamics within each party. In practice, smaller parties have minimal influence except in rare instances when the leading party has no majority or a very small one.
The situation is quite different for the devolved governments in Scotland and Wales. Both use the mixed-member proportional system, which reduces the likelihood of a single-party majority, allows smaller parties to secure more representation, and increases the likelihood of coalition governments. However, since 2007, the Scottish National Party has defied this expectation by forming single-party governments, either as a minority (2007-2011, 2016-present) or a majority (2011-2016). In Wales, since 1999, Welsh Labour has formed minority single-party governments or majority coalition governments, including the current minority single-party government since 2021.
In Northern Ireland, the 1998 Belfast Agreement mandates a power-sharing executive with representatives from both the Nationalist and Unionist communities. After the 2021 election, which resulted in a narrow Nationalist majority, Sinn Fein had the right to nominate the First Minister for the first time. However, a Unionist boycott, partly in protest of Brexit’s impact, delayed the formation of the executive until 2024.
Overall, representation of different interests is achieved over time, provided there is a change in the governing party. Long periods of one party in power can favor certain interests, but shifts in governance help balance representation.
To what extent do political parties retain their ability to enable cross-party cooperation in policymaking and implementation?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose no significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose some significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
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Existing obstacles in the party system, by law and in practice, pose various significant barriers to achieving effective cross-party cooperation.
The main UK political parties seek to uphold liberal democratic values, but Brexit (and its implications) has prompted some contestation regarding which institutions should be most supported, such as when asserting the sovereignty of Parliament in relation to legal rulings. More generally, in Westminster, aggregation is done within parties more than by cross-party cooperation, and whipping is used regularly to push through legislation proposed by the party of government rather than seek routine cross-party support. The opposition, for the most part, seeks to oppose.
However, cooperation can happen on bills that lack a strong ideological base, and cooperation does arise in the various stages of passing legislation, including through opposition amendments being accepted or in parliamentary committees. In addition, the second chamber – the House of Lords, which has a sizable number of cross-bench members who are not affiliated with a particular party – will often propose and have accepted amendments that are the result of cross-party deals or a form of bargaining with the House of Commons, even though the latter has the final say.
In key respects, the encouragement of cross-party cooperation is more institutionalized in devolved systems, such as via the committee systems in Scottish and Welsh parliaments and the requirement for coalition government in Northern Ireland (Birrell et al. 2023).
Citations:
Birrell, D., Carmichael, P., and Heenan, D. 2023. Devolution in the UK. London:
Bloomsbury
However, cooperation can happen on bills that lack a strong ideological base, and cooperation does arise in the various stages of passing legislation, including through opposition amendments being accepted or in parliamentary committees. In addition, the second chamber – the House of Lords, which has a sizable number of cross-bench members who are not affiliated with a particular party – will often propose and have accepted amendments that are the result of cross-party deals or a form of bargaining with the House of Commons, even though the latter has the final say.
In key respects, the encouragement of cross-party cooperation is more institutionalized in devolved systems, such as via the committee systems in Scottish and Welsh parliaments and the requirement for coalition government in Northern Ireland (Birrell et al. 2023).
Citations:
Birrell, D., Carmichael, P., and Heenan, D. 2023. Devolution in the UK. London:
Bloomsbury
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To what extent can citizens and residents access official information?
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There are no barriers, by law or in practice, for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose no significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose some significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
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Existing barriers, by law and in practice, pose many/various significant obstacles for citizens seeking to access official information.
The UK Freedom of Information (FOI) Act, passed in 2000, and the Scottish Parliament’s Act of 2002, are designed to promote transparency and public access to information. As explained by the Information Commissioner’s Office, an independent body established to uphold information rights, the UK FOI law allows access to official information in two ways: public authorities must publish certain information about their activities, and members of the public can request information from public authorities. The Scottish Parliament’s Act goes even further in favoring the release of information.
The passing of the UK FOI Act marked a significant shift in the government’s approach, which had previously leaned more towards withholding information. Interestingly, then-Prime Minister Tony Blair later expressed regret in his memoirs about enacting the law, calling it a vivid example of “stupidity” and expressing concerns that it could be abused by journalists looking for scandalous information.
Despite the FOI laws, there is evidence that the government can still be slow to respond or may “stonewall” requests. A 2020 assessment by Open Democracy identified five key problems and criticized the Cabinet Office for trying to control and deter requests. The issue of FOI has resurfaced during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic inquiry, launched in 2023, particularly concerning allegations that UK ministers and their advisers deleted WhatsApp and other messages to avoid scrutiny of their informal decision-making processes.
In the past decade, the government has improved access to information by creating a single portal, “.gov.uk,” for all public information. This central website is considered a success, with the government frequently citing its high rankings in international transparency indexes, such as the Open Data Barometer, which in 2018 ranked the UK second only to Canada.
Citations:
https://ico.org.uk/for-organisations/foi-eir-and-access-to-information/guide-to-freedom-of-information/what-is-the-foi-act/
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/freedom-of-information/how-uk-government-undermining-freedom-information-act/
https://opendatabarometer.org/?_year=2017&indicator=ODB
https://covid19.public-inquiry.uk/
The passing of the UK FOI Act marked a significant shift in the government’s approach, which had previously leaned more towards withholding information. Interestingly, then-Prime Minister Tony Blair later expressed regret in his memoirs about enacting the law, calling it a vivid example of “stupidity” and expressing concerns that it could be abused by journalists looking for scandalous information.
Despite the FOI laws, there is evidence that the government can still be slow to respond or may “stonewall” requests. A 2020 assessment by Open Democracy identified five key problems and criticized the Cabinet Office for trying to control and deter requests. The issue of FOI has resurfaced during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic inquiry, launched in 2023, particularly concerning allegations that UK ministers and their advisers deleted WhatsApp and other messages to avoid scrutiny of their informal decision-making processes.
In the past decade, the government has improved access to information by creating a single portal, “.gov.uk,” for all public information. This central website is considered a success, with the government frequently citing its high rankings in international transparency indexes, such as the Open Data Barometer, which in 2018 ranked the UK second only to Canada.
Citations:
https://ico.org.uk/for-organisations/foi-eir-and-access-to-information/guide-to-freedom-of-information/what-is-the-foi-act/
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/freedom-of-information/how-uk-government-undermining-freedom-information-act/
https://opendatabarometer.org/?_year=2017&indicator=ODB
https://covid19.public-inquiry.uk/